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^4- 


THE  JOURNAL  OF       "^ 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE 

r 

VOLUME   XIV 


BOSTON   AND   NEW   YORK 

5^uBIij9i!)cb  for  €l)c  ^3IImencan  iroIfe^Hore'  ^ocictp  6p 

HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN   AND   COMPANY 

LONDON:   DAVID  NUTT,  270,  271  STRAND 

LEIPZIG:   OTTO   HARRASSOWITZ,  QUERSTRASSE,  14 

M  DCCCCI 


Copyright,  1901, 
By  the  AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE  SOCIETY. 

All  rights  reserved. 


I 


TV  Kiperiidf  Prru,  Camhridet.  Matt.,  U.  S.  A. 

Elfctrotrped  and  printed  br  H.  O.  Houghton  sTir  Compaoy. 


THE   JOURNAL  OF 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE. 

Vol.  XIV.— JANUARY-MARCH,  1901.— No.  LII. 


THE   MIND   OF   PRIMITIVE   MAN.i 

One  of  the  chief  aims  of  anthropology  is  the  study  of  the  mind 
of  man  under  the  varying  conditions  of  race  and  of  environment. 
The  activities  of  the  mind  manifest  themselves  in  thoughts  and 
actions,  and  exhibit  an  infinite  variety  of  form  among  the  peoples  of 
the  world.  In  order  to  understand  these  clearly,  the  student  must 
endeavor  to  divest  himself  entirely  of  opinions  and  emotions  based 
upon  the  peculiar  social  environment  into  which  he  is  born.  He 
must  adapt  his  own  mind,  so  far  as  feasible,  to  that  of  the  people 
whom  he  is  studying.  The  more  successful  he  is  in  freeing  himself 
from  the  bias  based  on  the  group  of  ideas  that  constitute  the  civili- 
zation in  which  he  lives,  the  more  successful  he  will  be  in  interpret- 
ing the  beliefs  and  actions  of  man.  He  must  follow  lines  of  thought 
that  are  new  to  him.  He  must  participate  in  new  emotions,  and 
understand  how,  under  unwonted  conditions,  both  lead  to  actions. 
Beliefs,  customs,  and  the  response  of  the  individual  to  the  events  of 
daily  life  give  us  ample  opportunity  to  observ^e  the  manifestations 
of  the  mind  of  man  under  varying  conditions. 

The  thoughts  and  actions  of  civilized  man  and  those  found  in 
more  primitive  forms  of  society  prove  that,  in  various  groups  of 
mankind,  the  mind  responds  quite  differently  when  exposed  to  the 
same  conditions.  Lack  of  logical  connection  in  its  conclusions,  lack 
of  control  of  will,  are  apparently  two  of  its  fundamental  character- 
istics in  primitive  society.  In  the  formation  of  opinions,  belief  takes 
the  place  of  logical  demonstration.  The  emotional  value  of  opin- 
ions is  great,  and  consequently  they  quickly  lead  to  action.  The 
will  appears  unbalanced,  there  being  a  readiness  to  yield  to  strong 
emotions,  and  a  stubborn  resistance  in  trifling  matters. 

In  the  following  remarks  I  propose  to  analyze  the  differences 
which  characterize  the  mental  life  of  man  in  various  stages  of  cul- 
ture.    It  is  a  pleasant  duty  to  acknowledge  here  my  indebtedness  to 

^  Address  of  the  retiring  President  before  the  American  Folk-Lore  Societj', 
Baltimore,  December  27,  1900.     See,  also,  Science,  vol.  xiii.  pp.  281-289. 


2  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

my  friends  and  colleagues  in  New  York,  particularly  to  Dr.  Liv- 
ingston Farrand,  with  whom  the  questions  here  propounded  have 
been  a  frequent  theme  of  animated  discussion,  so  much  so,  that  at 
the  present  time  I  find  it  impossible  to  say  what  share  the  sugges- 
tions of  each  had  in  the  development  of  the  conclusions  reached. 

There  are  two  possible  explanations  of  the  different  manifesta- 
tions of  the  mind  of  man.  It  may  be  that  the  minds  of  different 
races  show  differences  of  organization  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  laws  of 
mental  activity  may  not  be  the  same  for  all  minds.  But  it  may  also 
be  that  the  organization  of  mind  is  practically  identical  among  all 
races  of  man  ;  that  mental  activity  follows  the  same  laws  every- 
where, but  that  its  manifestations  depend  upon  the  character  of 
individual  experience  that  is  subjected  to  the  action  of  these  laws. 

It  is  quite  evident  that  the  activities  of  the  human  mind  depend 
upon  these  two  elements.  The  organization  of  the  mind  may  be 
defined  as  the  group  of  laws  which  determine  the  modes  of  thought 
and  of  action,  irrespective  of  the  subject-matter  of  mental  activity. 
Subject  to  such  laws  are  the  manner  of  discrimination  between  per- 
ceptions, the  manner  in  which  perceptions  associate  themselves  with 
previous  perceptions,  the  manner  in  which  a  stimulus  leads  to  action, 
and  the  emotions  produced  by  stimuli.  These  laws  determine  to  a 
great  extent  the  manifestations  of  the  mind. 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  influence  of  individual  experience  can 
easily  be  shown  to  be  very  great.  The  bulk  of  the  experience  of 
man  is  gained  from  oft-repeated  impressions.  It  is  one  of  the  funda- 
mental laws  of  psychology  that  the  repetition  of  mental  processes 
increases  the  facility  with  which  these  processes  are  performed,  and 
decreases  the  degree  of  consciousness  that  accompanies  them.  This 
law  expresses  the  well-known  phenomena  of  habit.  When  a  certain 
perception  is  frequently  associated  with  another  previous  perception, 
the  one  will  habitually  call  forth  the  other.  When  a  certain  stimulus 
frequently  results  in  a  certain  action,  it  will  tend  to  call  forth  habitu- 
ally the  same  action.  If  a  stimulus  has  often  produced  a  certain 
emotion,  it  will  tend  to  reproduce  it  every  time. 

The  explanation  of  the  activity  of  the  mind  of  man,  therefore, 
requires  the  discussion  of  two  distinct  problems.  The  first  bears 
upon  the  question  of  unity  or  diversity  of  organization  of  the 
mind,  while  the  second  bears  upon  the  diversity  produced  by  the 
variety  of  contents  of  the  mind  as  found  in  the  various  social 
and  geographical  environments.  The  task  of  the  investigator  con- 
sists largely  in  separating  these  two  causes  and  in  attributing  to 
each  its  proper  share  in  the  development  of  the  peculiarities  of  the 
mind.  It  is  the  latter  problem,  principally,  which  is  of  interest  to 
the  folk-lorist.     When  we  define  as  folk-lore  the  total  mass  of  tradi- 


The  Mind  of  Primitive  Man.  3 

tional  matter  present  in  the  mind  of  a  given  people  at  any  given 
time,  we  recognize  that  this  matter  must  influence  the  opinions  and 
activities  of  the  people  more  or  less  according  to  its  quantitative 
and  qualitative  value,  and  also  that  the  actions  of  each  individual 
must  be  influenced  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  by  the  mass  of  tradi- 
tional material  present  in  his  mind. 

We  will  first  devote  our  attention  to  the  question.  Do  differences 
exist  in  the  organization  of  the  human  mind  ?  Since  Waitz's  thor- 
ough discussion  of  the  question  of  the  unity  of  the  human  species, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  the  main  the  mental  characteristics  of 
man  are  the  same  all  over  the  world;  but  the  question  remains 
open,  whether  there  is  a  sufficient  difference  in  grade  to  allow  us  to 
assume  that  the  present  races  of  man  may  be  considered  as  stand- 
ing on  different  stages  of  the  evolutionary  series,  whether  we  are 
justified  in  ascribing  to  civilized  man  a  higher  place  in  organization 
than  to  primitive  man.  In  answering  this  question,  we  must  clearly 
distinguish  between  the  influences  of  civilization  and  of  race.  A 
number  of  anatomical  facts  point  to  the  conclusion  that  the  races  of 
Africa,  Australia,  and  Melanesia  are  to  a  certain  extent  inferior  to 
the  races  of  Asia,  America,  and  Europe.  We  find  that  on  the  aver- 
age the  size  of  the  brain  of  the  negroid  races  is  less  than  the  size  of 
the  brain  of  the  other  races;  and  the  difference  in  favor- of  the 
mongoloid  and  white  races  is  so  great  that  we  are  justified  in  as- 
suming a  certain  correlation  between  their  mental  ability  and  the 
increased  size  of  their  brain.  At  the  same  time  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  the  variability  of  the  mongoloid  and  white  races  on  the 
one  hand,  and  of  the  negroid  races  on  the  other,  is  so  great  that 
only  a  small  number,  comparatively  speaking,  of  individuals  belong- 
ing to  the  latter  have  brains  smaller  than  any  brains  found  among 
the  former  ;  and  that,  on  the  other  hand,  only  a  few  individuals  of 
the  mongoloid  races  have  brains  so  large  that  they  would  not  occur 
at  all  among  the  black  races.  That  is  to  say,  the  bulk  of  the  two 
groups  of  races  have  brains  of  the  same  capacities,  but  individuals 
with  heavy  brains  are  proportionately  more  frequent  among  the 
mongoloid  and  white  races  than  among  the  negroid  races.  Probably 
this  difference  in  the  size  of  the  brain  is  accompanied  by  differences 
in  structure,  although  no  satisfactory  information  on  this  point  is 
available.  On  the  other  hand,  if  we  compare  civilized  people  of 
any  race  with  uncivilized  people  of  the  same  race,  we  do  not  find 
any  anatomical  differences  which  would  justify  us  in  assuming  any 
fundamental  differences  in  mental  constitution. 

When  we  consider  the  same  question  from  a  purely  psychological 
point  of  view,  we  recognize  that  one  of  the  most  fundamental  traits 
which  distingfuish  the  human  mind  from  the  animal  mind  is  common 


4  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

to  all  races  of  man.  It  is  doubtful  if  any  animal  is  able  to  form  an 
abstract  conception  such  as  that  of  number,  or  any  conception  of 
the  abstract  relations  of  phenomena.  We  find  that  this  is  done  by 
all  races  of  man.  A  developed  language  with  grammatical  cate- 
gories presupposes  the  ability  of  expressing  abstract  relations,  and, 
since  every  known  language  has  grammatical  structure,  we  must 
assume  that  the  faculty  of  forming  abstract  ideas  is  a  common  pro- 
perty of  man.  It  has  often  been  pointed  out  that  the  concept  of 
number  is  developed  very  differently  among  different  peoples.  While 
in  most  languages  we  find  numeral  systems  based  upon  the  lo,  we 
find  that  certain  tribes  in  Brazil,  and  others  in  Australia,  have 
numeral  systems  based  on  the  3,  or  even  on  the  2,  which  involve 
the  impossibility  of  expressing  high  numbers.  Although  these  nu- 
meral systems  are  very  slightly  developed  as  compared  with  our 
own,  we  must  not  forget  that  the  abstract  idea  of  number  must  be 
present  among  these  people,  because,  without  it,  no  method  of 
counting  is  possible.  It  may  be  worth  while  to  mention  one  or  two 
other  facts  taken  from  the  grammars  of  primitive  people,  which  will 
make  it  clear  that  all  grammar  presupposes  abstractions.  The 
three  personal  pronouns  —  I,  thou,  and  he  —  occur  in  all  human 
languages.  The  underlying  idea  of  these  pronouns  is  the  clear  dis- 
tinction between  the  self  as  speaker,  the  person  or  object  spoken  to, 
and  that  spoken  of.  We  also  find  that  nouns  are  classified  in  a  great 
many  ways  in  different  languages.  While  all  the  older  Indo-Euro- 
pean languages  classify  nouns  according  to  se.x,  other  languages 
classify  nouns  as  animate  or  inanimate,  or  as  human  and  not  human, 
etc.  Activities  are  also  classified  in  many  different  ways.  It  is  at 
once  clear  that  every  classification  of  this  kind  involves  the  forma- 
tion of  an  abstract  idea.  The  processes  of  abstraction  are  the  same 
in  all  languages,  and  they  do  not  need  any  further  discussion,  ex- 
cept in  so  far  as  we  may  be  inclined  to  value  differently  the  systems 
of  classification  and  the  results  of  abstraction. 

The  question  whether  the  power  to  inhibit  impulses  is  the  same 
in  all  races  of  man  is  not  so  easily  answered.  It  is  an  impression 
obtained  by  many  travellers,  and  also  based  upon  experiences  gained 
in  our  own  country,  that  primitive  man  and  the  less  educated  have 
in  common  a  lack  of  control  of  emotions,  that  they  give  way  more 
readily  to  an  impulse  than  civilized  man  and  the  highly  educated.  I 
believe  that  this  conception  is  based  largely  upon  the  neglect  to 
consider  the  occasions  on  which  a  strong  control  of  impulses  is  de- 
manded in  various  forms  of  society.  What  I  mean  will  become 
clear  when  I  call  your  attention  to  the  often  described  power  of 
endurance  exhibited  by  Indian  captives  who  undergo  torture  at  the 
hands  of  their  enemies.     When  we  want  to  srain  a  true  estimate  of 


The  Mind  of  Primitive  Man.  5 

the  power  of  primitive  man  to  control  impulses,  we  must  not  com- 
pare the  control  required  on  certain  occasions  among  ourselves  with 
the  control  exerted  by  primitive  man  on  the  same  occasions.  If,  for 
instance,  our  social  etiquette  forbids  the  expression  of  feelings  of 
personal  discomfort  and  of  anxiety,  we  must  remember  that  personal 
etiquette  among  primitive  men  may  not  require  any  inhibition  of 
the  same  kind.  We  must  rather  look  for  those  occasions  on  which 
inhibition  is  required  by  the  customs  of  primitive  man.  Such  are, 
for  instance,  the  numerous  cases  of  taboo,  that  is,  of  prohibitions  of 
the  use  of  certain  foods,  or  of  the  performance  of  certain  kinds  of 
work,  which  sometimes  require  a  considerable  amount  of  self-con- 
trol. When  an  Eskimo  community  is  on  the  point  of  starvation, 
and  their  religious  proscriptions  forbid  them  to  make  use  of  the 
seals  that  are  basking  on  the  ice,  the  amount  of  self-control  of  the 
whole  community,  which  restrains  them  from  killing  these  seals,  is 
certainly  very  great.  Cases  of  this  kind  are  very  numerous,  and 
prove  that  primitive  man  has  the  ability  to  control  his  impulses,  but 
that  this  control  is  exerted  on  occasions  which  depend  upon  the 
character  of  the  social  life  of  the  people,  and  which  do  not  coincide 
with  the  occasions  on  which  we  expect  and  require  control  of  im- 
pulses. 

The  third  point  in  which  the  mind  of  primitive  man  seems  to 
differ  from  that  of  civilized  man  is  in  its  power  of  choosing  be- 
tween perceptions  and  actions  according  to  their  value.  On  this 
power  rests  the  whole  domain  of  art  and  of  ethics.  An  object  or  an 
action  becomes  of  artistic  value  only  when  it  is  chosen  from  among 
other  perceptions  or  other  actions  on  account  of  its  beauty.  An 
action  becomes  moral  only  when  it  is  chosen  from  among  other  pos- 
sible actions  on  account  of  its  ethical  value.  No  matter  how  crude 
the  standards  of  primitive  man  may  be  in  regard  to  these  two  points, 
we  recognize  that  all  of  them  possess  an  art,  and  that  all  of  them 
possess  ethical  standards.  It  may  be  that  their  art  is  quite  contrary 
to  our  artistic  feeling.  It  may  be  that  their  ethical  standards  outrage 
our  moral  code.  We  must  clearly  distinguish  between  the  aesthetic 
and  ethical  codes  and  the  existence  of  an  aesthetic  and  ethical 
standard. 

Our  brief  consideration  of  the  phenomena  of  abstraction,  of  inhi- 
bition, and  of  choice,  leads,  then,  to  the  conclusion  that  these  func- 
tions of  the  human  mind  are  common  to  the  whole  of  humanity.  It 
may  be  well  to  state  here  that,  according  to  our  present  method  of 
considering  biological  and  psychological  phenomena,  we  must  assume 
that  these  functions  of  the  human  mind  have  developed  from  lower 
conditions  existing  at  a  previous  time,  and  that  at  one  time  there 
certainly  must  have  been  races  and  tribes  in  which  the  properties 


6  yourna I  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

here  described  were  not  at  all,  or  only  slightly,  developed ;  but  it  is 
also  true  that  among  the  present  races  of  man,  no  matter  how  prim- 
itive they  may  be  in  comparison  with  ourselves,  these  faculties  are 
highly  developed. 

It  is  not  impossible  that  the  degree  of  development  of  these  func- 
tions may  differ  somewhat  among  different  types  of  man  ;  but  I  do  not 
believe  that  we  are  able  at  the  present  time  to  form  a  just  valuation 
of  the  power  of  abstraction,  of  control,  and  of  choice  among  different 
races.  A  comparison  of  their  languages,  customs,  and  activities 
suggests  that  these  faculties  may  be  unequally  developed  ;  but  the 
differences  are  not  sufficient  to  justify  us  in  ascribing  materially 
lower  stages  to  some  peoples,  and  higher  stages  to  others.  The 
conclusions  reached  from  these  considerations  are,  therefore,  on  the 
whole,  negative.  We  are  not  inclined  to  consider  the  mental  organi- 
zation of  different  races  of  man  as  differing  in  fundamental  points. 

We  next  turn  to  a  consideration  of  the  second  question  propounded 
here,  namely,  to  an  investigation  of  the  influence  of  the  contents  of 
the  mind  upon  the  formation  of  thoughts  and  actions.  We  will  take 
these  up  in  the  same  order  in  which  we  considered  the  previous 
question.  We  will  first  direct  our  attention  to  the  phenomena  of 
perception.  It  has  been  observed  by  many  travellers  that  the  senses 
of  primitive  man  are  remarkably  well  trained,  that  he  is  an  excellent 
observer.  The  adeptness  of  the  experienced  hunter,  who  finds  the 
tracks  of  his  game  where  the  eye  of  a  European  would  not  see  the 
faintest  indication,  is  an  instance  of  this  kind.  While  the  power  of 
perception  of  primitive  man  is  excellent,  it  would  seem  that  his 
power  of  logical  interpretation  of  perceptions  is  deficient.  I  think  it 
can  be  shown  that  the  reason  for  this  fact  is  not  founded  on  any  fun- 
damental peculiarity  of  the  mind  of  primitive  man,  but  lies,  rather, 
in  the  character  of  the  ideas  with  which  the  new  perception  asso- 
ciates itself.  In  our  own  community  a  mass  of  observations  and  of 
thoughts  is  transmitted  to  the  child.  These  thoughts  are  the  result 
of  careful  observation  and  speculation  of  our  present  and  of  past  gen- 
erations ;  but  they  are  transmitted  to  most  individuals  as  traditional 
matter,  much  the  same  as  folk-lore.  The  child  associates  new  per- 
ceptions with  this  whole  mass  of  traditional  material,  and  interprets 
his  observations  by  its  means.  I  believe  it  is  a  mistake  to  assume 
that  the  interpretation  made  by  each  civilized  individual  is  a  com- 
plete logical  process.  We  associate  a  phenomenon  with  a  number 
of  known  facts,  the  interpretations  of  which  are  assumed  as  known, 
and  we  are  satisfied  with  the  reduction  of  a  new  fact  to  these  previ- 
ously known  facts.  For  instance,  if  the  average  individual  hears  of 
the  explosion  of  a  previously  unknown  chemical,  he  is  satisfied  to 
reason   that  certain   materials  are  known   to  have  the  property  of 


The  Mind  of  Primitive  Man.  7 

exploding  under  proper  conditions,  and  that  consequently  the  un- 
known substance  has  the  same  quality.  On  the  whole,  I  do  not 
think  that  we  should  try  to  argue  still  further,  and  really  try  to  give 
a  full  explanation  of  the  causes  of  the  explosion. 

The  difference  in  the  mode  of  thought  of  primitive  man  and  of 
civilized  man  seems  to  consist  largely  in  the  difference  of  character 
of  the  traditional  material  with  which  the  new  perception  associates 
itself.  The  instruction  given  to  the  child  of  primitive  man  is  not 
based  on  centuries  of  experimentation,  but  consists  of  the  crude 
experience  of  generations.  When  a  new  experience  enters  the  mind 
of  primitive  man,  the  same  process  which  we  observe  among  civ- 
ihzed  men  brings  about  an  entirely  different  series  of  associations, 
and  therefore  results  in  a  different  type  of  explanation.  A  sudden 
explosion  will  associate  itself  in  his  mind,  perhaps,  with  tales  which 
he  has  heard  in  regard  to  the  mythical  history  of  the  world,  and  con- 
sequently will  be  accompanied  by  superstitious  fear.  When  we 
recognize  that,  neither  among  civilized  men  nor  among  primitive 
men,  the  average  individual  carries  to  completion  the  attempt  at 
causal  explanation  of  phenomena,  but  carries  it  only  so  far  as  to 
amalgamate  it  with  other  previously  known  facts,  we  recognize  that 
the  result  of  the  whole  process  depends  entirely  upon  the  character 
of  the  traditional  material :  herein  lies  the  immense  importance  of 
folk-lore  in  determining  the  mode  of  thought.  Herein  lies  particu- 
larly the  enormous  influence  of  current  philosophic  opinion  upon  the 
masses  of  the  people,  and  herein  lies  the  influence  of  the  dominant 
scientific  theory  upon  the  character  of  scientific  work. 

It  would  be  in  vain  to  try  to  understand  the  development  of  mod- 
ern science  without  an  intelligent  understanding  of  modern  philoso- 
phy ;  it  would  be  in  vain  to  try  to  understand  the  history  of  mediaeval 
science  without  an  intelligent  knowledge  of  mediaeval  theology  ;  and 
so  it  is  in  vain  to  try  to  understand  primitive  science  without  an 
intelligent  knowledge  of  primitive  mythology.  Mythology,  theology, 
and  philosophy  are  different  terms  for  the  same  influences  which 
shape  the  current  of  human  thought,  and  which  determine  the  char- 
acter of  the  attempts  of  man  to  explain  the  phenomena  of  nature. 
To  primitive  man  —  who  has  been  taught  to  consider  the  heavenly 
orbs  as  animate  beings,  who  sees  in  every  animal  a  being  more 
powerful  than  man,  to  whom  the  mountains,  trees,  and  stones  are 
endowed  with  life  —  explanations  of  phenomena  will  suggest  them- 
selves entirely  different  from  those  to  which  we  are  accustomed, 
since  we  base  our  conclusions  upon  the  existence  of  matter  and 
force  as  bringing  about  the  observed  results.  If  we  do  not  consider 
it  possible  to  explain  the  whole  range  of  phenomena  as  the  result  of 
matter  and  force  alone,  all  our  explanations  of  natural  phenomena 
must  take  a  different  aspect. 


8  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

In  scientific  inquiries  we  should  always  be  clear  in  our  own  minds 
of  the  fact  that  we  do  not  carry  the  analysis  of  any  given  phenomenon 
to  completion ;  but  that  we  always  embody  a  number  of  hypotheses 
and  theories  in  our  explanations.  In  fact,  if  we  were  to  do  so, 
progress  would  hardly  become  possible,  because  every  phenomenon 
would  require  an  endless  amount  of  time  for  thorough  treatment. 
We  are  only  too  apt,  however,  to  forget  entirely  the  general,  and, 
for  most  of  us,  purely  traditional,  theoretical  basis  which  is  the 
foundation  of  our  reasoning,  and  to  assume  that  the  result  of  our 
reasoning  is  absolute  truth.  In  this  we  commit  the  same  error  that 
is  committed,  and  has  been  committed,  by  all  the  less  civilized  peoples. 
They  are  more  easily  satisfied  than  we  are  at  the  present  time,  but 
they  also  assume  as  true  the  traditional  element  which  enters  into 
their  explanations,  and  therefore  accept  as  absolute  truth  the  conclu- 
sions based  on  it.  It  is  evident  that,  the  fewer  the  number  of  tra- 
ditional elements  that  enter  into  our  reasoning,  and  the  clearer  we 
endeavor  to  be  in  regard  to  the  hypothetical  part  of  our  reasoning, 
the  more  logical  will  be  our  conclusions.  There  is  an  undoubted 
tendency  in  the  advance  of  civilization  to  eliminate  traditional  ele- 
ments, and  to  gain  a  clearer  and  clearer  insight  into  the  hypo- 
thetical basis  of  our  reasoning.  It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that, 
with  the  advance  of  civilization,  reasoning  becomes  more  and  more 
logical,  not  because  each  individual  carries  out  his  thought  in  a  more 
logical  manner,  but  because  the  traditional  material  which  is  handed 
down  to  each  individual  has  been  thought  out  and  worked  out  more 
thoroughly  and  more  carefully.  While  in  primitive-civilization  the 
traditional  material  is  doubted  and  examined  by  only  a  very  few 
individuals,  the  number  of  thinkers  who  try  to  free  themselves  from 
the  fetters  of  tradition  increases  as  civilization  advances. 

The  influence  of  traditional  material  upon  the  life  of  man  is  not 
restricted  to  his  thoughts,  but  manifests  itself  no  less  in  his  activi- 
ties. The  comparison  between  civilized  man  and  primitive  man  in 
this  respect  is  even  more  instructive  than  in  the  preceding  case.  A 
comparison  between  the  modes  of  life  of  different  nations,  and  par- 
ticularly of  civilized  man  and  of  primitive  man,  makes  it  clear  that 
an  enormous  number  of  our  actions  are  determined  entirely  by  tradi- 
tional associations.  When  we  consider,  for  instance,  the  whole 
range  of  our  daily  life,  we  notice  how  strictly  we  are  dependent  upon 
tradition  that  cannot  be  accounted  for  by  any  logical  reasoning. 
We  eat  our  three  meals  every  day,  and  feel  unhappy  if  we  have  to 
forego  one  of  them.  There  is  no  physiological  reason  which  de- 
mands three  meals  a  day,  and  we  find  that  many  people  are  satisfied 
with  two  meals,  while  others  enjoy  four  or  even  more.  The  range 
of  animals  and  plants  which  we  utilize  for  food  is  limited,  and  we 


The  Mind  of  Primitive  Man.  9 

have  a  decided  aversion  against  eating  dogs,  or  horses,  or  cats. 
There  is  certainly  no  objective  reason  for  such  aversion,  since  a 
great  many  people  consider  dogs  and  horses  as  dainties.  When  we 
consider  fashions,  the  same  becomes  still  more  apparent.  To  ap- 
pear in  the  fashions  of  our  forefathers  of  two  centuries  ago  would 
be  entirely  out  of  the  question,  and  would  expose  one  to  ridicule. 
The  same  is  true  of  table  manners.  To  smack  one's  lips  is  con- 
sidered decidedly  bad  style,  and  may  even  excite  feelings  of  dis- 
gust ;  while  among  the  Indians,  for  instance,  it  would  be  considered 
as  in  exceedingly  bad  taste  not  to  smack  one's  lips  when  one  is 
invited  to  dinner,  because  it  would  suggest  that  the  guest  does  not 
enjoy  his  dinner.  The  whole  range  of  actions  that  are  considered 
as  proper  and  improper  cannot  be  explained  by  any  logical  reason, 
but  are  almost  all  entirely  due  to  custom  ;  that  is  to  say,  they  are 
purely  traditional.  This  is  even  true  of  customs  which  excite 
strong  emotions,  as,  for  instance,  those  produced  by  infractions  of 
modesty. 

While  in  the  logical  processes  of  the  mind  we  find  a  decided  ten- 
dency, with  the  development  of  civilization,  to  eliminate  traditional 
elements,  no  such  marked  decrease  in  the  force  of  traditional  ele- 
ments can  be  found  in  our  activities.  These  are  almost  as  much 
controlled  by  custom  among  ourselves  as  they  are  among  primitive 
man.  It  is  easily  seen  why  this  should  be  the  case.  The  mental 
processes  which  enter  into  the  development  of  judgments  are  based 
largely  upon  associations  with  previous  judgments.  I  pointed  out 
before  that  this  process  of  association  is  the  same  among  primitive 
men  as  among  civilized  men,  and  that  the  difference  consists  largely 
in  the  modification  of  the  traditional  material  with  which  our  new  per- 
ceptions amalgamate.  In  the  case  of  activities,  the  conditions  are 
somewhat  different.  Here  tradition  manifests  itself  in  an  action 
performed  by  the  individual.  The  more  frequently  this  action  is 
repeated,  the  more  firmly  it  will  become  established,  and  the  less 
will  be  the  conscious  equivalent  accompanying  the  action  ;  so  that 
customary  actions  which  are  of  very  frequent  repetition  become  en- 
tirely unconscious.  Hand  in  hand  with  this  decrease  of  conscious- 
ness goes  an  increase  in  the  emotional  value  of  the  omission  of  such 
activities,  and  still  more  of  the  performance  of  actions  contrary  to 
custom.  A  greater  will  power  is  required  to  inhibit  an  action  which 
has  become  well  established  ;  and  combined  with  this  effort  of  the 
will  power  are  feelings  of  intense  displeasure. 

This  leads  us  to  the  third  problem,  which  is  closely  associated 
with  the  difference  between  the  manifestation  of  the  power  of  civil- 
ized man  and  of  primitive  man  to  inhibit  impulses.  It  is  the  ques- 
tion of  choice  as  dependent  upon  value.     It  is  evident  from  the 


lo  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

preceding  remarks  that,  on  the  whole,  we  value  most  highly  what 
conforms  to  our  previous  actions.  This  does  not  imply  that  it  must 
be  identical  with  our  previous  actions,  but  it  must  be  on  the  line  of 
development  of  our  previous  actions.  This  is  particularly  true  of 
ethical  concepts.  No  action  can  find  the  approval  of  a  people  which 
is  fundamentally  opposed  to  its  customs  and  traditions.  Among 
ourselves  it  is  considered  proper  and  a  matter  of  course  to  treat  the 
old  with  respect,  for  children  to  look  after  the  welfare  of  their  aged 
parents  ;  and  not  to  do  so  would  be  considered  base  ingratitude. 
Among  the  Eskimo  we  find  an  entirely  different  standard.  It  is 
required  of  children  to  kill  their  parents  when  they  have  become  so 
old  as  to  be  helpless  and  no  longer  of  any  use  to  the  family  or  to 
the  community.  It  would  be  considered  a  breach  of  filial  duty  not 
to  kill  the  aged  parent.  Revolting  though  this  custom  may  seem  to 
us,  it  is  founded  on  an  ethical  law  of  the  Eskimo,  which  rests  on 
the  whole  mass  of  traditional  lore  and  custom. 

One  of  the  best  examples  of  this  kind  is  found  in  the  relation 
between  individuals  belonging  to  different  tribes.  There  are  a 
number  of  primitive  hordes  to  whom  every  stranger  not  a  member 
of  the  horde  is  an  enemy,  and  where  it  is  right  to  damage  the 
enemy  to  the  best  of  one's  power  and  ability,  and  if  possible  to  kill 
him.  This  custom  is  founded  largely  on  the  idea  of  the  solidarity 
of  the  horde,  and  of  the  feeling  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  member 
of  the  horde  to  destroy  all  possible  enemies.  Therefore  every  per- 
son not  a  member  of  the  horde  must  be  considered  as  belonging  to 
a  class  entirely  distinct  from  the  members  of  the  horde,  and  is 
treated  accordingly.  We  can  trace  the  gradual  broadening  of  the 
feeling  of  fellowship  during  the  advance  of  civilization.  The  feel- 
ing of  fellowship  in  the  horde  expands  to  the  feeling  of  unity  of  the 
tribe,  to  a  recognition  of  bonds  established  by  a  neighborhood  of 
habitat,  and  further  on  to  the  feeling  of  fellowship  among  members 
of  nations.  This  seems  to  be  the  limit  of  the  ethical  concept  of 
fellowship  of  man  which  we  have  reached  at  the  present  time. 
When  we  analyze  the  strong  feeling  of  nationality  which  is  so  po- 
tent at  the  present  time,  we  recognize  that  it  consists  largely  in  the 
idea  of  the  preeminence  of  that  community  whose  member  we  hap- 
pen to  be,  —  in  the  preeminent  value  of  its  language,  of  its  customs, 
and  of  its  traditions,  and  in  the  belief  that  it  is  right  to  preserve  its 
peculiarities  and  to  impose  them  upon  the  rest  of  the  world.  The 
feeling  of  nationality  as  here  expressed,  and  the  feeling  of  solidarity 
of  the  horde,  are  of  the  same  order,  although  modified  by  the 
gradual  expansion  of  the  idea  of  fellowship  ;  but  the  ethical  point 
of  view  which  makes  it  justifiable  at  the  present  time  to  increase 
the  well-being  of  one  nation  at  the  cost  of  another,  the  tendency  to 


The  Mind  of  Primitive  Man.  1 1 

value  one's  own  civilization  as  higher  than  that  of  the  whole  race  of 
mankind,  are  the  same  as  those  which  prompt  the  actions  of  primi- 
tive man,  who  considers  every  stranger  as  an  enemy,  and  who  is  not 
satisfied  until  the  enemy  is  killed.  It  is  somewhat  difficult  for  us 
to  recognize  that  the  value  which  we  attribute  to  our  own  civiliza- 
tion is  due  to  the  fact  that  we  participate  in  this  civilization,  and 
that  it  has  been  controlling  all  our  actions  since  the  time  of  our 
birth  ;  but  it  is  certainly  conceivable  that  there  may  be  other  civili- 
zations, based  perhaps  on  different  traditions  and  on  a  different 
equilibrium  of  emotion  and  reason,  which  are  of  no  less  value  than 
ours,  although  it  may  be  impossible  for  us  to  appreciate  their  values 
without  having  grown  up  under  their  influence.  The  general  theory 
of  valuation  of  human  activities,  as  taught  by  anthropological  re- 
search, teaches  us  a  higher  tolerance  than  the  one  which  we  now 
profess. 

Our  considerations  make  it  probable  that  the  wide  differences  be- 
tween the  manifestations  of  the  human  mind  in  various  stages  of 
culture  may  be  due  almost  entirely  to  the  form  of  individual  experi- 
ence, which  is  determined  by  the  geographical  and  social  environ- 
ment of  the  individual.  It  would  seem  that,  in  different  races,  the 
organization  of  the  mind  is  on  the  whole  alike,  and  that  the  varieties 
of  mind  found  in  different  races  do  not  exceed,  perhaps  not  even 
reach,  the  amount  of  normal  individual  variation  in  each  race.  It 
has  been  indicated  that,  notwithstanding  this  similarity  in  the  form 
of  individual  mental  processes,  the  expression  of  mental  activity  of 
a  community  tends  to  show  a  characteristic  historical  development. 
From  a  comparative  study  of  these  changes  among  the  races  of  man 
is  derived  our  theory  of  the  general  development  of  human  cul- 
ture. But  the  development  of  culture  must  not  be  confounded  with 
the  development  of  mhid.  Culture  is  an  expression  of  the  achieve- 
ments of  the  mind,  and  shows  the  cumulative  effects  of  the  activi- 
ties of  many  minds.  But  it  is  not  an  expression  of  the  organization 
of  the  minds  constituting  the  community,  which  may  in  no  way 
differ  from  the  minds  of  a  community  occupying  a  much  more  ad- 
vanced stage  of  culture. 

Franz  Boas. 


1 2  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

NAVAHO   NIGHT   CHANT. 

LAST    NIGHT. NAAKA^Af    AND    END. 

This  ceremony,  which  is  the  longest  and  most  important  of  all, 
begins  after  dark,  —  seven  o'clock  or  later,  —  and  lasts  incessantly 
until  daylight.  It  is  called  Naak//ai.  It  consists  of  a  performance 
outdoors,  which  is  mostly  dance  and  song,  and  a  performance  within 
the  medicine-lodge,  which  is  mostly  song,  and  in  which  there  is  no 
dancing.  Let  us  first  consider  the  performance  which  occurs  out- 
side. 

CHARACTERS DRESS. 

The  requisite  characters  are  :  //astxeyal/i,  the  Talking  God  or 
YebitJ-ai ;  To'nenili,  the  Water  Sprinkler  (Rain  God),  and  a  number 
of  dancers,  preferably  twelve.  Of  these  six  represent  yebaka  or  male 
divinities,  and  six,  yebaad  or  female  divinities.  Besides  these  the 
chanter  and  patient  participate.  The  mask  of  //astj-eyalri  is  illus- 
trated in  "  Navaho  Legends,"  fig.  27.  The  yebaka  have  their 
bodies  whitened,  and  are  decorated,  masked,  and  equipped  as  are 
those  who  appear  in  the  dance  of  the  atsa'/ei,  or  first  dancers.  The 
yebaad,  or  goddesses,  are  usually  represented  by  small  men  and 
youths.  The  males  thus  acting  are  nearly  naked  like  the  yebaka ; 
have  their  bodies  daubed  with  white  earth  ;  wear  silver-studded  belts 
with  pendant  fox-skins,  showy  kilts,  long  woollen  stockings,  garters, 
and  moccasins  ;  but,  instead  of  the  cap-like  masks  of  the  yebaka, 
each  wears  a  blue  domino  (illustrated  in  "  Navaho  Legends,"  fig.  28), 
which  allows  the  hair  to  flow  out  behind.  They  have  no  eagle 
plumes  on  head,  or  on  stockings,  and  no  collars  of  spruce.  They 
carry  rattles  and  wands  like  those  of  the  yebaka.  Sometimes  women 
and  so-called  hermaphrodites  are  found  who  understand  the  dance. 
When  such  take  part,  as  they  sometimes  do,  in  place  of  small  men 
and  youths,  they  are  fully  dressed  in  ordinary  female  costume,  and 
wear  the  domino  of  the  yebaad,  but  they  carry  no  rattles  ;  they 
have  spruce  wands  in  both  hands.  As  has  been  said,  there  should 
be  six  yebaad  characters  ;  but  there  is  often  a  deficiency  of  the  small 
men  and  youths,  and  when  such  is  the  case,  arrangements  are  made 
to  do  with  a  less  number. 

That  which  is  considered  the  typical  or  complete  dance  will  first 
be  described,  and  then  the  variations  will  be  discussed.  The  dan- 
cers are  dressed  and  painted  in  the  lodge,  and  then  proceed  to  the 
green-room  or  arbor,  blanketed,  to  get  their  masks,  wands,  and  rat- 
tles. When  they  are  fully  attired,  they  leave  the  arbor,  and  proceed 
to  the  dance-ground  (fig.  i).  The  chanter  leads,  observing  all  the 
forms  he  used  in  conducting  the  atsd'/ei  (fig.  2) ;  //astj-eyal/i  follows 


Navaho  Night  Chant.  13 

immediately  after  the  chanter ;  the  twelve  dancers  come  next,  all  in 
single  file,  and  To'nenili  brings  up  the  rear.  Among  the  twelve 
dancers  the  first  is  a  yebaka,  the  second  a  yebaad,  and  thus  the 
male  and  female  characters  follow  one  another  alternately.  As  they 
march  in  the  darkness,  they  sing  in  undertones,  and  shake  their  rat- 
tles in  a  subdued  way. 

When  they  reach  the  dance-ground  between  the  two  lines  of  fires, 
the  chanter  turns  and  faces  them  ;  they  halt ;  the  patient,  warned 
by  the  call,  as  before,  comes  out  of  the  lodge.  They  all  now  stand 
in  the  order  shown  in  the  diagram,  fig.  3.  The  patient  and  chanter 
walk  down  along  the  line  of  dancers  from  west  to  east.  As  they 
pass,  the  chanter  takes  meal  from  the  basket  carried  by  the  patient, 
and  sprinkles  it  on  the  right  arm  of  each  dancer  from  below  upwards. 
This  done,  the  patient  and  chanter  turn  sunwise  and  retrace  their 
steps  to  their  original  position  west  of  and  facing  the  line  of  dan- 
cers. Meantime  the  dancers  keep  up  motions  such  as  those  made 
by  the  atsa'/ei  when  they  are  sprinkled. 

When  the  patient  returns  to  the  west,  //astj-eyal/i  runs  to  the 
east,  whoops  and  holds  up  his  bag  as  he  did  with  the  atsa'/ei ; 
the  dancers  whoop,  lean  to  the  right,  and  dip  their  rattles  toward 
the  earth,  as  if  they  were  dipping  up  water,  //astjeyal^i  runs  to  the 
west,  whoops  and  holds  up  his  bag  ;  the  dancers  turn  toward  the 
east,  and  repeat  their  motions.  They  turn  toward  the  west  again, 
//asti-eyal/i,  now  in  the  west,  turns  toward  the  dancers,  and  stamps 
twice  with  his  right  foot  as  a  signal  to  them  ;  they  whoop  and  begin 
to  dance  and  sing.  Usually  now  the  chanter  goes  into  the  lodge 
to  superintend  the  singing,  and  the  patient  sits  beside  the  meal- 
basket,  near  the  door. 

For  a  while  they  dance  in  single  line,  nodding  their  heads  oddly, 
and  facing  around  in  different  directions,  each  one  apparently  accord- 
ing to  his  own  caprice.  At  a  certain  part  of  the  song,  the  yebaad 
move,  dancing,  a  couple  of  paces  to  the  north,  and  form  a  separate 
line,  leaving  the  yebaka  dancing  in  a  line  to  the  south.  The  posi- 
tion of  the  dancers  at  this  time  is  represented  by  the  following  dia- 
gram, fig.  4.  They  dance  only  for  a  brief  time  in  this  position, 
when  the  two  lines  again  intermingle,  and  they  form  a  promiscuous 
group,  the  dancers  facing  in  different  directions,  and  moving  around. 
After  dancing  thus  for  a  little  while,  the  yebaad  dance  again  to  the 
north,  and  two  lines  are  formed  as  before. 

They  dance  thus  for  a  while  when,  at  another  part  of  the  song, 
the  single  yebaka  and  yebaad  who  dance  farthest  west  approach  one 
another,  and  face  east  in  the  middle.  Here  the  yebaka,  or  male, 
offers  his  left  arm  to  the  yebaad,  or  female,  much  in  the  manner  in 
which  civilized  people  perform  this  act  ;  the  yebaad  takes  the  prof- 


14  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

fered  arm,  thrusting  "hers"  through  to  the  elbow;  with  arms  thus 
interlocked  they  dance  down  the  middle  toward  the  east.  Before 
they  reach  the  eastern  end  of  the  lines,  they  are  met  by  //asti-eyal/i, 
who  dances  up  toward  them  ;  they  retreat  backward,  facing  him  ; 
when  they  reach  the  west  again,  //asti-dyal/i  begins  to  retreat,  dan- 
cing backward,  and  they  follow  him.  When  they  reach  the  eastern 
end  of  the  lines,  they  separate  and  take  new  positions,  each  at  the 
eastern  end  of  his  or  "  her  "  appropriate  line.  Soon  after  they  have 
begun  to  dance  "  down  the  middle,"  the  second  time,  the  pair  now  in 
the  extreme  west  lock  arms  and  dance  east.  As  soon  as  the  first 
couple  separate,  //asti'eyal/i  dances  up  to  meet  the  second  couple. 
All  the  evolutions  performed  by  the  first  couple  are  now  performed 
by  the  second.  This  is  continued  by  each  couple  in  turn  until  all 
have  changed  their  places,  and  those  who  first  danced  at  the  west 
end  of  the  line  dance  there  again.  White  people  witnessing  this 
dance  usually  liken  it  to  the  well-known  American  contra-dance,  the 
Virginia  reel. 

When  all  the  figures  of  the  dance  proper,  heretofore  described, 
have  been  repeated  four  times,  the  yebaad  return  from  their  line  in 
the  north,  and  a  single  line  is  formed  of  alternate  yebaka  and  yebaad 
facing  west.  Zfastj-eyal/i  whoops  and  places  himself  at  the  eastern 
end  of  the  line  ;  all  face  east,  and,  dancing  in  a  lock-step,  as  closely 
packed  together  as  the  dancing  will  allow,  they  move  to  the  east. 
When  they  get  off  the  dancing-ground,  they  halt,  give  a  prolonged 
shake  of  the  rattles,  whoop,  and  move  away  at  an  ordinary  walk  in 
silence,  until  they  get  beyond  the  glare  of  the  fires,  about  midway 
between  the  dance-ground  and  the  arbor.  Here  in  the  darkness 
they  cool  off,  and  breathe  themselves  for  the  next  dance.  They  may 
take  off  their  masks,  and  chat  with  one  another,  or  with  any  one 
else. 

All  the  acts  described  are  performed  in  a  most  orderly  and  regular 
manner,  without  the  slightest  hitch,  hesitancy,  or  confusion  on  the 
part  of  any  of  the  participants.  No  orders  or  promptings  are  given. 
The  dancers  take  their  cue,  partly  from  the  acts  and  hoots  of  //as- 
txd'yal/i,  but  mostly  from  the  meaningless  syllables  of  the  song  they 
are  singing.  At  certain  parts  of  the  song,  certain  changes  of  the 
figure  arc  made. 

When  the  dancers  have  rested  for  about  five  minutes,  they  return 
to  the  dance-ground  in  the  same  order  in  which  they  first  came ;  but 
the  chanter  does  not  accompany  them,  neither  does  he  sprinkle  meal 
on  them  when  they  arrive  on  the  dance-ground,  unless  the  patient 
be  a  child.  The  chanter  only  leads,  and,  as  a  rule,  only  sprinkles 
meal  on  each  group  of  dancers  once,  and  that  is  when  they  make 
their  first  appearance. 


Navaho  Night  Chant.  1 5 

Except  when  performing  the  dipping  motion  described,  and  when 
turning  around,  the  veritable  male  dancer  holds  the  upper  arms 
hanging  by  the  side,  the  forearms  partly  flexed,  a  gourd  rattle  in  the 
right  hand,  a  wand  of  spruce  in  the  left.  When  a  real  woman  enacts 
the  part  of  the  yebaad,  she  holds  both  arms  extended  outward  hori- 
zontally, the  elbow  bent  at  right  angles,  the  forearms  vertical,  and  a 
wand  of  spruce  in  each  hand. 

At  those  parts  of  the  dance  where  men  remain  in  one  place  they 
raise  the  right  foot  high,  and  hold  it  horizontally  in  marking  time. 
At  certain  parts  of  the  song  they  hold  the  foot  raised  for  a  period  of 
two  notes.  When  moving,  also,  the  men  lift  the  feet  well  from  the 
ground  ;  but  the  women  do  not  do  this ;  they  shuffle  along  on  their 
toes,  lifting  the  feet  but  little. 

The  average  duration  of  a  figure,  such  as  described,  is  five  minutes, 
and  that  of  the  breathing-time  is  about  the  same.  But  on  occasions, 
when  many  sets  of  dancers  are  prepared,  and  the  programme  for  the 
night  is  crowded,  the  periods  of  rest  are  greatly  shortened  or  alto- 
gether neglected.  The  dancers  sometimes  go  but  a  few  paces  away 
from  the  dance-ground,  when  their  song  is  done,  and  return  imme- 
diately to  begin  a  new  song. 

There  is  often  no  change  in  the  general  character  of  this  figure 
all  night.  From  the  beginning,  soon  after  dark,  until  the  ending 
after  daybreak,  it  may  be  constantly  repeated,  and  the  accompanying 
songs  may  be  sung  to  the  same  tune  and  in  the  same  cadence. 

The  most  desirable  number  of  repetitions  for  the  dance  is  said  to 
be  forty-eight,  when  four  sets  of  dancers  each  perform  twelve  times. 
This,  it  is  said,  was  in  old  times  the  invariable  rule.  On  such  occa- 
sions each  set  holds  the  ground  about  two  hours,  and  there  is  a 
pause  of  about  half  an  hour  between  the  final  exit  of  one  set  and  the 
first  appearance  of  another.  This  gives  us,  with  the  work  of  the 
atsa'/ei,  an  entertainment  of  ten  hours'  duration.  But  great  varia- 
tions are  made  from  this  standard,  depending  on  the  number  of 
groups  which  have  drilled  themselves  and  come  to  the  ground  pre- 
pared to  dance,  also  on  the  number  of  songs  which  each  group  may 
have  composed  and  practised  for  the  occasion.  For  the  first  set  we 
have  noted  always  twelve  or  thirteen  dances  ;  but  for  subsequent 
sets  we  have  sometimes  noted  higher  numbers,  up  to  twenty,  —  not 
always  multiples  of  four  and  not  always  even  numbers.  When  the 
night's  programme  was  crowded,  we  have  seen  two  sets  perform  com- 
pletely within  an  hour  ;  then  the  rests  were  short  or  omitted.  There 
may  be  six  or  more  relays,  and  they  may  dance  until  perilously  near 
sunrise. 

The  performances  of  To'nenili,  the  clown,  next  demand  our  atten- 
tion.   While  the  others  are  dancing,  he  performs  various  acts  accord- 


1 6  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

ing  to  his  caprice,  such  as  these  :  He  walks  along  the  line  of  dancers, 
and  gets  in  their  way.  He  dances  out  of  order  and  out  of  time. 
He  peers  foolishly  at  different  persons.  He  sits  on  the  ground,  his 
hands  clasped  across  his  knees,  and  rocks  his  body  to  and  fro.  He 
joins  regularly  in  the  dance  toward  the  close  of  a  figure,  and  when 
the  others  have  retired,  he  remains  going  through  his  steps,  pretend- 
ing to  be  oblivious  of  their  departure;  then,  feigning  to  discover 
their  absence,  he  follows  them  on  a  full  run.  He  carries  a  fox-skin  ; 
drops  it  on  the  ground ;  walks  away,  as  if  unconscious  of  his  loss ; 
pretends  to  become  aware  of  his  loss  ;  acts  as  if  searching  anxiously 
for  the  skin,  which  lies  in  plain  sight ;  screens  his  eyes  with  his  hand, 
and  crouches  low  to  look ;  imitates  in  various  exaggerated  ways  the 
acts  of  Indian  hunters  ;  pretends  at  length  to  find  the  lost  skin ; 
jumps  on  it,  as  if  it  were  a  live  animal  he  was  killing;  shoulders  it 
and  carries  it  off,  as  if  it  were  a  heavy  burden  ;  staggers  and  falls 
under  it.  Sometimes  he  imitates  the  acts  of  //astj-eyal/i  ;  tries  to 
anticipate  the  latter  in  giving  the  signals  for  the  dance ;  rushes 
around  with  wands  or  skins  in  his  hands  in  clumsy  imitation  of 
//asti-eyalA ;  in  intervals  between  the  dances  goes  around  soliciting 
gifts  with  a  fox-skin  for  a  begging-bag,  to  which  no  one  contributes. 
Thus  with  acts  of  buffoonery  does  he  endeavor  to  relieve  the  tedium 
of  the  monotonous  performance  of  the  night.  He  does  not  always 
come  regularly  in  nor  depart  with  the  regular  dancers.  His  exits 
and  entrances  are  often  erratic. 

There  are  some  variations  of  the  dance  which  have  not  been  yet 
described.  Sometimes  a  set  of  dancers  is  made  up  without  any 
yebaad  characters  ;  then,  instead  of  the  dance  down  the  middle,  two 
men  lock  arms  to  dance  along  the  north  side  of  the  line,  and  other 
changes  are  made  to  suit  circumstances.  Sometimes  the  number  of 
yebaad  is  less  than  six ;  in  this  case  some  of  them  dance  down  the 
middle  more  than  once.  Portions  of  the  song  may  be  varied  in 
length.  If  the  song  is  longer  than  that  given  here,  //astj-eyal/i  may 
cause  the  dancers  coming  down  the  middle  to  retreat  more  than  once 
to  the  west.  On  some  occasions  they  are  not  required  to  retreat  to 
the  west  at  all,  but  dance  directly  down  the  middle,  and  then  sepa- 
rate. There  seems  to  be  difficulty  often  in  finding  men  and  boys  of 
suitable  size  to  enact  the  part  of  the  yebaad,  and  even  when  present, 
they  have  been  seen,  as  the  work  approached  its  conclusion,  to  be- 
come exhausted  by  the  severe  exercise,  to  throw  themselves  on  the 
ground,  and  refuse  to  take  part. 

There  is  a  variety  of  the  dance  called  be^i/o«,  occasionally  em- 
ployed, which  has  not  been  carefully  noted  on  the  dance-ground,  but 
which  has  been  demonstrated  in  private  to  the  author.  In  this,  the 
hands  are  thrust  far  downwards  and  thrown  backwards  in  time  to 


Navaho  Night  Chant.  1 7 

the  song.  The  step  is  slower  and  more  halting  than  in  the  regular 
form.  As  compared  with  the  latter  it  bears  somewhat  the  relation 
of  deux-temps  to  trois-tenips  in  our  waltz. 

In  the  element  of  music,  the  songs  sung  outdoors  are  much  alike. 
To  the  ear  untrained  in  music  they  sound  quite  alike.  Even  a  mu- 
sician, Sergeant  Barthelmess,  says  of  them  :  "  In  all  the  figures  of 
the  dance,  the  melody  of  the  song  remained  the  same."  Yet  it  is 
apparent,  from  a  study  of  the  phonographic  records,  that  some  lati- 
tude is  allowed  the  musical  composer  in  framing  these  melodies. 
The  author  is  not  sufficiently  versed  in  music  to  declare  wherein 
they  must  agree  and  wherein  they  may  differ.  In  "  Navaho  Leg- 
ends "  (pp.  283,  284)  may  be  found  the  music  of  two  different  naak/zai 
songs  noted  by  Professor  Fillmore  from  phonographic  records.  The 
male  personators  of  female  divinities  sing  in  falsetto. 

As  for  the  language  of  the  songs,  it  has  little  significance.  They 
consist  mostly  of  meaningless  syllables,  or  of  words  whose  meanings 
are  forgotten.  Yet  many  of  these  are  all-important,  and  must  not 
be  changed  or  omitted.  As  before  stated,  some  of  them  serve  as 
cues  to  the  dancers.  There  are  changes  made  in  the  few  significant 
words  of  the  song ;  those  of  the  first  song  after  dark  and  of  the  last 
song  in  the  morning  are  invariable  ;  it  is  in  the  intervening  songs 
that  the  modern  Navaho  poet  is  allowed  to  exercise  his  fancy.  All 
the  songs  begin  with  these  vocables  "  ohohoho  ehehehe."  In  sing- 
ing these  the  dancer  in  the  west  sings  the  first  syllables  "  o  "  and 
"e"  alone  ;  in  all  the  subsequent  syllables  the  other  singers  join. 

Following  is  the  full  text  of  a  stanza  of  the  first  song :  — 

FIRST    SONG    OF    THE    NAAK/TAf. 


1.  Ohohohd  dhehehd  hdya  hdya 

2.  Ohohohd  ^hehehd  hdya  h^ya 

3.  £0  Mdo  €0  Mdo  ^o  Mdo  najd 

4.  Hdwani  how  owow  owd 

5.  Eo  Iddo  do  Mdo  do  Mdo  naj-d 

6.  H6\vani  how  owoii  owd 

7.  H6wani  hdwani  how  hdyeyeye  ydyeydhi 

8.  Hdwowow  hdya  hdya  hdya  hdya 

9.  Hdwa  howd  hdya  hdya  hdya 

10.  Ohohohd  dhehehd  hdya  hdya 

11.  Ohohohd  dhehehd  hdya  hdya 

12.  //^dbi  niye  hcCav  niye 

13.  /fd'hui^dnaha,  j'lhiw^waha. 

14.  //d'haya'  dahedo  dahedo 

15.  .Jihiwdnaha,  //a'hui^rjinaha. 

16.  //d'hayd.'  dahedo  dehedo  dahedo  eahedo. 

VOL.  XIV.  —  NO.  52.    2 


1 8  Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

The  words  in  this  stanza  to  which  any  significance  is  now  assigned 
are  those  in  the  13th  and  15th  verses,  and  the  meanings  of  these 
are  only  traditional :  "  The  rain  descends.  The  corn  comes  up." 
The  other  three  stanzas  are  the  same  as  the  first,  except  that  in  the 
second  and  fourth  the  significant  words  are  placed  in  inverse  order. 

Sometimes,  in  the  intervals  that  occur  between  the  final  disap- 
pearance of  one  set  of  dancers  and  the  first  appearance  of  the  next 
set,  //astj-eyal/i  or  some  other  of  the  masked  characters  go  around 
among  the  spectators  with  a  begging-bag,  soliciting  contributions, 
and  receiving  tobacco  and  other  articles.  He  does  not  speak,  but 
merely  holds  out  the  bag ;  when  the  contribution  has  been  put  in, 
he  closes  the  bag,  and  utters  his  peculiar  hoot. 

So  far  we  have  described  the  work  outside  the  lodge ;  it  now  re- 
mains to  describe  the  work  within  it.  The  basket  is  "  turned  down  " 
at  night  with  many  ritual  observances.  From  the  time  it  is  turned 
down  until  the  final  ceremonials  in  the  morning,  the  work  consists 
of  singing  the  songs  of  sequence  of  the  rite  in  their  proper  order. 
The  singing  begins  when  the  atsa'/ei  depart  from  the  medicine-lodge 
in  the  evening,  and  continues  until  the  song  of  the  atsa'/ei  is  heard 
outside.  The  moment  the  song  outside  ceases  that  in  the  lodge  is 
resumed,  and  again  thq  song  in  the  lodge  ceases  the  instant  the 
singers  outside  are  again  heard.  Thus,  song  is  continued  through- 
out the  night,  without  interruption,  either  in  the  lodge  or  on  the 
dance-ground,  but  never  in  both  places  together.  There  are  many 
intricate  rules  connected  with  these  songs,  some  of  which  have  been 
learned ;  but  there  are  many  more  which  have  not  been  discovered. 

The  first  of  the  songs  of  sequence  sung  in  the  lodge  is  perhaps 
the  most  musical  of  the  night.  It  is  the  first  of  the  Atsa'/ei  Bigi'n, 
and  alludes  to  the  atsa'/ei  without  naming  him.  The  following  is  a 
free  translation  of  the  first  stanza :  — 

1.  Above  it  thunders, 

2.  His  thoughts  are  directed  to  you. 

3.  He  rises  toward  you, 

4.  Now  to  your  house 

5.  Approaches  for  you. 

6.  He  arrives  for  you, 

7.  He  comes  to  the  door, 

8.  He  enters  for  you. 

9.  Behind  the  fireplace 

10.  He  eats  his  special  dish. 

11.  "  Your  body  is  strong, 

12.  Your  body  is  holy  now,"  he  says. 

The  second  stanza  is  the  same,  except  that  the  first  line  is.  "Below 
it  thunders." 

After  the  dancers  have  sung  their  last  song  outside,  the  singers 


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Figure    2.      Diagram    of    first    position    of   Atsa'/ei   or  first  dancers:    a,  clianter 
b,  patient  ;  c,  ^'ebitjai;  d  .  .  .  d,  dancers. 


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FicrRK  4.     Diagram  of  position  of  dancers  of  tiae  Na'ak//ai'  in  two  lines  :  ,?,  lodge: 
/',  patient ;  r,  Yebitj-ai ;  </,  line  of  male  dancers ;  c,  line  of  female  dancers. 


Navaho  Night  Cha^it.  19 

inside  the  lodge  sing  the  four  Bena  HditdiH  or  Finishing  Hymns. 
The  followino:  is  a  free  translation  of  the  last  of  these  :  — 


From  the  pond  in  the  white  valley  (alkali  flat)  — 

The  young  man  doubts  it  — 

He  (the  god)  takes  up  his  sacrifice. 

With  that  he  now  heals. 

With  that  your  kindred  thank  you  now. 

n. 

From  the  pools  in  the  green  meadow  — 

The  young  woman  doubts  it 

He  takes  up  his  sacrifice. 

With  that  he  now  heals. 

With  that  your  kindred  thank  you  now. 

At  the  pronunciation  of  a  meaningless  vocable  (niyeooo)  in  the  re- 
frain, the  chanter  puts  his  right  hand  under  the  eastern  edge  of  the 
inverted  basket  which  serves  as  a  drum.  (Illustrated  in  "Navaho 
Legends,"  fig.  16.)  As  the  last  verse  of  the  song  is  uttered,  he 
turns  the  basket  over  toward  the  west,  makes  motions  as  if  driving 
released  flies  from  under  the  basket  out  through  the  smoke-hole,  and 
blows  a  breath  after  the  invisible  flies,  as  they  are  supposed  to  de- 
part. During  the  singing  of  this  song,  an  assistant  applies  meal  to 
the  lower  jaw  of  the  patient. 

The  next  labor  of  the  chanter  is  to  unravel  the  drum-stick  (illus- 
trated in  "Navaho  Legends,"  fig.  40),  lay  its  component  parts  in 
order,  and  give  them  to  an  assistant  to  sacrifice.  While  unravelling, 
the  chanter  sings  the  song  appropriate  to  the  act.  When  the  stick 
is  unwound,  the  chanter  gives  final  instructions  to  the  patient,  and 
all  are  at  liberty  to  depart. 

According  to  these  instructions,  the  patient  must  not  sleep  until 

sunset.     Shortly  before  that  time  he  returns  to  the  medicine-lodge  to 

sleep  there,  and  this  he  must  do  for  four  consecutive  nights,  although 

he  may  go  where  he  will  in  the  daytime.     Under  the  threatened 

penalty  of  a  return  of  his  disease,  he  is  forbidden  to  eat  the  tripe, 

liver,  heart,  kidney,  or  head  of  any  animal,  or  to  eat  anything  that 

has  floated  on  water.     If  an  ear  of  corn  or  a  melon  has  dropped  into 

water,  and  floated,  it  must  not  be  eaten.     These  taboos  must  be 

carefully  observ^ed  until  he  attends  a  celebration  of  the  rite  of  don- 

astji^ego  kdiiil;  then  he  may  partake  of  the  peculiar  composite  mess 

prepared  on  that  occasion,  and  thereafter  the  taboos  are  removed. 

VVas/migtOH  Matthews. 
Washington,  D.  C. 


20  youvital  of  American  Folk- Lore. 


THE   TREATMENT   OF   AILING   GODS.^ 

A  LARGE  proportion  of  the  numerous  myths  which  I  have  col- 
lected among  the  Navaho  Indians  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona  belong 
to  a  class  which  I  call  rite-myths.  They  pretend  to  account  for  the 
origin  of  ceremonies  or  for  their  introduction  among  the  Navahoes. 
Some  of  them  are  of  great  length.  I  hav^e  one  in  my  possession 
which  contains  nearly  thirty  thousand  words,  but  others  are  quite 
short.  The  length  of  the  story  that  you  receive  depends  as  much 
on  the  memory  or  knowledge  of  your  informant  as  on  the  original 
amplitude  of  the  tale.  A  shaman  telling  the  story  of  the  rite  with 
which  he  is  most  familiar  will  have  much  more  to  say  than  when  he 
is  recounting  the  myth  of  a  rite  with  which  he  is  not  familiar.  In 
most  cases  some  of  the  elements  of  the  ceremony  are  given,  but  are 
never  all  told.  In  the  short  myth  I  am  about  to  relate,  although 
many  observances  —  absurd  to  the  Caucasian  understanding  —  are 
described,  they  are  probably  not  one  tenth  of  those  to  be  witnessed 
during  the  actual  performance  of  the  ceremony.  I  say  this  from  my 
experience  in  the  study  of  other  rites  and  myths. 

I  shall  relate  to  you  now,  in  the  words  of  a  shaman,  a  brief  myth 
of  how  a  couple  of  the  greatest  divinities  of  the  Navaho  pantheon 
were  taken  ill  and  how  they  were  successfully  treated  by  a  minor 
divinity  ;  and  when  I  have  done  you  will  thank  the  unnamed  shaman 
for  making  the  tale  so  short. 

It  is  long  since  the  Navahoes  went  to  war ;  but  in  former  days 
when  we  fought  our  enemies  we  often  suffered  from  war  diseases. 
Our  young  men  know  nothing  of  this.  One  who  killed  an  enemy 
by  striking  him  in  the  chest  would  get  disease  in  the  chest ;  one  who 
killed  his  enemy  by  striking  on  the  head  would  get  disease  of  the 
head,  and  one  who  killed  by  wounding  in  the  abdomen  would  get 
disease  of  that  part. 

Thus  it  came  to  pass  that,  in  the  ancient  days,  when  the  war-gods 
Nay^nezgani  and  Tb'bad^'isti'i'ni  had  killed  many  of  the  Alien  Gods, 
they  got  war  diseases  in  many  parts  of  their  bodies.  They  suffered 
much  and  became  so  weak  that  they  could  not  walk.  Their  friends 
tried  all  the  remedies  they  could  think  of,  but  for  a  long  time  no 
cure  was  found. 

At  length  some  one  said:  "There  is  one  dwelling  at  Tse'^In^af 
(Black  Standing  Rock)  named  Z^ontjo  (an  insect)  who  knows  of  one 
who  can  cure  war  disease."  So  the  people  lay  in  wait  for  Z^ontjo 
and  caught  him.     "  Who  is  it  that  can  cure  the  war  disease  } "  they 

1  Read  at  the  Twelfth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society, 
Baltimore,  Md.,  December  28,  1900. 


The  Treatment  of  Ailing  Gods.  21 

asked.  "I  dare  not  tell,"  said  Z^onti'O  ;  "it  is  one  whom  I  fear, 
who  does  not  like  to  have  his  power  known."  But  the  people  per- 
sisted and  persuaded  and  threatened  till  at  last  DcvXso  said  :  "  It  is 
//asti-e^rini  (Black  God),  the  owner  of  all  fire.  But  never  let  him 
know  it  was  I  who  revealed  the  secret,  for  I  fear  his  vengeance." 

On  hearing  this,  the  people  got  a  sacred  buckskin,  filled  it  with 
jewelled  baskets,  precious  stones,  shells,  feathers,  and  all  the  trea- 
sures the  gods  most  prize,  and  sent  the  bundle  by  a  messenger  to 
H2i?>\.siz\ri\.  When  the  messenger  entered  the  house  of  the  fire-god 
he  found  the  latter  lying  on  the  ground  with  his  back  to  the  fire  — 
a  favorite  attitude  of  his.  The  messenger  presented  his  bundle  and 
delivered  his  message  ;  but  the  fire-god  only  said,  "  Begone  !  Go 
home,  and  take  your  bundle  with  you." 

The  messenger  returned  to  his  people  and  told  the  result  of  his 
errand.  They  filled  another  sacred  buckskin  with  precious  things  and 
sent  him  back  with  two  bundles  as  a  present  to  Black  God  ;  but  the 
latter  never  rose  from  the  ground  or  took  his  back  from  the  fire. 
He  dismissed  the  messenger  again  with  angry  words.  Once  more 
the  messenger  was  sent  back  with  three  bundles  and  again  with 
four  bundles  of  goods  tied  up  in  sacred  buckskins ;  but  the  god  only 
bade  him  begone,  as  he  had  done  before.  When  he  returned  to  his 
people  he  found  them  singing. 

Now  Z^onti-o  appeared  before  them  and  asked  them  what  they  had 
offered  the  fire-god.  They  told  him,  and  added  :  "We  have  offered 
him  great  pay  for  his  medicine,  but  he  refuses  to  aid  us,  and  sends 
our  messenger  away  with  angry  words."  "  He  is  not  like  other 
gods,"  said  D6x)Xso\  "he  is  surly  and  exclusive.  Few  of  the  holy 
ones  ever  visit  him,  and  he  rarely  visits  any  one.  He  cares  nothing 
for  your  sacred  buckskins,  your  baskets  of  turquoise  and  white  shell, 
your  abalone  and  rock  crystal.  All  he  wants  is  a  smoke,  but  his 
cigarette  must  be  made  in  a  very  particular  way."  And  then  he 
told  them  how  to  make  the  cigarette  sacred  to  //astj-e^'ini  [a  recital 
which  I  shall  spare  my  hearers].  But  he  made  the  people  all  pledge 
secrecy.  He  lived  with  the  fire-god,  and  thus  he  came  to  know  how 
the  cigarette  should  be  made  and  how  it  should  be  given  to  the  god. 

Three  messengers  now  went  to  //asti-e^-ini.  Two  remained  out- 
side, and  one  went  in  to  deliver  the  cigarette,  and  thus  he  gave  it : 
He  carried  it  from  the  right  foot  of  the  god,  up  along  his  body, 
over  his  forehead,  down  his  left  side,  and  laid  it  on  his  left  instep. 
Shading  his  eyes  with  his  hand,  the  god  gazed  at  the  cigarette  on 
his  instep.  He  picked  it  up,  examined  it  on  all  sides,  and  said 
angrily:  "Who  taught  you  to  make  this  cigarette.-'  No  one  knows 
how  to  make  it  but  //as/i'niaci  (Little  Old  Man)  and  Dontso.  One 
of  these  must  have  taught  you."     The  messenger  replied  :  "  I  made 


22  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

it  myself  according  to  my  own  thoughts.  No  one  taught  me.  DontsQ 
dwells  above  you  and  watches  you  day  and  night ;  he  never  leaves 
you."  //astj-e^mi  examined  the  cigarette  again,  inhaled  its  odor 
four  times,  and  said  :  "  Zaa !  It  is  well !  This  is  my  cigarette. 
Stay  you  and  show  me  the  way  I  must  travel.  Let  the  other  mes- 
sengers go  home  in  advance.  I  shall  get  there  on  the  morning  of 
the  third  day."  But  they  begged  him  to  start  that  night.  He  bade 
the  messengers  who  went  in  advance  to  kill  a  deer  with  two  prongs 
on  each  horn,  and  to  boil  it  all  for  a  feast.  When  they  returned  to 
their  home,  they  told  what  HzsXstzxm.  had  said  to  them,  and  the 
people  got  all  things  ready  as  he  had  directed. 

Next  morning  the  Black  God  left  his  home,  went  about  half  way 
to  Naydnezgani's  house,  and  camped  for  the  night.  Many  people 
came  to  his  camp  and  held  a  dance  there.  There  were  birds  among 
them,  for  in  those  days  birds  were  people.  And  because  of  this 
occurrence  now,  in  our  day,  when  //astje^ini  camps  at  night  on  his 
way  to  the  medicine-lodge,  the  people  go  to  his  camp  and  hold  a 
dance. 

On  the  morning  after  this  dance,  all  left  for  the  house  of  sickness 
and  got  there  at  sunset.  Before  they  arrived  they  began  to  shout 
and  to  whoop.  The  Navahoes  in  these  days  shout  and  whoop,  and 
they  call  this  shouting  al/asitje.  A  party  from  Nayenezgani's  house, 
when  they  heard  the  shouting,  went  out  to  meet  the  returning  party, 
and  they  had  a  mock  battle,  in  which  //ast.ye^^Tni's  party  seemed 
victorious.     Such  a  mock  battle  we  hold  to-day  in  the  rites. 

When  //astje^ini  and  his  party  arrived  at  the  lodge  there  was  a 
feast  of  the  venison.  Then  the  ailing  gods  said  they  wished  to  go 
out  of  the  lodge.  Previously,  for  many  days  they  had  to  be  carried 
out ;  but  now  they  were  only  helped  to  rise,  and  they  walked  out 
unaided.  The  people  who  came  with  H-^sX-sczvca  now  went  out  and 
began  to  sing.  The  Black  God  was  there ;  he  had  not  yet  entered 
the  lodge.  But  when  the  people  came  out  he  joined  them,  and  when 
they  returned  to  the  lodge  he  entered  with  them. 

They  now  burned  materials  and  made  two  kinds  of  mixed  char- 
coal. The  first  was  made  of  pine  bark  and  willow.  The  second 
was  composed  of  five  ingredients,  namely :  tJiL/ilgTsi  (a  composite 
plant,  Gutierresia  enthamicz),  tlo'nastazi  (a  grama-grass,  Bontcloua 
Jiirsnta),  tsd'aze,  or  rock-medicine  (undetermined),  a  feather  dropped 
from  a  live  crow,  and  a  feather  dropped  from  a  live  buzzard.  They 
made  four  bracelets  for  the  patients,  each  out  of  three  small  yucca 
leaves  plaited  together.  Then  they  prepared  for  each  seven  sacred 
strings  called  wol/Z/ad,  such  as  are  now  used  by  the  shamans,  and  are 
so  tied  to  a  part  that  with  a  single  pull  they  come  loose.  They 
pounded  together  cedar  leaves  and  a  plant  called  tJiigxxIs'm  and  made 


The  Treatment  of  Ailmg  Gods.  23 

of  these  a  cold  infusion.  All  present  drank  of  tliis  infusion,  and  the 
patients  washed  their  bodies  with  a  portion  of  it.  They  applied  the 
wol^/^ad  to  different  parts  of  the  patients'  bodies,  proceeding  from 
below  upwards,  viz  :  feet,  knees,  hands,  and  head.  While  they  were 
tying  these,  the  Black  God  entered  and  song  was  begun.  When  the 
singing  was  half  done,  the  patients  and  all  present  drank  again  of 
the  cold  infusion,  and  the  patients  washed  their  bodies  with  the 
residue.  Assistants  next  touched  each  of  the  ailing  gods  with  black 
paint  made  of  the  second  charcoal,  on  the  soles,  the  palms,  on  each 
side  of  the  chest,  on  each  side  of  the  back,  over  the  shoulder-blade, 
and  painted  the  throat.  They  greased  the  bodies  of  the  gods  with 
a  big  lump  of  sacred  fat,  and  over  this  coating  of  grease  they  rubbed 
the  first  charcoal  until  the  bodies  looked  as  black  as  that  of  i/ast- 
j-e^ini  himself.  But  they  painted  the  faces  with  grease  and  red 
ochre,  and  they  spotted  each  cheek  in  three  places  with  specular 
iron  ore.  They  put  on  each  a  garment  called  kd/aha  /^ast.ye  [worn 
diagonally  like  a  sash] ;  they  tied  on  the  yucca  bracelets,  and  tied  a 
downy  eagle-feather,  plucked  from  a  live  eagle,  to  each  head.  The 
two  who  painted  the  patients  got  for  a  fee  four  buckskins  each. 
They  placed  gopher  manure  in  the  moccasins  of  the  ailing  gods,  and 
then  put  the  moccasins  on  They  put  strings  of  beads  around  their 
necks.  They  gave  to  each  a  bag  of  medicine,  out  of  the  mouth  of 
which  stuck  the  bill  of  a  crow.  They  began  to  sing,  and  sent  the 
tdiWtk,s\  (patients)  forth  from  the  lodge. 

The  patients  went  to  a  place  where  lay  the  scalp  of  an  enemy  on 
which  ashes  had  been  sprinkled.  Each  picked  the  scalp  four  times 
with  the  crow's  bill  from  his  medicine-bag.  Then  they  went  to  a 
distance  from  the  lodge  and  "inhaled  the  sun."  They  did  not  then 
return  to  the  medicine-lodge,  but  each  went,  as  he  was  instructed,  to 
his  home,  where  a  mixture  of  glej-  (white  earth)  and  water  was 
already  prepared  for  him.  Each  dipped  his  hand  into  this,  and 
marked  on  the  shins,  thighs,  and  other  parts  of  his  body  the  impress 
of  his  open  hand  in  white.  They  partook  of  corn  pollen,  the  first 
food  they  had  eaten  during  the  day,  and  they  arose  and  walked 
around,  happily  restored.  It  was  beautiful  above  them.  It  was  beau- 
tiful below  them.  It  was  beautiful  before  them.  It  was  beautiful 
behind  them.     It  was  beautiful  all  around  them. 

At  sundown  //asti-e^-ini  left  for  his  home,  and  the  war-gods  went 
back  to  the  medicine-lodge.  The  people  sang  all  night,  and  beat 
the  basket-drum.  As  was  done  to  the  gods  then,  so  would  we  do 
to-day,  if  one  among  us  got  the  war-disease. 

Washington  Matthews. 

Washington,  D.  C. 


24  your7tal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


THE   SHOSHONEAN   GAME   OF   NA-WA-TA-PI.i 

During  the  months  of  May,  June,  and  July  of  1900,  I  made, 
on  behalf  of  the  Department  of  Anthropology  of  the  Field  Colum- 
bian Museum,  an  extended  collecting  expedition  through  several  of 
the  Western  States.  One  of  the  chief  objects  of  my  journey  was  to 
secure  ethnological  specimens  from  some  of  the  Shoshonean  tribes, 
which  great  stock,  with  the  exception  of  the  Hopi  division,  was 
practically  unrepresented  in  the  museum.  Being  accompanied  by 
Mr.  Stewart  Culin,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  it  was  only 
natural  that  particular  attention  should  have  been  paid  to  the  subject 
of  games.  We  had  not  proceeded  far  on  our  journey  before  it  be- 
came perfectly  evident  that  much  yet  remains  to  be  learned  concern- 
ing this  very  interesting  and  important  subject.  Indeed,  during  the 
three  months,  many  suggestive  variations  of  games  already  exten- 
sively known  and  studied  were  discovered,  the  presence  of  certain 
games  not  hitherto  reported  among  tribes  was  determined,  and  finally 
a  few  games  were  unearthed  which,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  have  never 
before  been  described  in  anthropologic  literature.  Into  this  last 
category  falls  the  game  which  forms  the  subject  of  this  paper. 

The  first  encounter  made  of  this  game  was  among  the  Shoshoni 
of  the  Wind  River  Reservation,  Wyoming.  It  is  neither  more  nor 
less  than  a  contest  among  women  of  their  skill  of  juggling  in  the  air 
two  or  more  balls  made  of  mud  or  cut  from  gypsum.  Occasionally 
rounded  water-worn  stones  are  used.  The  Shoshoni  name  for  the 
game  is  nd-wd-td-pi  ta-na-wa-ta-pi,  meaning  to  throw  with  the  hand. 
The  usual  number  of  balls  used  is  three,  although  two  or  four  may 
be  used.  The  object  is  to  keep  one  or  more  of  the  balls,  according 
to  the  number  used,  in  the  air  by  passing  them  upward  from,  one 
hand  to  the  other,  and  vice  versa,  after  the  fashion  of  our  well-ki^own 
jugglers.  The  balls  (see  PI.  I.)  are  about  an  inch  in  diameter,  and 
are  painted  according  to  the  fancy  of  'the  owner,  one  of  the  sets  col- 
lected having  been  painted  blue,  another  red,  while  a  third  set  was 
white. 

Contests  of  skill  with  these  balls  are  occasions  of  considerable 
betting  among  the  women,  stakes  of  importance  often  being  wagered. 
The  usual  play  of  the  game  is  when  two  or  more  women  agree  upon 
some  objective  point,  such  as  a  tree  or  tipi,  to  which  they  direct 
their  steps,  juggling  the  balls  as  they  go.  The  individual  who  first 
arrives  at  the  goal  without  having  dropped  one  of  the  balls,  or 
without  having  a  mishap  of  any  sort,  is  the  winner  of  the  contest. 

^  Read  at  the  Twelfth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  American  Folk- Lore  Society,  at 
Baltimore,  Md.,  December  28,  1900. 


Plate  I. 


Two  sets  of  gypsum  balls  used  in  the  Shoshonean  game  of  Na-\va-tapi. 

Plate  II. 


Two  sets  of  clay  balls  used  in  the  I'aiute  game  of  Na-wa-tapi. 


The  Shoshoneaji  Game  of  Na-wd-ta-pi.  25 

We  were  not  so  fortunate  as  to  see  an  actual  contest  among  the 
women  of  their  skill  in  juggling  these  balls,  but  enough  was  seen  at 
the  hands  of  the  women  from  whom  the  sets  were  obtained  to  make 
it  perfectly  evident  that  they  were  expert  in  the  matter,  and  pos- 
sessed such  control  over  the  movement  of  the  balls  as  could  come 
only  from  long  practice.  All  Shoshoni  who  were  interrogated  on 
this  point  declared  that  the  art  of  juggling  had  long  been  known  by 
the  women,  and  that  before  the  advent  of  the  whites  into  Wyoming 
contests  for  stakes  among  the  women  was  one  of  their  commonest 
forms  of  gambling. 

This  game  was  also  observed  among  the  Bannocks,  the  Utes,  and 
the  Paiutes  (see  Plate  II.),  and  it  is  quite  likely  that  it  is  known 
among  all  the  tribes  of  the  Shoshonean  stock.  Its  presence  among 
tribes  of  other  stocks  has  not  yet  been  noted. 

George  A.  Dorsey. 


26  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

LEGENDS   OF  THE   SLAVEY   INDIANS  OF  THE  MAC- 
KENZIE  RIVER.i 

I.    THE    LONG    WINTER. 

Before  the  present  state  of  the  world  was  established,  and  when 
there  were  as  yet  no  men,  a  very  long  winter  set  in.  The  sun  was 
never  seen,  the  air  was  dark,  and  thick  clouds  always  covered  the 
sky  and  hung  low  down.  It  snowed  continually.  After  this  had 
lasted  three  years,  all  the  animals  were  suffering  very  much  from 
want  of  food  and  still  more  from  want  of  heat.  They  became  greatly 
alarmed.  A  grand  council  was  held,  which  beasts,  birds,  and  fishes 
attended.  It  was  noticed  that  no  bears  had  been  seen  for  three 
years,  and  that  they  were  the  only  creatures  which  did  not  go  to  the 
council. 

The  meeting  decided  that  the  great  thing  was  to  find  out  what  had 
become  of  the  heat,  whose  long  absence  was  the  cause  of  all  their 
sufferings,  and  if  possible  to  bring  it  back  again.  In  order  to  do  this 
they  resolved  that  as  many  of  them  as  possible,  representing  all 
classes,  should  go  on  a  search  expedition  to  the  upper  world  where 
they  thought  the  heat  was  detained.  When  the  council  broke  up 
they  all  set  out,  and  after  much  travelling  far  and  wide  through  the 
air,  some  of  them  were  fortunate  enough  to  find  the  door  or  opening 
to  the  upper  regions,  and  they  went  in.  Among  those  which  were 
fortunate  enough  to  get  in  were  the  lynx,  the  fox,  the  wolf,  the  car- 
cajou, the  mouse,  the  pike,  and  the  mari  (dogfish  or  fresh-water  ling). 
After  exploring  for  some  time  they  saw  a  lake  and  beside  it  a  camp 
with  a  fire  burning.  On  going  to  the  camp  they  found  two  young 
bears  living  there.  They  asked  the  cubs  where  their  mother  was, 
and  were  told  she  was  off  hunting.  In  the  tipi  a  number  of  full, 
round  bags  were  hanging  up.  The  visitors  pointed  to  the  first  one 
and  asked  the  young  bears, — 

"  What  is  in  this  bag }  " 

"  That,"  said  they,  "  is  where  our  mother  keeps  the  rain," 

"And  what  is  in  this  one,"  pointing  to  the  second  bag. 

"That,"  they  answered,  "is  the  wind." 

"And  this  one.?  " 

"  That  is  where  mother  keeps  the  fog." 

"  And  what  may  be  in  this  next  one  } " 

"  Oh,  we  cannot  let  you  know  that,"  said  the  cubs,  "for  our  mother 
told  us  it  was  a  great  secret,  and  if  we  tell,  she  will  be  very  angry 
and  will  cuff  our  heads  when  she  returns." 

^  Read  at  the  Twelfth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  at 
Baltimore,  Md.,  December  28,  1900. 


Legends  of  the  Slavey  hidians.  27 

"  Oh,  don't  be  afraid,"  said  the  fox,  "  she  will  never  know  that  you 
told  us." 

Then  the  cubs  answered,  *'  That  is  the  bag  where  she  keeps  the 
heat." 

The  visitors  had  ascertained  what  they  wanted,  and  they  all  went 
out  of  the  tipi  to  hold  a  consultation.  It  was  decided  to  retire  to  a 
distance,  as  the  old  bear  might  return  at  any  time.  But  first  they 
advised  the  young  bears  to  keep  a  lookout  for  any  deer  (caribou) 
which  might  come  to  the  opposite  shore  of  the  lake. 

It  was  resolved  that  the  lynx  should  go  round  to  the  other  side 
of  the  lake,  turn  into  a  deer,  and  show  himself  so  as  to  attract  the 
attention  of  the  young  bears.  Meantime  the  mouse  was  to  go  into 
the  bear's  canoe  and  gnaw  a  deep  cut  in  the  handle  of  her  paddle 
close  to  the  blade.  The  others  were  all  to  conceal  themselves  near 
the  bear's  tipi.  The  scheme  proved  successful.  When  one  of  the 
little  bears  saw  the  supposed  buck  across  the  lake  he  cried  out, 
"  Mother,  mother,  look  at  the  deer  on  the  opposite  shore."  The  old 
bear  immediately  jumped  into  her  canoe,  and  paddled  towards  it. 
The  deer  walked  leisurely  along  the  beach  pretending  not  to  see  the 
canoe,  so  as  to  tempt  the  bear  to  paddle  up  close  to  him.  Then  all 
at  once  he  doubled  about  and  ran  the  opposite  way.  The  bear 
hastened  to  turn  her  canoe  by  a  few  powerful  strokes,  throwing  her 
whole  weight  on  the  paddle,  which  broke  suddenly  where  the  mouse 
had  gnawed  it ;  and  the  bear,  falling  at  the  same  time  on  the  side  of 
the  canoe,  upset  herself  into  the  water.  The  other  animals  were 
watching  the  hunt  from  the  opposite  side,  and  as  soon  a§  they  saw 
the  bear  floundering  in  the  water,  they  ran  into  the  tipi,  pulled  down 
the  bag  containing  the  heat,  and  tugged  it,  one  at  a  time,  through  the 
air  towards  the  opening  to  the  lower  world  from  which  they  had 
come.  They  hastened  along  as  fast  as  they  could,  but  the  bag  was 
very  large,  and  none  of  them  were  able  to  keep  up  the  pace  very 
long  ;  but  whenever  one  became  tired  out,  another  would  take  the 
bag,  and  so  they  all  hurried  along  at  a  rapid  rate,  for  they  knew  that 
the  bear  would  soon  get  ashore  and  return  to  her  tipi,  and  that  when 
she  discovered  her  loss  she  would  make  haste  to  follow  them.  Sure 
enough,  she  was  soon  in  hot  pursuit,  and  had  almost  overtaken  them 
before  they  reached  the  opening  to  the  underworld.  By  this  time 
the  stronger  animals  were  all  exhausted,  and  now  the  mari  took  the 
bag  and  pulled  it  along  a  good  way,  and  finally  the  pike  caught  it  up 
and  managed  to  get  it  through  the  hole  just  as  the  bear  was  upon 
the  party.  But  every  one  of  them  passed  safely  through  at  the  same 
time,  and  the  moment  the  bag  was  within  the  underworld  all  the 
animals  seized  upon  it  and  tore  it  open.  The  heat  rushed  out  and 
spread  at  once  to  all  parts  of  the  world  and  quickly  thawed  the  vast 


2  8  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

accumulation  of  ice  and  snow.  Its  rapid  melting  flooded  the  earth, 
and  the  water  rose  till  it  threatened  to  drown  all  the  animals  which 
had  survived  the  long  winter.  Many  of  them  saved  their  lives  by- 
climbing  up  a  particularly  big  tree  which  was  much  taller  than  any 
of  the  others  in  the  woods.  There  was  also  a  high  mountain  which 
others  reached  and  were  saved.  The  poor  beasts  now  cried  loudly 
for  some  one  to  remove  the  water,  and  a  great  creature,  something 
like  a  fish,  appeared  and  drank  it  until  he  became  as  large  as  a  moun- 
tain. So  the  dry  land  returned,  and  as  summer  had  come  again,  the 
trees  and  bushes  and  flowers  which  had  been  covered  by  the  ice 
leaved  out  once  more,  and  from  that  time  till  now  the  world  has 
always  been  just  as  we  see  it  at  the  present  day. 

II.  THE  GUARDIAN  OF  THE  COPPER  MINE. 

Many  years  ago,  a  woman  of  the  Yellow  (or  Red)  Knife  tribe  got 
separated  from  her  people  and  was  left  at  the  edge  of  the  woods, 
from  which  the  open  lands  stretch  away  to  the  north.  She  was 
found  by  a  party  of  Inuits,  who  took  her  with  them  to  the  salt  sea 
on  the  other  side  of  the  open  country.^  Having  reached  the  sea, 
they  took  her  across  it  in  a  boat  made  of  skins,  to  a  country  still 
farther  away. 

She  was  in  that  country  for  several  winters,  but  became  very  tired 
of  it,  and  longed  to  see  her  own  people  once  more.  One  day  in 
spring  she  was  sitting  on  the  shore  looking  south  across  the  water  and 
crying  for  her  people.  A  friendly  wolf  came  towards  her,  wagging 
its  tail.  "  My  poor  woman,"  said  the  wolf,  "  why  do  you  cry  } "  At 
the  same  time  he  licked  the  tears  from  her  cheeks.  She  told  him 
she  wished  to  cross  the  sea,  so  that  she  might  try  to  walk  to  her  own 
tribe.  "  I  can  help  you  to  do  that,"  said  the  wolf.  "  But,"  the 
woman  answered,  "you  have  no  boat,"  "  Never  mind,  follow  me," 
was  the  reply.  She  followed  him  along  the  shore  for  some  distance, 
and  then  he  commenced  to  wade  out  into  the  water.  He  knew  the 
shallow  places  for  crossing  the  sea.  The  woman  found  the  water  not 
too  deep.  In  some  parts  it  was  not  much  above  her  ankles.  She 
got  safely  to  the  south  side,  and  the  wolf  returned  by  the  way  they 
had  come.  She  then  started  to  walk  over  the  open  country.  After 
trav^elling  thus  all  alone  for  two  moons  she  came  to  a  river  and  sat 
down  upon  its  bank.  Among  the  stones  at  her  feet  she  saw  some 
pieces  of  red  metal.  She  selected  a  thin  one  and  made  it  into  a 
bracelet,  which  she  polished  till  it  looked  very  beautiful,  and  then 

^  The  Indians  of  the  far  north  imagine  that  the  whole  sea  consists  of  the  long 
channel  formed  by  Dolphin  and  Union  Straits,  Coronation  Gulf,  Dease  Strait,  etc., 
and  tliey  speak  of  the  north  and  the  south  side  of  the  sea  as  they  would  of  the 
opposite  shores  of  a  large  lake. 


Legends  of  the  Slavey  I7idia7is.  29 

put  it  upon  her  arm.  She  then  continued  her  journey  toward  the 
south.  For  several  days  after  leaving  the  place  where  she  found 
the  red  metal  she  set  up  a  stone  for  a  mark  here  and  there  on  the 
tops  of  the  hills,  so  that  if  she  ever  came  that  way  again  she  might 
be  guided  to  the  exact  spot  by  these  private  marks. 

She  walked  for  many  days  more  towards  the  south,  and  then  saw 
some  tipis  which  looked  like  those  of  her  own  people.  Approaching 
them  cautiously,  so  as  not  to  be  seen,  she  satisfied  herself  that 
the  people  living  in  the  tipis  belonged  to  her  own  tribe.  She  then 
entered  one  of  the  lodges,  tired  and  hungry,  and  was  well  received. 
The  occupants  gave  her  food,  and  she  then  lay  down  and  slept. 
When  she  awoke  she  found  the  women  of  the  tipi  examining  the 
shining  bracelet  on  her  arm.  They  asked  her  where  she  had  got  it, 
and  were  told  that  she  had  made  it  herself  from  a  piece  of  red  metal 
picked  up  a  long  way  off,  but  she  said  she  would  go  with  them  to  the 
place  in  the  spring.  When  the  winter  had  passed,  a  number  of  the 
men  of  the  band  proposed  to  go  to  the  red  metal  mine,  and  when 
they  started  she  accompanied  them  as  guide.  They  travelled  back 
in  the  direction  in  which  she  had  come,  and  as  they  approached  the 
place  she  recognized  the  private  marks  she  had  set  up,  but  said 
nothing  about  them  to  the  men. 

They  camped  at  the  spot  and  gathered  a  number  of  pieces  of  the 
metal  to  take  back  with  them,  but  before  starting  on  the  return 
journey  they  insulted  her  and  treated  her  so  badly  that  she  refused 
to  go  back  with  them,  but  resolved  to  stay  always  at  the  mine  in 
order  to  guard  it.  So  she  sat  down  upon  it,  and  the  men  went 
away. 

About  ten  years  afterwards  a  second  party  of  men  came  to  the  spot 
and  found  that  about  half  of  her  body  had  sunk  into  the  ground. 
Another  ten  years  had  passed  before  the  Indians  again  visited  the 
place.  Only  her  head  then  remained  above  the  surface.  It  was 
thirty  or  forty  years  after  the  first  visit  when  the  last  party  went 
there,  and  she  had  then  sunk  entirely  out  of  sight,  pressing  the 
mine  down  beneath  her.  Since  that  time  many  have  searched  for 
the  treasure,  but  none  have  found  it,  because  it  is  buried. 

Robert  Bell. 

Ottawa,  Canada. 


yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


KENTUCKY   FOLK-LORE. 

On  numerous  botanical  collecting  trips  through  Southern  Ken- 
tucky, I  have  found  that  there  still  prevail  many  of  the  superstitious 
ideas  of  a  less  civilized  age.  Implicit  faith  is  placed  in  signs,  or  "  to- 
kens "(as  one  quaint  old  vi^oman  termed  them),  omens  and  charms, 
even  by  very  sensible,  well-informed  people.  One  wonders  what  the 
schoolmaster  has  been  about  all  these  years,  or  whether,  despite  his 
efforts,  these  ideas  are  bound  to  survive  and  always  retain  a  niche 
in  the  minds  of  sensible  people. 

Many  of  the  ideas  given  below  are  common  to  people  of  other 
States,  but  the  greater  part  of  them  are  peculiar  to  this  section,  and 
have  probably  never  before  appeared  in  print. 

Following  are  some  of  the  weather  proverbs  I  have  heard  here  :  — 

Fruit  is  never  killed  by  frost  in  March.  Nor  is  it  killed  during 
the  light  of  the  moon. 

Remove  your  flannels  on  the  first  day  of  May,  and  you  will  not  take 
cold. 

If  locusts  (cicadas)  are  noisy,  it  is  a  sign  of  dry  weather. 

Whirlwinds  of  dust  are  a  sign  of  dry  weather. 

It  never  rains  at  night  during  July. 

If  the  sun  shines  while  it  is  raining,  it  will  rain  again  the  following 
day. 

There  will  be  frost  just  three  months  after  the  first  katydid  is 
heard. 

Birds  and  hens  singing  during  rain  indicate  fair  weather. 

If  roosters  crow  when  they  go  to  roost,  it  is  a  sign  of  rain. 

When  the  coal  smoke  and  gas  puffs  out  into  the  room  with  a  sing- 
ing noise,  it  is  a  sign  of  snow. 

The  first  thunder  in  the  spring  awakens  the  snakes. 

A  common  expression  when  the  first  robin  is  seen  in  the  spring 
is  :  "  You  '11  be  looking  through  glass  (ice)  windows  yet !  " 

The  sun  always  shines  brightly  some  time  on  Friday  and  Saturday. 

If  the  weather  clears  off  during  hours  of  darkness,  it  will  rain  again 
in  thirty-six  hours. 

When  chickens  get  on  the  fence  during  a  rain  and  pick  themselves, 
it  is  a  sign  of  clear  weather. 

When  the  rain  gets  thick  and  heavy,  almost  like  mist,  it  will  turn 
cold. 

If  a  rainbow  bows  over  a  house,  there  will  be  a  death  in  that  house. 

Stretch  a  yarn  string  over  beans  and  other  young  plants  in  the  early 
spring,  and  they  will  not  be  injured.  The  frost  will  collect  on  the 
yarn,  and  the  plants  will  not  be  touched. 


Kentucky  Fo Ik-Lore.  31 

It  always  rains  for  five  days  in  succession  after  an  eclipse  of  the 
sun. 

If  a  "  Bob-white  "  only  says  "  Bob  "  once  (that  is,  does  not  repeat 
the  first  note),  there  will  be  rain. 

Cool  weather  in  May  is  called  "  blackberry  winter ; "  and  if  it  is 
cool  when  the  dogwood  blooms,  it  is  styled  "dogwood  winter." 

If  taken  sick  any  time  in  March  that  has  two  new  moons,  the  pa- 
tient will  die. 

When  the  rain-drops  stand  on  the  trees,  it  will  rain  again.  When 
they  drop  off,  it  will  stop  raining. 

It  always  clears  off  at  milking-time. 

It  never  rains  as  hard  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

"Rain  from  the  east  rains  three  days  at  least." 

If  the  sun  sets  in  a  cloud  on  Sunday,  it  will  rain  before  Wednes- 
day.    If  on  Wednesday,  it  will  rain  before  Sunday. 

Many  gnats  and  flies  are  a  sign  of  rain. 

If  the  clouds  open  before  seven  and  shut  up  again,  it  will  rain  be- 
fore eleven. 

"  Open  and  shet  is  a  sign  of  wet." 

If  the  stars  are  thick,  it  is  a  sign  of  rain. 

If  dark  clouds  arise  in  the  west  at  sunset  and  then  fall  back,  it  will 
rain  ;  if  they  disperse,  it  will  not. 

When  the  peacocks  cry  a  great  deal  in  winter,  it  is  a  sign  the  cold 
weather  is  over.    When  they  run  along  the  ground  crying,  it  will  rain. 

If  it  rains  before  seven,  it  will  clear  off  before  eleven. 

If  there  is  lightning  in  the  north,  it  will  rain  in  twenty-four  hours. 

Lightning  in  the  south  means  dry  weather. 

Three  white  frosts  and  then  a  rain. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  ideas  entertained,  not  only  by  ne- 
groes, but  by  all  classes  of  people,  in  regard  to  charm-healing :  — 

A  brass  ring  worn  on  the  left  thumb  prevents  rheumatism. 

A  leather  band  worn  around  the  wrist  prevents  cramp. 

To  have  your  ears  pierced,  or  to  wear  earrings,  prevents  sore  eyes. 
(It  is  not  unusual  to  see  countrymen  and  negro  men  wearing  ear- 
rings.) 

To  cure  a  bone-felon,  have  a  person,  who,  before  he  was  seven 
years  old,  has  held  a  mole  till  it  died,  hold  the  finger  for  one  half 
hour. 

For  warts,  steal  a  dish-rag  and  hide  it  in  a  stump.  Also,  pick  the 
wart  with  a  needle,  and  put  the  blood  on  a  piece  of  paper,  then  hide 
this  till  the  paper  decays,  when  the  wart  will  disappear.  Still  an- 
other is  to  put  the  blood  on  a  grain  of  corn,  —  in  the  crease  at  the  side 
of  the  grain,  —  and  feed  it  to  a  fully  grown  chicken.  Also  to  spit  on 
the  wart,  and  rub  it  seven  times  upward  with  the  finger  while  one 


32  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

chants  a  hocus-pocus  rhyme.  Another  cure  is  to  tie  as  many  knots 
in  a  string  as  there  are  warts,  and  bury  it  under  a  stone.  Warts  are 
thought  to  be  caused  by  handling  a  toad. 

If  a  person  who  has  never  seen  his  own  father  will  look  in  the 
mouth  of  a  child  who  has  the  thrush  it  will  effect  a  cure.  It  is  said 
that  in  the  mountains  intelligent  (.'')  women  take  their  babies  miles 
on  horseback,  through  heat  or  cold,  to  have  some  one,  who  has  never 
seen  his  father,  blow  in  their  mouths  for  the  thrush. 

Rheumatism  is  treated  with  pole-cat  grease,  or  red-worm  oil. 

March  snow,  or  bottled  snow-water,  is  used  for  sore  eyes  ;  and  a 
snail,  or  slug,  is  placed  on  the  gum  for  the  toothache.  An  old  woman, 
with  great  earnestness,  told  me  of  this  last  remedy,  and  also  added, 
"If  you  take  a  'Bess-bug'  (a  large  black  beetle)  and  cut  off  his 
head  one  drop  of  blood  will  flow,  this  will  cure  the  earache  every 
tiniey 

For  toothache  a  "  faith  doctor  "  wrote  the  following  words,  "  galla, 
gaffa,  gassa,"  on  the  wall.  With  a  nail  he  pointed  at  each  letter  of 
the  words,  at  the  same  time  asking  the  sufferer  if  the  tooth  felt  any 
better.  When  he  reached  a  letter  where  the  tooth  was  said  to  be 
better  he  drove  the  nail  in  and  the  tooth  ceased  aching. 

To  "  take  out  fire  "  (cure  burns)  he  wet  his  forefinger  with  spittle, 
and  gently  rubbed  over  the  burned  places,  repeating  some  "cere- 
mony." 

To  cure  bots  in  horses,  he  rubbed  the  animal  nine  times  from  the 
tip  of  its  nose  to  the  end  of  the  tail,  repeating  some  lingo,  then 
slapped  the  horse  on  the  side.  When  this  story  was  told  to  me,  it 
was  added  that  "  the  horse  would  be  up  and  eating  grass  in  half  an 
hour."  It  is  believed  that  if  a  man  teaches  a  man  this  "  cere- 
mony," he  will  lose  his  power  to  cure  ;  but  he  can  teach  a  woman  the 
words. 

To  stop  hemorrhages,  this  same  "faith  doctor"  has  a  second  per- 
son repeat,  with  the  patient,  the  following  text  from  Ezekiel :  "  And 
when  I  passed  by  thee,  and  saw  thee  polluted  in  thine  own  blood,  I 
said  unto  thee,  Live." 

I  have  been  told  by  reliable  persons  that,  in  the  mountains,  hem- 
orrhages are  checked  —  or  supposed  to  be  —  by  laying  an  axe  under 
the  bed  of  the  patient,  and  erysipelas  by  "  striking  fire  "  over  the 
patient's  head. 

Glandular  swellings  arc  treated  with  two-year-old  marrow  taken 
from  the  inferior  maxillary  of  a  hog. 

Boils  are  treated  with  a  poultice  of  mud-dauber's  nests. 

Sprains  are  treated  with  goose-grease. 

Chicken-pox  is  treated  with  the  water  in  which  the  feathers  of  a 
black  chicken  are  boiled.     This  is  founded  on  the  belief,  no  doubt, 


Kentucky  Folk-Lore.  33 

that  the  disease  is  contracted  from  a  chicken,  and  that  "  the  hair  of 
the  dog  is  good  for  the  bite." 

For  "  fallen  palate,"  the  hair  on  top  of  the  patient's  head  is  grasped 
and  pulled  "  till  it  pops,"  the  patient  at  the  same  time  being  made  to 
swallow  twice. 

Toothache  is  relieved  by  making  the  gums  bleed,  and  taking  the 
blood  on  a  long  cotton  string.  This  is  tied  around  a  dogwood-tree 
at  the  place  where  an  incision  has  been  made  in  the  bark. 

For  nose-bleed,  a  yarn  string  is  worn  around  the  left  little  finger, 
or  a  certain  gristle  is  taken  from  a  hog's  ear  and  worn  as  a  pre- 
ventive. 

Buckeyes  carried  in  the  pocket  are  a  preventive  of  rheumatism. 

Many  of  the  negro  superstitions  are  quite  interesting.  An  old 
philosopher  told  me  with  great  gravity  :  "  If  you  want  peppers  to  grow, 
you  must  git  mad.  My  old  'oman  an'  me  had  a  spat  and  I  went  right 
out  and  planted  my  peppahs  an'  they  come  right  up  !  "  Still  another 
saying  is  that  peppers,  to  prosper,  must  be  planted  by  a  red-headed, 
or  by  a  high-tempered,  person.  The  negro  also  says  that  one  never 
sees  a  jay-bird  on  Friday,  for  the  bird  visits  his  Satanic  majesty 
to  "pack  kindling  "  on  that  day.  The  three  signs  in  which  the  ne- 
groes place  implicit  trust  are  the  well-known  ones  of  the  ground- 
hog's appearing  above  ground  on  the  second  of  February  ;  that  a  hoe 
must  not  be  carried  through  a  house  or  a  death  will  follow ;  and  that 
potatoes  must  be  planted  in  the  dark  of  the  moon,  as  well  as  all  vege- 
tables that  ripen  in  the  ground  (and  that  corn  must  be  planted  in 
the  light  of  the  moon). 

Feed  gunpowder  to  dogs,  and  it  will  make  them  fierce. 

A  negro  will  not  burn  the  wood  of  a  tree  that  has  been  struck  by 
lightning,  for  fear  that  his  house  will  burn,  or  be  struck  by  lightning. 

If  a  bird  flies  into  a  house,  it  brings  bad  luck.  If  a  crawfish,  or  a 
turtle  catches  your  toes,  it  will  hold  on  till  it  thunders. 

When  a  child,  I  was  told  by  a  black  nurse  that  if  a  bat  alights  on 
one's  head,  it  would  stay  till  it  thundered.  This  was  so  terrifying 
that  even  now  I  have  an  unnecessary  fear  of  being  clutched  by  a  bat. 

To  make  soap,  stir  it  with  a  sassafras  stick,  in  the  dark  of  the 
moon. 

Snakes  will  not  come  about  a  garden  where  gourds  are  grown. 

Boil  a  biscuit  with  cabbage,  and  there  will  be  no  odor. 

When  cooking  onions,  place  a  pan  of  water  over  them,  and  there 
will  be  no  odor. 

If  you  kill  the  first  snake  you  see  in  the  spring,  you  will  over- 
come all  your  enemies  that  year. 

You  must  not  cut  a  baby's  nails  before  it  is  a  year  old ;  you  must 
bite  them  off. 

VOL.  XIV.  —  NO.  52.       3 


34  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

A  ring  around  the  moon  indicates  bad  weather,  which  will  last  as 
many  days  or  begin  in  as  many  days  as  there  are  stars  inclosed  in 
the  circle. 

Only  a  fool  can  grow  gourds. 

If  you  burn  the  bread,  your  sweetheart  is  thinking  of  you. 

It  is  bad  luck  to  have  weeds  grow  about  the  house. 

If  you  drop  the  dish-cloth,  it  will  bring  a  caller. 

It  is  bad  luck  not  to  leave  the  room  by  the  same  door  you  enter. 

Martens  go  south  the  fifteenth  day  of  August. 

If  a  young  child  marks  the  furniture,  it  will  soon  die,  —  "  it  is  mark- 
ing itself  out  of  the  world." 

If  a  dog  howls  in  front  of  a  house  it  is  a  sign  of  death. 

Eat  a  buckeye  and  your  head  will  turn  round. 

The  young  people  in  the  country  can  tell  you  quite  as  many 
"signs."     Here  are  a  number  of  them  :  — 

To  sit  on  a  table  is  a  sign  you  wish  to  marry,  while  to  stumble 
when  going  upstairs  is  a  sure  sign  you  will  receive  a  letter. 

If  your  ears  burn  some  one  is  talking  ill  of  you,  while  if  your  hand 
itches  you  will  receive  a  present,  or  shake  hands  with  a  stranger. 

If  your  right  foot  itches,  you  are  to  go  on  a  journey  ;  if  the  left,  you 
are  going  where  you  are  not  wanted. 

When  your  nose  itches,  some  one  is  coming.  If  it  is  when  you 
are  away  from  home,  you  may  know  you  are  wanted  at  home. 

If  your  right  eye  itches,  you  will  cry ;  if  the  left,  you  will  laugh. 

If  you  sing  before  breakfast,  you  will  cry  before  night. 

If  your  apron  or  shoe  comes  untied,  your  sweetheart  is  thinking 
of  you. 

If  a  bunch  of  straw  comes  out  of  a  broom  when  sweeping,  name 
it  and  place  it  over  the  door,  and  the  person  named  will  call.  If  the 
broom  falls  across  the  doorway,  some  one  will  call. 

It  is  extremely  bad  luck  to  step  over  a  broom  ;  if  you  do  this,  you 
must  immediately  step  over  it  again  backwards. 

If  a  bride  drops  the  wedding  ring  before  or  during  the  cere- 
mony, it  is  a  bad  omen. 

One  must  not  give  a  friend  a  knife  or  other  sharp  instrument,  as 
it  "cuts  love." 

A  common  thing  with  young  girls,  when  they  spend  their  first 
night  in  a  room,  is  to  name  each  of  the  four  corners  for  as  many 
beaux.  The  corner  first  looked  at  in  the  morning  will  bear  the  name 
of  the  accepted  suitor. 

You  must  not  turn  a  log  of  wood  over  in  the  fire,  or  you  will  have 
bad  luck ;  and  if  a  chunk  falls  down,  you  must  not  turn  it  around 
when  you  replace  it.  If  you  spit  on  it,  and  name  it  for  your  sweet- 
heart when  you  replace  it,  he  will  come  ere  it  burns  out. 


Kentucky  Folk- Lore.  35 

If  the  fire  roars,  there  will  be  a  quarrel  in  the  family. 

If  two  hens  fight,  two  ladies  will  call. 

Catch  a  butterfly,  and  bite  its  head  off,  and  you  will  have  a  dress 
the  color  of  the  butterfly ;  while,  if  you  find  a  "  measuring-worm  " 
(caterpillar)  on  your  dress,  you  will  have  a  new  garment  of  the  same 
color. 

If  you  see  a  hairy  caterpillar  (called  "fever-worms"  in  some  sec- 
tions of  the  country),  spit  on  it,  and  it  will  save  you  a  spell  of 
fever. 

"Where  the  spider  webs  grow,  no  beaux  don't  go." 

If  you  can  make  your  first  and  little  finger  meet  over  the  back  of 
the  hand,  you  will  marry. 

Count  ninety-nine  white  horses  and  a  white  mule,  and  the  first 
person  you  shake  hands  with  you  will  marry. 

Spit  over  your  little  finger  when  you  s:ee  a  white  horse,  and  your 
wish  will  come  true. 

Look  at  a  new  moon  over  your  left  shoulder,  and  make  this  wish,  — 

New  moon,  new, 

Let  me  see 

Who  my  future  husband  is  to  be ; 

The  color  of  his  hair, 

The  clothes  he  is  to  wear, 

And  the  happy  day  he  is  to  wed  me. 

The  new  moon  must  never  be  seen  through  the  trees  when  making 
a  wish. 

A  custom  known  as  "sweating  eggs  "  is  as  follows  :  Place  an  tg% 
in  front  of  an  open  fire  at  night,  and  sit  in  front  of  it  without  speak- 
ing. Your  future  "to  be  "  will  come  in  and  turn  the  Q.g^  when  it  is 
hot.     Of  course,  many  pranks  are  often  played  on  the  credulous. 

A  "dumb  supper"  is  sometimes  given.  Not  a  word  is  spoken  by 
the  guests  or  the  hostess  during  the  entire  evening.  That  night, 
each  one  who  fails  to  speak  will  dream  of  his  or  her  "intended." 

The  night  of  the  30th  of  April  spread  a  handkerchief  in  a  wheat 
field,  and  in  the  morning  the  name  of  your  future  husband  or  wife 
will  be  written  in  the  corner. 

Hold  a  looking-glass  over  a  spring  early  in  the  morning  of  the 
first  day  of  May,  and  you  will  see  your  future  sweetheart's  face  re- 
flected in  the  water. 

When  paring  an  apple,  if  the  paring  does  not  break,  throw  it  over 
your  left  shoulder,  and  it  will  form  the  last  initial  of  your  sweetheart's 
name. 

Beat  up  an  ^gg  and  add  as  much  salt  as  you  can,  stir  and  eat  this 
before  going  to  bed,  and  you  will  dream  of  your  sweetheart,  who  will 
come  and  bring  you  a  drink  of  water. 


36  youriial  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

If  a  butterfly  comes  into  the  house,  a  lady  will  call  wearing  a  dress 
the  color  of  the  butterfly. 

When  you  see  the  first  star  in  the  evening,  repeat  the  following 
rhyme,  then  spit  over  your  left  shoulder,  and  your  wish  will  come 
true :  — 

Star  light, 

Star  bright ! 

The  very  first  star  I  have  seen  to-night, 

I  wish  I  may, 

I  wish  I  might 

Have  the  wish  I  wish  to-night. 

When  you  see  the  first  robin  in  the  spring,  sit  down  on  a  rock, 
take  off  your  left  stocking,  turn  it  wrong  side  out ;  if  you  find  a  hair 
in  it,  your  sweetheart  will  call  to  see  you.     (A  negro  superstition.) 

If  a  rabbit,  or  squirrel,  runs  from  the  right  across  the  road  in 
front  of  you,  it  is  a  sign  of  good  luck ;  if  from  the  left,  you  will  have 
bad  luck. 

If  you  see  grains  of  corn  in  the  road,  company  will  come ;  and  if 
you  cover  them  over,  it  will  be  a  stranger  who  comes. 

In  moving,  you  must  not  take  a  cat  or  a  broom. 

You  will  have  bad  luck  if  you  mend  a  garment  while  wearing  it, 
unless  you  hold  a  straw  in  your  mouth. 

If,  in  planting  corn,  you  skip  a  row,  there  will  be  a  death  in  the 
family. 

If  a  lightning-bug  comes  into  the  house,  there  will  be  one  more  or 
one  less  to-morrow,  —  some  one  will  go  or  some  one  come. 

If  you  knock  down  a  mud-dauber's  nest,  you  will  break  your 
dishes. 

When  combing  your  hair,  if  the  comb  falls  behind  you,  it  is  a  sign 
of  trouble. 

To  sneeze  at  the  breakfast  table  is  a  sign  of  death  ;  and  to  sneeze 
before  breakfast  is  a  sign  you  will  see  your  sweetheart  before  Satur- 
day night. 

It  is  bad  luck  to  bring  fire  where  there  is  fire  (coals  from  another 
fire),  or  to  have  a  black  cat  follow  you,  or  to  kill  a  cat.  A  woman 
told  me,  with  great  earnestness,  that  her  brother  killed  a  cat,  and  the 
next  day  he  found  that  a  valuable  mule  (one  he  expected  to  sell  that 
day  for  two  hundred  dollars)  had  "  hung  hisself  in  a  grapevine,  so 
he  never  killed  no  more  cats." 

The  same  woman  believes  that  May  butter  will  make  ointment 
that  will  cure  any  ill,  and  that  it  never  grows  rancid. 

I  have  heard  the  expression,  "Wide  thumbs  will  spin  gold"  (make 
or  earn  gold). 

To  dream  of  muddy  water  is  a  sign  of  trouble,  and  of  clear  water. 


Kentucky  Folk-LoTe.  37 

the  reverse.  To  dream  of  the  dead  is  to  hear  from  the  living.  Many- 
people  of  education  and  refinement  believe  in  these  last  signs,  as 
well  as  many  others,  and  though  apparently  ashamed  of  them,  yet 
would  not  think  of  violating  them.  There  are  many  families  who 
believe  that  certain  dreams  are  peculiar  to  themselves.  Thus,  a  lady 
believes  that  to  dream  of  a  certain  pearl  brooch  she  owns  is  followed 
by  a  death  in  the  family.  Another  says  that  a  dream  of  runaway 
horses  is  followed  by  trouble. 

The  superstitions  in  regard  to  the  number  thirteen,  and  about 
beginning  a  journey  or  a  piece  of  work  on  Friday,  are,  of  course, 
generally  believed. 

A  common  saying  is  that  you  must  not  watch  a  friend  out  of  sight, 
or  you  will  never  see  him  again. 

If  one  starts  away,  and  turns  back,  he  must  sit  down,  or  make  a 
cross  mark,  before  leaving  again. 

If  two  persons  utter  the  same  word  at  the  same  moment,  they 
must  lock  little  fingers,  and,  without  speaking,  make  a  wish. 

I  have  known  persons  to  wear  a  garment  all  day  that  they  had 
put  on  wrong  side  out  rather  than  to  reverse  the  luck  by  changing  it. 

If  you  break  a  mirror,  you  will  have  seven  years'  bad  luck ;  and  if 
you  let  a  baby  under  a  year  old  look  in  a  mirror,  it  will  die. 

If  you  drop  a  knife  or  scissors  so  that  they  stand  in  the  floor,  it 
is  a  sign  some  one  is  coming. 

You  must  not  place  your  bed  with  the  head  to  the  west,  as  that  is 
the  way  they  bury  the  dead. 

If  two  persons  are  walking  together,  they  must  not  let  a  third 
pass  between  them,  or  go  on  opposite  sides  of  a  tree,  or  they  will 
have  a  "falling  out." 

If  you  sit  in  the  sun,  and  look  at  a  yellow  caterpillar,  you  will  have 
a  chill. 

If  you  find  an  Indian  arrow,  put  it  in  the  chimney,  and  the  hawks 
will  not  kill  the  chickens. 

Locust-trees  are  more  often  struck  by  lightning  than  any  others. 

Fishermen  think  it  brings  bad  luck  to  step  over  the  pole,  and  to 
spit  on  the  bait  brings  good  luck. 

A  common  saying  is  :  — 

Wind  from  the  south,  hook  in  the  mouth ; 
Wind  from  the  east,  bite  the  least ; 
Wind  from  the  north,  further  off ; 
Wind  from  the  west,  bite  the  best. 

The  posts  of  a  rail  fence  will  sink  in  the  ground  if  not  set  in  the 
dark  of  the  moon.  A  house  should  be  shingled  in  the  dark  of  the 
moon.  A  man  said  that  he  cut  some  shingles,  and  piled  them  in 
the  woods  to  weather.     He  shingled  one  half  of  the  barn  in  the  lisfht 


38  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

of  the  moon,  and  finished  the  other  side  in  the  dark  of  the  moon,  — 
"the  light  side  ripped  up  (warped),  while  the  dark  did  not." 

You  must  sow  cotton  and  cabbage  seed  the  9th  of  May,  and  tur- 
nip seed  the  25th  of  July. 

Plant  cotton  among  your  cucumber  plants,  and  insects  will  not 
attack  your  cucumbers. 

Place  corn-bread  crumbs  about  your  cucumber  plants.  It  will 
attract  the  ants,  and  these  will  destroy  the  cucumber  bugs. 

Mulberries  are  poisonous  during  the  time  of  the  seventeen-year 
locust. 

Hogs  fed  on  apples  make  the  sweetest  meat,  and  when  fed  on 
beechnuts,  the  meat  is  all  fat. 

Place  a  horse-hair  in  water,  and  it  will  turn  into  a  worm. 

I  save  the  most  ridiculous  till  the  last :  — 

If  the  inmates  of  a  rat-infested  house  will  write  the  name  of  some 
person  on  a  piece  of  paper  well  greased  with  lard,  and  put  it  where 
the  rats  get  it,  —  telling  them  where  they  will  find  a  better  larder, 
they  will  forsake  this  house,  and  go  to  that  mentioned  in  the  paper. 

This  is  so  generally  believed  in  one  section  of  the  state  (and  that, 

too,  in  quite  an  enlightened  section),  that  it  was  the  cause  of  a  bitter 

neighborhood  feud, 

Sadie  F.  Price. 
Bowling  Green,  Kentucky. 


Witch-Finding  in  Western  Maryland.  39 


WITCH-FINDING   IN   WESTERN   MARYLAND.i 

Summer  before  last  there  was  a  great  apple  crop  in  Frederick 
County.  Everybody  made  apple-butter.  Now,  an  apple-butter  boil- 
ing, though  shorn  of  much  of  its  former  glory  as  a  social  event,  is  yet 
an  important  function.  I  had  the  pleasure  of  assisting  at  more  than 
one.  Many  a  tale  of  the  olden  time,  and  many  an  uncanny  experi- 
ence were  exchanged  over  the  '^  cider  and  the  sc/mitts,'"  and  I  realized 
that  here,  at  least,  tradition  and  local  influences  still  held  their  own 
against  books. 

Over  the  great  copper  kettle  one  night  an  old  man  remarked,  as 
he  stirred  its  seething  wholesome  contents,  that  we  did  n't  hear 
much  of  witchcraft  nowadays,  but  when  he  was  young,  there  was  a 
good  deal  of  that  business  going  on.  His  own  father  had  been 
changed  into  a"  horse,  and  ridden  to  the  witches'  ball.  All  the  witches, 
as  they  arrived,  turned  into  beautiful  ladies,  but  he  remained  a  horse, 
and  so  far  and  so  fast  was  he  ridden,  and  so  sore  and  bruised  was  he 
the  next  day  in  his  own  proper  person,  that  he  could  n't  do  a  stroke 
of  work  for  two  weeks. 

Aunt  Susan  remembered  well  this  adventure  of  her  father-in-law. 
Her  own  father  always  kept  a  big  bunch  of  sweetbrier  switches  hang- 
ing at  the  head  of  his  bed.  And  many  a  night  she  had  heard  him 
"  slashing  away  at  the  old  witches  that  would  n't  let  him  sleep." 

Progressive  farming  has  about  impro\ied  the  sweetbrier  off  the 
face  of  the  earth.  But  old  beliefs  are  not  so  easily  uprooted,  as  the 
stories  that  followed  will  testify. 

Some  of  the  stories  at  these  gatherings  are  as  follows  :  — 

When  Grandmother  Eiler  was  young  she  had  a  cow  of  her  own 
raising,  of  which  she  was  very  proud.  One  evening  at  milking  time, 
a  certain  woman  passed  through  the  barnyard,  stopped,  and  looked 
the  cow  all  over.  "  I  was  foolish  enough  to  tell  her  all  about  the 
cow,  how  gentle  she  was,  how  much  milk  she  was  giving,  and  all  that, 
and  she  said  I  certainly  had  a  fine  cow.  Well,  the  next  morning 
that  cow  could  n't  stand  on  her  feet,  and  there  she  lay  in  the  stable 
till  father  came  home  from  the  mountain,  where  he  was  cutting 
wood.  He  said  it  was  all  plain  enough,  when  I  told  him  ev^erything, 
but  he  wondered  I  had  n't  had  better  sense.  However,  he  knew  just 
what  to  do.  He  rubbed  the  cow  all  over  with  assafoetida,  saying 
words  all  the  time.  And  the  next  day,  when  I  went  into  the  barn, 
there  she  stood  on  her  four  legs,  eating  like  a  hound.  Witches  can't 
stand  assafoetida." 

^  Read  at  the  Twelfth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society, 
Baltimore,  December  28,  1900. 


40  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

It  was  this  witch  woman  who,  going  to  a  neighbor's  one  day  on 
an  errand,  prolonged  her  stay  without  apparent  reason,  till  it  was 
almost  night.  Though  she  was  very  uneasy  all  the  time,  and  kept 
saying  there  was  sickness  at  home  and  she  ought  to  be  there,  still 
she  did  n't  go.  Finally,  it  was  discovered  that  the  broom  had  fallen 
across  the  door.  When  it  was  taken  away,  she  fairly  flew.  Of  course, 
this  looked  very  suspicious.  But,  not  to  be  rash  in  their  judgment, 
the  people  of  the  house  sought  further  proof.  So,  the  next  time  she 
came,  salt  was  thrown  under  her  chair,  and  there  she  sat,  as  though 
bound  until  it  was  removed.  Then,  as  her  visits  were  now  considered 
undesirable,  7iails  were  driven  in  her  tracks,  but  the  place  in  the 
ground  marked,  in  case  the  footprints  became  obliterated.  It  was 
soon  known  that  she  was  laid  up  with  sore  feet,  which  refused  to 
heal  until  the  nails  were  dug  up. 

Miss  K.'s  father,  when  a  youth  in  Germany,  had  a  friend  whose 
rest  was  disturbed  by  nightmare.  At  last  he  concluded  that  a 
witch  was  troubling  him,  and  proceeded  to  entrap  her  by  stopping 
up  every  crevice  and  keyhole  in  the  room.  (Mindful  of  the  fact,  of 
course,  that  "  for  witches  this  is  law,  —  where  they  have  entered  in, 
there  also  they  withdraw.")  The  next  morning  he  found  a  beauti- 
ful girl  cowering  in  the  cupboard.  He  put  her  to  work  as  a  servant 
about  the  house.  But  eventually,  thinking  her  reformation  complete, 
he  married  her  and  lived  happily  for  several  years.  Sometimes, 
though,  she  would  sigh,  and  say  she  longed  to  see  beautiful  France 
again.  One  day  she  was  missing,  and  her  little  child,  just  tall  enough 
to  reach  the  keyhole,  told  how  she  had  removed  the  stopping  for  her. 
She  was  never  seen  again,  having  of  course  "taken  French  leave"' 
through  the  keyhole.  The  same  story  is  told  of  a  miller  in  Fred- 
erick County.  He,  too,  domesticated  a  witch-maiden,  having  caught 
her  in  the  same  way.  But,  years  after,  he  incautiously  opened  the 
keyhole,  and  found  himself  a  grass  widower. 

From  Miss  K.  I  have  a  version  of  a  story  told  to  me,  as  a  child,  by 
Aunt  Sarah,  very  black  and  very  old.  She  was  fond  of  her  pipe. 
Yes,  she  learnt  to  smoke  from  her  mammy,  who  learnt  it  from  her 
grandmammy,  who  was  a  witch.  This  grandmother  was  phthisicky, 
and  often  called  for  her  pipe  at  night,  as  smoking  relieved  her.  It 
was  her  granddaughter's  duty  to  fill  her  pipe  just  before  going  to  bed, 
and  also  to  get  up  and  light  it,  if  necessary.  Some  nights,  though,  the 
grandmother  would  say,  "Guess  you  need  n't  fix  my  pipe  to-night ; 
I  don't  reckon  I  '11  want  it,"  and  on  those  nights,  if  the  grand- 
daughter woke  up,  she  found  herself  alone,  and  her  mother  and 
grandmother  gone. 

One  night  when  grandmother  had  declined  her  pipe,  she  only  pre- 
tended to  be  asleep,  and  saw  the  two  women  get  the  lump  of  rabbit's 


Witch-Finding  in  Western  Maryland.  41 

fat  off  the  mantelpiece,  rub  themselves  all  over,  and  say,  "  Up  and 
out  and  away  we  go  ! "  The  third  time,  away  they  flew  up  the 
chimney. 

She  quickly  got  up,  rubbed  herself  with  rabbit's  fat,  saying,  "Up 
and  about  and  away  we  go  ! "  And  up  and  about  she  went,  flying 
around  the  room,  bumping  and  thumping  herself  against  wall  and 
rafters  until  daylight.  Her  "vaulting  ambition"  was  not  repressed, 
however,  by  this  experience.  The  next  time  she  observed  more 
closely,  and  saw  that  her  maternal  relatives  greased  themselves  with 
downward  strokes,  and  said,  not  "  Up  and  about,"  but  "  Up  and  otU 
and  away  we  go ! "  She  carefully  repeated  this  procedure,  and 
slipped  up  the  chimney  after  them.  Mammy  and  grandmammy  each 
took  a  horse  out  of  the  field,  leaving  nothing  for  her  but  a  yearling. 
So  she  took  the  yearling  and  rode  gloriously  till  cock-crow. 

As  Miss  K.  told  this  story,  the  witches  slipped  out  of  their  skin 
after  the  greasing,  and  the  yearling  escaped,  since  there  were  horses 
enough  to  go  round.  But  the  misadventure  of  the  witches'  appren- 
tice on  the  first  night  was  the  same. 

A  woman  was  suspected  of  bewitching  her  husband's  horse.  The 
animal  refused  to  eat  or  drink,  flying  back  from  the  trough  in  fright, 
as  if  struck  by  something.  A  neighbor,  who  claimed  to  be  able  to 
overcome  the  power  of  witches,  was  called  in,  and  after  some  mys- 
terious muttering,  with  pacings  round  the  horse  and  in  and  out  the 
stall,  he  gave  the  horse  a  kick  in  the  side.  At  this,  the  woman,  who 
was  looking  on,  walked  away,  holding  her  side,  as  though  she  felt  the 
effects  of  the  kick.  As  the  man  was  leaving  the  farm,  the  woman 
crossed  his  path  in  the  form  of  a  snake,  but  he  avoided  her,  and 
escaped  harm.  He  could  have  killed  the  snake,  but  would  not, 
knowing  what  it  was. 

This  woman's  reputation  as  a  witch  seems  firmly  established.  I 
heard  many  stories  of  her.  She  was  known  as  a  very  industrious, 
honest  woman,  not  very  quarrelsome,  but  capable  of  using  abusive 
language  when  angered.     She  died  but  recently. 

Miss  K.  tells  a  story  of  her  grandfather,  who  was  a  famous  witch- 
finder.  He  was  called  in  once  by  a  farmer  who  promised  him  fifty 
dollars  if  he  could  cure  a  valuable  horse  that  he  had  reason  to  think 
was  bewitched.  He  proceeded  to  work  by  taking  a  hoop  off  a  bar- 
rel and  passing  it  over  the  horse's  head,  with  words  known  only  to 
himself.  He  then  replaced  it  and  began  to  hammer  it  down.  "  Shall 
I  drive  it  hard  .''"  he  asked  the  farmer.  "  Yes,"  was  the  reply.  "I 
don't  care  if  you  kill  the  witch  !  "  Just  then  the  farmer's  little  boy 
ran  out  of  the  house,  crying,  "  Little  old  Stoke  "  (the  witch-finder's 
name  was  Stokes)  "  my  mother  says  if  you  don't  stop,  you  '11  kill 
her  1 "     At  this  the  owner  of  the  horse  (and  of  the  witch  too,  as  it 


42  jfoumal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

turned  out)  became  very  angry  with  Stokes  for  harming  his  wife 
(he  evidently  held  her  a  little  dearer  than  his  horse),  and  refused  to 
pay  the  fifty  dollars.  Miss  K.  says  they  went  to  law  about  the  money. 
It  would  be  interesting  to  know  if  such  grounds  were  allowed  and 
the  suit  actually  entered. 

Many  stories  point  to  a  belief  in  the  evil  eye.  Children  fall  sick 
or  cry  incessantly  after  having  been  admired  or  caressed  by  some 
suspicious  person. 

The  hero  of  the  following  tale  was  surely  no  faint-heart  :  — 

The  pleasure  of  a  young  man's  visit  to  a  young  lady  was  sadly 
marred  by  the  ill-timed  antics  of  a  black  cat,  which,  every  night, 
would  appear  in  the  room  and  fly  about  from  floor  to  ceiling  in  the 
most  surprising  manner.  Sometimes  a  black  squirrel  would  relieve 
the  cat,  but  continue  the  acrobatic  performance.  All  the  time  there 
was  a  terrific  accompaniment,  as  of  droves  of  rats,  scratching  and 
scrambling  in  the  walls  and  under  the  floor.  At  last,  being  properly 
advised,  he  provided  himself  with  a  pistol  and  a  silver  bullet,  stopped 
up  the  keyhole,  and  waited.  But  that  night  the  cat  did  n't  come 
back,  nor  the  squirrel,  and  the  powers  of  darkness  no  longer  inter- 
fered with  the  course  of  true  love.  The  lady  in  the  case,  mindful 
of  her  own  difficulties,  no  doubt,  now  tries  for  witches  with  great 
success. 

Note  that  it  takes  a  silver  bullet  to  bring  down  a  witch.  You 
have  only  to  aim  at  her  picture  and  the  ball  will  take  effect  wherever 
she  may  be.  And  as  I  was  advised,  "  If  you  can't  get  hold  of  her 
photograph,  just  draw  off  her  profile  on  the  end  of  the  barn,  and 
shoot  at  that." 

Your  silver  bullet  is  easily  made  by  beating  up  a  silver  quarter  or 
ten-cent  piece.  (The  moulding  of  the  silver  bullet  in  "  Der  Frei- 
schiitz  "  will  be  recalled.)  Witches'  bullets  are  of  pith  or  hair,  and 
are  often  found  in  the  bodies  of  animals  that  have  fallen  victims  to 
their  spells. 

While  I  had  not  the  pleasure  of  personal  acquaintance  with  a 
witch  or  warlock,  the  promise  is  mine  of  introduction  to  two  in  good 
and  regular  standing. 

One,  a  dweller  in  the  Fox  Hills,  is  the  proud  possessor  of  a  book 
which  nobody  can  read.  But  it  is  chiefly  as  the  "nephew  of  his 
uncle "  that  he  is  known  to  fame.  This  uncle  of  fearsome  mem- 
ory—  among  many  advantages  he  possessed  over  the  common  run 
of  people  was  entire  independence  of  police  protection  or  burglar- 
alarms —  never  turned  a  key  in  his  house,  his  barn,  or  his  corn- 
crib.  For,  if  any  persons  came  on  his  premises  with  evil  intentions, 
they  were  held  there  foot-fast  until  morning,  or  such  time  as  he  was 
pleased  to  release  them.     Men  have  been  found  standing  under  his 


Witch-Finding  in  Western  Maryland.  43 

apple-trees  with  open  but  empty  sacks,  begging  to  be  freed  and  sent 
away. 

The  other  notable,  whom  I  hope  to  meet  next  summer,  lives  on 
the  edge  of  the  Owl  Swamp.  He  was  characterized  "  as  about  the 
best  man  we  have  left  in  that  line." 

But  it  is  comfort  to  know  that,  if  a  witch  hath  power  to  charm, 
there  be  those  also  who  can  "unlock  the  clasping  charm,  and  thaw 
the  spell."  And  this  power  does  not  reside  in  professionals  only ; 
anybody,  in  fact,  who  knows  how,  can  "try  "  for  a  witch.  Of  course, 
some  people,  having  a  natural  gift  that  way,  are  more  successful 
than  others.  They  are  possibly  more  ingenious  in  devising  punish- 
ments. 

But  certain  conditions  must  be  observ-ed  by  everybody  in  all 
cases.  Most  important  is  the  time  for  the  trial.  This  must  be 
within  nine  days  after  the  spell  has  been  detected. 

Persons  of  small  invention  had  better  confine  themselves  to  old, 
reliable  methods  like  the  following  :  — 

If  the  cow's  milk  is  n't  good,  throw  the  milking  into  the  fire,  or 
heat  stones  and  drop  them  into  the  milk,  or  cut  and  slash  the  milk 
with  knives.  If  this  does  not  bring  the  witch  to  terms,  she  will  be 
obliged  to  suffer  severe  pains,  as  from  cutting  or  bruising. 

If  your  baking  fail,  burn  a  loaf.  The  witch  will  come  to  you, 
seeking  to  borrow.  Give  her  nothing  at  all,  bite,  sup,  nor  greeting. 
For,  if  she  obtain  anything  from  you,  even  a  word,  no  counter-charm 
of  yours  will  avail  to  lift  the  spell. 

I  happened  to  be  present  when  an  old  lady,  who  had  been  away 
visiting,  was  asked  for  news  of  friends  down  the  country. 

"  Oh,"  she  said,  "  I  did  n't  get  to  see  them,  I  was  on  my  way  to 
their  house  when  some  one  told  that  their  cow  had  died,  and  they 
were  trying  for  the  witch.     Of  course  I  did  n't  go  then." 

Aunt  Betsy  knew  well  that,  had  she  gone,  silence  and  the  cold 
shoulder  would  have  been  her  portion,  even  though  she  were  not 
among  the  suspects.  For,  at  this  critical  time,  the  social  amenities 
are  in  complete  abeyance  and  hospitality  in  eclipse. 

When  Mr.  F.'s  child  was  taken  with  crying  spells  at  night,  he 
stood  it  as  long  as  he  could,  but,  being  a  workingman,  as  he  said,  he 
could  n't  afford  to  lose  his  rest.  So,  when  all  remedies  failed,  he 
decided  that  the  child  was  tormented  and  he  must  try  for  the  witch  ; 
especially,  as  his  wife  admitted  having  met  an  old  woman  some  days 
before,  who  admired  and  caressed  the  child.  His  preparations  were 
elaborate,  but,  neglecting  to  take  his  mother-in-law  into  his  confi- 
dence, they  failed.  For,  when  the  witch  came  a-borrowing,  she 
accommodated  her.  Otherwise,  he  assured  me,  the  witch's  punish- 
ment would  have  been  dire  :  "■  SJie  would  have  busted!" 


44  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

'■  Another  man's  well-laid  scheme  went  wrong  because  he  could  n't 
hold  his  tongue.  His  cattle  had  died  unaccountably.  So  he  built  a 
pyre  of  brush  and  cord-wood  and  began  to  burn  the  bodies. 

Soon,  across  the  field,  a  woman  was  seen,  circling  round  in  her 
approach  to  the  lire.  At  last  her  clothing  nearly  touched  the 
flame.  "  Gad  !  "  but  that  was  close  !  "  he  exclaimed.  Instantly  she 
shot  away,  released  from  her  punishment. 

The  year  1899,  though  a  good  apple  year,  was  an  off  one  for 
peaches.  But  some  friends  of  mine  contrived  to  get  a  taste  at  least, 
which  was  more  than  the  most  of  us  had.  Coming  home  late  one 
night,  these  young  men  passed  a  place  where  the  only  peaches  in 
the  neighborhood  were  said  to  be.  They  all  "felt  for  peaches,"  as 
their  peculiar  idiom  has  it,  and  the  coincidence  of  opportunity  with 
capacity  struck  them  all.  But  the  owner  of  the  peaches  was  like- 
wise the  owner  of  a  savage  dog,  that,  howling  as  he  prowled,  seemed 
to  realize  that  eternal  vigilance  was  the  price  of  peaches.  But  one 
of  the  party  bethought  him  how  to  lay  the  dog.  He  took  his  pocket- 
knife  and  drove  the  blade  into  a  stake  of  the  stake-and-rider  fence, 
saying  three  times,  "  Dog,  keep  your  mouth  shut  until  I  release  you." 

In  the  language  of  an  eye-witness,  "That  dog  nearly  tore  his  toe- 
nails off  getting  to  the  back  of  the  house.  And  there  he  stayed, 
with  never  a  word  out  of  him,  until  we  had  all  the  peaches  we 
wanted.  Of  course,  we  only  took  a  few  to  eat.  As  Jake  pulled  the 
knife  out,  the  dog  flew  around  the  house  again,  raging  like  mad,  and 
we  made  good  time  down  the  road  !  " 

These  young  men  had  no  thought  of  stealing.  "A  few  to  eat" 
custom  allowed  them.  For  they,  like  the  rest  of  this  community,  are 
self-respecting,  substantial  farmer-folk.  Descendants  of  Germans 
who  settled  in  Frederick  County  about  the  middle  of  the  last  cen- 
tury, they  are  still  remarkably  homogeneous.  Their  surnames,  though 
badly  corrupted  as  to  spelling,  preserve  the  German  sound,  and 
German  idioms  persist  in  their  English  speech.  For  their  folk-lore, 
therefore,  we  may  assume  a  Teutonic  origin,  especially,  as  the  negro 
element  is  almost  entirely  lacking  in  this  particular  section  of  the 
county.  The  people,  having  mostly  small  holdings  of  land,  never 
were  slave-owners. 

Elisabeth  Cloud  Seip. 

Baltimore,  Md. 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  45 


RECORD    OF   AMERICAN   FOLK-LORE. 

NORTH    AMERICA, 

Algonkian,  EtJinobotany.  Pages  2-5  of  Miss  L.  S.  Chamber- 
lain's article  on  "  Plants  used  by  the  Indians  of  Eastern  North 
America,"  in  the  "American  Naturalist"  (vol.  xxxv.  pp.  i-io),  for 
January,  1901,  are  devoted  to  the  enumeration  of  plants  used  for 
food,  artistic,  manufacturing,  and  other  purposes,  medicine,  orna- 
ment, etc.  The  tribes  treated  of  more  or  less  briefly  are :  Abnaki, 
Algonquin,  Blackfeet,  Delaware,  Kickapoo,  Menomoni,  Miami,  Mic- 
mac,  Narragansett,  Ojibway,  Pequot,  Pottawotomi,  Savannah,  Sacs 
and  Foxes,  Shawnee.  In  the  case  of  the  Shawnee,  the  Indian  names 
of  the  plants  in  question  are  also  given.  At  page  3  dogckjiviak  is 
said  to  have  been  smoked  by  the  Delawares,  —  this  seems  to  be 
dockmackie.  —  Ojibwa.  Dr.  A.  E.  Jenks's  "  The  Childhood  of  Ji-shi'b, 
the  Ojibwa,"  etc.  (Madison,  1900,  pp.  130),  deserves  mention  here,  as 
it  is  an  interesting  and  attractive  story  of  the  growing  up  to  name- 
bearing  of  a  little  Ojibwa  child,  and  not  one  of  the  trashy  children's 
books  of  the  day. 

Athapascan.  Navaho.  To  Part  II.  (pp.  469-517)  of  the  "Seven- 
teenth Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,"  Cos- 
mos Mindeleff  contributes  a  valuable  and  interesting  article  on  "  Na- 
vaho Houses,"  illustrated  with  nine  plates  and  fifteen  figures.  After 
a  brief  general  introduction  the  following  topics  are  treated  :  Descrip- 
tion of  the  country,  habits  of  the  people,  legendary  and  actual  winter 
/wgdns,  summer  huts  or  shelters,  sweat-houses,  effect  of  modern  con- 
ditions, ceremonies  of  dedication  (pp.  504-509),  the  hogdn  of  the 
yebttcai  ^2^1.0.0.  (pp.  509-514),  hogdn  nomenclature,  etc.  The  author 
notes  that  in  and  around  the  Navaho  country  the  correct  Indian 
word  qogdn  has  become  Anglicized  in  the  form  hogdn.  The  custom 
of  "half-concealed  habitations,"  so  characteristic  of  the  Navaho  area, 
may  be  "a  survival  from  the  time  when  the  Navaho  were  warriors 
and  plunderers,  and  lived  in  momentary  expectation  of  reprisals  on 
the  part  of  their  victims."  Very  interesting  is  the  author's  state- 
ment (p.  484)  that  "  it  is  an  exceptional  Navaho  who  knows  the 
country  well  sixty  miles  about  his  birthplace,  or  the  place  where  he 
may  be  living,  usually  the  same  thing."  Another  curious  fact  is 
that  "under  normal  circumstances,  when  the  family  has  settled  down 
and  is  at  home,  the  care  of  the  flocks  devolves  almost  entirely  on 
the  little  children,  so  young  sometimes  that  they  can  just  toddle 
about"  (p.  485).  The  ancient  clan  lands,  which  have  now  no  defined 
boundaries,  are  still  spoken  of  as  "  my  mother's  land,"  and  elsewhere 
also  woman's  influence  appears.     A  noteworthy  example  of  the  fail- 


46  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

ure  of  similarity  of  conditions  to  produce  similarity  of  results  is  to 
be  seen  in  the  difference  in  house-structure  of  the  Navahos  and  the 
Mokis  or  Hopi,  —  this  the  author  attributes  to  "antecedent  habits 
and  personal  character."  The  influence  of  the  whites  in  modifying 
the  original  Navaho  ideas  of  house-building  is  also  very  noticeable. 
The  house  is  very  early  mentioned  in  Navaho  mythology,  for  in  the 
creation  myths,  "  First-Man  and  First-Woman  are  discovered  in  the 
first  or  lowest  underworld,  living  in  a  hut  which  was  the  prototype  of 
the  hogan."  The  first  sweat-house,  or  go'tce,  is  said  also  to  have 
been  made  by  First-Man.  Mr.  Mindeleff  gives  a  brief  account  of  the 
house-dedication  songs,  with  texts  in  Navaho  and  English.  Both 
husband  and  wife,  besides  the  shaman,  take  part  in  these  songs,  the 
last  singing  the  ceremonial  songs.  For  grave  causes  (disease,  fear 
of  ghosts,  bad  dreams,  etc.)  an  elaborate  ceremony,  called  the  dance 
of  the  yebitcai,  is  resorted  to.  At  the  end  of  the  paper  an  exhaus- 
tive list  of  the  Navaho  names  for  the  house,  its  parts,  etc.,  is  given, 
with  etymological  explanations. 

Caddoan.  M.  G.  B.  Grinnell's  sumptuous  volume,  "The  Indians 
of  To-Day"  (Chicago,  1900,  pp.  iii.,  185),  besides  a  good  deal  of  gen- 
eral folk-lore  by  the  way,  contains  some  Pawnee  myths  and  legends, 
reproduced  from  the  author's  "  Pawnee  Hero-Stories  and  Folk-Tales." 
These  are  "  The  Ghost  Wife,"  "  The  Bear  Man,"  "  The  Young  Dog's 
Dance,"  "The  Buffalo  Wife." 

Eskimo.  In  the  "  Popular  Science  Monthly  "  (vol.  xlvii.  pp.  624- 
631)  for  October,  1900,  Professor  Franz  Boas  publishes  an  article  on 
"  Religious  Beliefs  of  the  Central  Eskimo,"  embodying  observations 
of  Captain  J.  S.  Mutch,  collected  during  a  long-continued  stay  in  Cum- 
berland Sound.  Captain  Mutch's  investigations  were  made  at  the 
suggestion  of  Dr.  Boas.  It  seems  that  "  almost  the  sole  object  of 
the  religious  ceremonies  of  the  Eskimo  is  to  appease  the  wrath  of 
Sedna,  of  the  souls  of  animals,  or  of  the  souls  of  the  dead  that  have 
been  offended  by  the  transgressions  of  taboos."  This  is  done  with 
the  help  of  the  angakut  or  shamans.  Among  the  Central  Eskimo 
there  appears  "  an  evident  tendency  to  affiliate  all  customs  and 
beliefs  with  the  myth  of  the  origin  of  sea  animals,"  a  tendency  which 
is  "one  of  the  principal  causes  that  moulded  the  customs  and  beliefs 
of  the  people  into  the  form  in  which  they  appear  at  the  present 
time."  As  compared  with  the  beliefs  of  the  Greenlanders,  Dr.  Boas 
tells  us  :  "  The  beliefs  of  the  Central  Eskimo  are  characterized  by  the 
great  importance  of  the  Sedna  Myth  and  the  entire  absence  of  the 
belief  in  a  powerful  spirit  called  Tonarssuk,  which  seems  to  have 
been  one  of  the  principal  features  of  Greenland  beliefs." 

Iroquoian.  Etiinobotany.  Pages  5-10  of  Miss  Chamberlain's 
article  on  "  Plants  used  by  the  Indians  of  Eastern  North  America," 


Record  of  America7i  Folk-Lore.  47 

cited  above,  are  devoted  to  the  consideration  of  the  following  Iro- 
quoian  tribes  :  Cayuga,  Cherokee,  Huron,  Mohawk,  Oneida,  Onon- 
daga, Seneca,  Wyandot.  In  the  case  of  the  Senecas  and  Wyandots 
the  Indian  names  of  the  plants  are  given.  In  both  sections  of  the 
paper  the  plant-names  are  arranged  alphabetically  under  each  tribal 
name.  A  list  of  forty  authorities  to  which  references  are  made  is 
appended. 

KwAKiUTL-NooTKA.  MakaJi.  To  the  "American  Antiquarian  " 
(vol.  xxiii.  pp.  69-73)  for  January-February,  1901,  Dr.  G.  A.  Dorsey 
contributes  an  interesting  account  of  "  Games  of  the  Makah  Indians 
of  Neah  Bay."  The  information  was  obtained  from  "an  unusually 
bright  and  intelligent  Indian."  The  games  are:  Dutaxchaias,  or 
arrow-ring  game;  tlitsaktsaudl,  or  "shoot  arrow;"  tatauas,di  spear- 
throwing  game  ;  katikas,  "  sharp  stick  slanting ; "  keyjiquah,  or 
"  shinney  ;  "  tlahatla,  or  battledore  and  shuttlecock  ;  soktis,  a  sort  of 
guess-game,  played  with  bones;  sactssawhaik,  "rolls  far,"  a  game 
played  with  wooden  discs ;  ehis,  or  dice  game  with  beaver-teeth  ; 
kaskas,  a  cup  and  pin  game  ;  babnf  hlkadi,  top-spinning  games  (said 
to  antedate  white  intercourse,  but  to  be  derived  from  the  more 
northern  tribes).  Of  the  eleven  Makah  games  here  discussed,  "  three 
are  dependent  for  their  existence  upon  the  proximity  of  the  Makahs 
to  the  seashore,  the  chief  material  used  in  the  three  games  being 
kelp ;  while  in  still  another  game  we  see  modifications  from  the 
original  buckskin  ball  of  the  Plains  or  Mountain  Indians  to  a  ball  of 
whale-bone,  while  the  game  itself  has  become  intimately  bound  up 
with  the  celebration  of  the  capture  of  a  whale."  These  seashore 
modifications  of  inland  games  deserve  careful  and  detailed  study.  In 
the  soktis  game  the  marked  pieces  are  men,  the  unmarked  women  ; 
in  the  sactssawhaik,  the  single  disc  with  an  entirely  black  edge  is 
male,  the  white-bordered  discs  female. 

SiouAN.  In  "  Everybody's  Magazine  "  (vol.  iv.  pp.  1-24)  for  Jan- 
uary, 1901,  is  an  illustrated  article  entitled  "  Some  Indian  Portraits." 
The  illustrations  are  Indian  drawings  (animals,  men,  tents,  etc.)  and 
"photographic  portraits"  by  Gertrude  Kasebier.  The  Indians 
whose  pictures  were  taken  were  Sioux  belonging  to  the  "  Wild  West  " 
aggregation.  The  drawings  are  interesting,  and  there  is  also  given 
in  facsimile  the  text  (in  Roman  script)  in  Sioux  of  the  story  of  the 
Custer  fight.  Several  letters  in  English  from  educated  Indians  also 
find  a  place  in  the  article. 

Uto-Aztecan.  Mexican.  In  the  "Nouvelles  Archives  des  Mis- 
sions Scientifiques,"  vol.  xi.  (1899),  L.  Diguet  publishes  a  "Contribu- 
tion a  r^tude  ethnograpbique  des  races  primitives  du  Me.xique  :  la 
sierra  du  Nayarit  et  ses  indigenes."  The  article  deals  with  the  Cora, 
Huichol,  and  Tepehuano  Indians  of  the  Sierras  Nayarit  and  Durango 


48  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

in  the  territory  of  Tepic  and  the  state  of  Durango.  The  Coras  still 
worship  their  ancient  divinities  in  caves,  and,  like  the  Huichols,  have 
preserved  many  old  songs  and  traditions.  The  texts  of  some  of 
them,  together  with  certain  ceremonial  music,  the  author  reproduces. 
Interesting  items  about  manners  and  customs,  general  folk-lore,  etc., 
are  given. 

In  the  "Revue  Scientifique"  (4«  serie,  tome  xiv.  p.  473)  for 
October  13,  1900,  is  an  interesting  note  by  Jose  Ramirez  on  the 
ololiu/iqui,  a  plant  used  by  the  ancient  Mexicans  to  produce  intoxica- 
tion. Like  the  peyote  or  mescal,  this  plant  was  held  in  very  high 
esteem  by  the  Aztecs,  and  the  intoxication  produced  by  the  decoction 
preferred  to  that  of  the  latter.  The  oloiiu/igni  is  a  plant  belonging 
to  the  genus  Ipovicca.  According  to  Hernandez  it  was  also  called 
goJinaxiJniatl,  or  "  snake  plant."  The  Indian  "  medicine  men  "  em- 
ployed it  to  induce  visions. 

Moki.  By  far  the  greater  portion  (pp.  519-744)  of  Part  II.  of  the 
"  Seventeenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  " 
is  occupied  by  Dr.  J.  W.  Fewkes's  detailed  account  of  his  "Archaeo- 
logical Expedition  to  Arizona  in  1895,"  illustrated  with  plates  xci«- 
clxxv  and  figures  245-357.  After  a  brief  description  of  the  general 
plan  of  the  expedition.  Dr.  Fewkes  discusses  in  detail  the  ruins  of 
Verde  Valley  (cavate  dwellings,  pictographs,  Montezuma  Well,  cliff- 
houses,  ruins  of  Honanki  and  Palatki,  and  objects  found  there)  and  the 
ruins  in  Tusayan  (Middle  Mesa,  East  Mesa,  Jeditoh,  Awatobi,  Sikyatki, 
etc.).  The  most  interesting  portions  of  the  paper  for  the  folk-lorist 
are  the  accounts  of  Awatobi  (history,  destruction,  clans,  shrines,  mor- 
tuary remains,  pottery,  stone  and  bone  implements,  ornaments,  etc.) 
and  Sikyatki  (history,  destruction,  clans,  acropolis,  Hopi  cosmogony, 
pottery,  symbolism  of  ceramic  decorations,  hair-dressing,  mytho- 
logy, figures  of  animals,  and  other  living  creatures  on  pottery,  veg- 
etal designs,  sun-symbols  and  geometric  figures,  crosses  and  like 
decorations  ;  food-bowl  decorations,  arrows,  pipes,  and  prayer-sticks). 
Sikyatki  is  of  especial  interest  as  indicating  "a  culture  uninfluenced 
by  the  Spaniards."  The  drawing  of  human  figures  on  pottery.  Dr. 
Fewkes  thinks,  "was  a  late  development  in  Tusayan  art,  and  post- 
dates the  use  of  animal  figures  on  their  earthenware  "  (p.  660).  The 
sequence  of  evolution  in  designs  was  probably  (i)  geometrical  figures, 
(2)  birds,  (3)  other  animals,  (4)  human  beings.  Except  a  figure  of  a 
maid's  head  "the  human  hand,  for  some  unknown  reason,  is  the  only 
part  of  the  body  chosen  by  the  ancient  Hopi  for  representation  in 
the  decoration  of  their  pottery."  The  most  common  symbols  of 
decoration  are  the  bird  and  the  feather.  Plants  and  their  parts  are 
very  sparingly  used  for  pottery  decoration.  The  study  of  the  geo- 
metric desicrns  and  linear  figures  is  an  art  in  itself. 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  49 

Zapotecan.  In  the  "  Bulletin  of  the  American  Museum  of  Nat- 
ural History  "  (vol,  xiii.  pp.  201-218),  Prof.  M.  H.  Saville  publishes  an 
account,  illustrated  with  1 1  plates  and  8  figures  in  the  text,  of  "  Cru- 
ciform Structures  near  Mitla."  The  investigations  were  carried  on 
during  the  winters  of  1898  and  1900.  After  a  brief  historical  intro- 
duction, Mr.  Saville  describes  the  cruciform  structures  in  the  main 
group  of  "  Palaces,"  at  Xaaga  and  at  Guiaroo.  Concerning  these 
structures  we  are  told  (p.  205):  "Three  of  these  chambers,  which 
were  unquestionably  designed  for  tombs,  of  the  ancient  priests,  have 
the  'mosaic  '  decoration.  No  structures  of  like  character  are  known 
in  any  other  part  of  Mexico  or  Central  America.  They  are  by  far 
the  most  elaborate  and  important  burial  chambers  yet  found  in  the 
New  World,  both  in  size  and  in  beauty  of  stone  work."  The  Indi- 
ans of  the  region  about  Mitla  "  have  a  belief  that  stone  or  fragments 
taken  from  the  buildings  will,  sooner  or  later,  turn  to  gold."  The 
absence  of  carved  monoliths  at  Mitla  is  noteworthy,  considering  the 
great  monolithic  lintels  of  one  of  the  "  palaces."  From  page  210  we 
learn  that  "  the  common  term  used  by  the  natives  in  designating  the 
ruins  ispaderones,  a  corruption  of  the  Spanish  v^ord  paredones,  'walls.' 
The  Zapotecan  term  is  basul  lyobaa.  Lyobaa  is  the  Zapotecan  name 
of  Mitla." 

SOUTH    AMERICA. 

Araucanian.  In  the  "  Anales  de  la  Universidad  de  Chile  "  (San- 
tiago) for  February,  1900  (pp.  341-373),  May  (pp.  923-937),  July  (pp. 
1 1 5-241),  August  (pp.  147-181),  and  September  (pp.  337-348),  Tomas 
Guevara  continues  his  "  Historia  de  la  Civilizacion  de  la  Araucani'a." 
The  topics  treated  are  :  The  discovery  of  Arauco  and  the  campaigns 
of  Valdivia,  the  conquest  and  resistance  of  the  natives,  their  attempts 
at  revolution  and  their  results.  Incidentally  many  names  of  places 
and  persons  belonging  to  the  Araucanian  language  are  explained, 
especially,  those  of  native  chiefs  and  battlefields.  It  was  customary 
among  the  ancient  Araucanians  for  individuals  to  be  named  after  a 
certain  animal,  to  which  name  was  later  added  one  denoting  some 
action  or  quality, — a  custom  still  surviving  in  some  of  the  native 
settlements.  Most  of  the  Indians,  however,  now  add  a  saint's  name 
from  the  calendar  to  their  aboriginal  appellation,  e.  g.  Francisco 
Melivilu  =  Francis  Four  Snakes.  The  animal-name  seems  to 
have  constituted  a  sort  of  family  bond  or  tie,  and  the  place  where 
the  family  resided  named  after  it  also,  thus,  Vilwnapic  =  "  the  land 
of  the  Vilic"  (or  "  Snake"  family).  Among  the  Vilu  family  of  Ma- 
quehua,  one  cacique  is  named  Painevilu,  "  Celestial  Snake,"  and  his 
brother,  another  cacique,  is  Melivilu,  or  "  Four  Snakes."  Ercilla  and 
his  famous  poem.  La  Araucana,  are  discussed,  and  the  subsequent 

VOL.  XIV.  —  NO.  52.        4 


50  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

imitations  of  the  work  noted.  An  interesting  point  brought  out  in 
these  papers  is  the  readiness  with  which  the  Spanish  conquerors 
adopted  some  of  the  native  words  into  the  jargon  of  their  campaigns, 
especially  words  referring  to  military  arts  and  expedients.  —  In  the 
same  periodical  R.  B.  Briseno  has  published  a  series  of  articles  on 
"  Chilean  Anniversaries  "  (Corolarios  de  los  fastos  de  Chile  en  par- 
ticular), in  which  there  is  incorporated  much  that  is  interesting  con- 
cerning names  of  persons  and  places  of  importance  in  the  history  of 
the  country.  Pages  272,  273,  of  his  concluding  article,  in  the  number 
for  August,  1900,  deal  with  geographical  names  referring  to  distin- 
guished persons,  etc.  After  Araucanian  chiefs  have  been  named  : 
Caupolican,  Lautaro,  Rengo,  Tucapel.  Pages  284,  285,  discuss  six 
different  etymologies  offered  for  the  word  Chile^  without  reaching 
any  satisfactory  conclusion.  Pages  290-309  are  occupied  with  the 
discussion  of  the  etymologies  of  some  eighty  or  ninety  geographical 
names  of  aboriginal  derivation,  among  the  principal  ones  being : 
Andes,  Arauco,  Biobio,  Caupolican,  Chile,  Copiapo,  Coquimbo,  Itata, 
Lautaro,  Longavi,  Llanquihue,  Maipo,  Mapocho,  Penco,  etc.  Not  a 
few  of  these  etymologies,  however,  are  quite  risky. 

GuAYAQUi.  What  little  is  known  about  these  Indians,  a  tribe  of 
the  less  explored  forest  region  of  Paraguay  is  resumed  in  R.  Leh- 
mann-Nitsche's  "Quelques  observations  sur  les  indiens  Guayaquis 
du  Paraguay  "  (pp.  12),  a  reprint  from  the  "  Rivista  del  Museo  de  La 
Plata,"  vol.  ix.  (1899). 

GENERAL. 

Indians  and  Anglo-Americans.  A  handy  rhimii  of  the  story 
of  the  contact  of  the  Indians  and  the  Anglo-Saxon  in  North  America 
is  to  be  found  in  Lieutenant  Georg  Friederici's  "  Indianer  und  Anglo- 
Amerikaner.  Ein  geschichtlicher  Ueberblick  "  (Braunschweig,  1900, 
pp.  147).  The  chief  facts,  with  numerous  bibliographical  references, 
are  given. 

Religion.  In  the  "Open  Court"  (vol.  xv.  pp.  46-56)  for  Janu- 
ary, 1901,  Dr.  W.  T.  Parker  has  a  brief  illustrated  article  on  "The 
Religious  Character  of  the  North  American  Indian."  Unfortunately 
the  author,  who  seems  rather  to  favor  the  absurd  theory  of  an  Israel- 
itish  origin  for  the  American  Indian,  and  takes  Longfellow  literally, 
reads  too  much  into  the  Indian  ideas  of  God,  heaven,  etc. 

Research.  In  his  "Notes  sur  I'Americanisme,  quelques-unes  de 
ses  lacunes  en  1900"  (Paris,  1900),  M.  D^sir^  Pector  resumes  our 
knowledge  of  the  topography,  geology,  palaeontology,  botany,  anthro- 
pology, etc.,  of  the  New  World,  what  has  already  been  done  and 
what  needs  to  be  done  in  the  future.  The  book  is  in  fact,  as  Dr. 
Verneau  styles  it  ("  Anthropologic,"  xi.  p.  95),  "  a  real  guide  for  ex- 


Record  of  American  Folk- Lore.  51 

plorers  and  savants,  although  imperfect  as  all  such  books  must 
necessarily  be.  What  remains  to  be  done  in  American  philology, 
mythology,  folk-lore,  and  sociology  is  here  briefly  indicated  so  that 
he  who  runs  may  read." 

Song.  Dr.  Karl  Blicher's  valuable  essay  on  "  Arbeit  und  Rhyth- 
mus"  (2*®  Aufl.  Leipzig,  1899,  pp.  x,  412),  which  is  reviewed  else- 
where in  this  Journal,  contains  some  items  of  American  Indian 
song-lore.  The  appendix  contains  (pp.  384,  385)  the  music  of  three 
boat-songs,  one  from  Th.  Baker  and  the  other  two  from  Spix  und 
Martins.  In  the  index  the  Botocudos,  Kolusch,  and  Indians  in  gen- 
eral, find  a  place. 

Techxic  Arts.  — Dr.  S.  D.  Peet's  "The  Cliff  Dwellers  and  Pue- 
blos" (Chicago,  1899,  pp.  xviii+398)  is  the  result  of  "several  years 
of  close  study  "  of  the  clues  as  to  the  identity  of  the  Pueblos  In- 
dians and  the  CJiff  Dwellers,  to  which  argument  the  book  is  mainly 
devoted.  The  volume  does  not  fall  quite  within  the  field  of  folk-lore, 
since,  as  the  author  remarks,  "  their  myths  and  symbols  have  been 
left  to  another  work,"  —  the  appearance  of  which  will  be  looked  for- 
ward to  with  interest.  It  contains,  nevertheless,  many  items  of  value 
to  the  student  of  the  human  mind  and  its  outward  expression. 

A.  F.  C.  ajid  I.   C.  C. 


5  2  journal  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore. 


TWELFTH    ANNUAL    MEETING    OF    THE    AMERICAN 
FOLK-LORE   SOCIETY. 

The  American  Folk-Lore  Society  met  in  the  rooms  of  Johns 
Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md.,  with  the  American  Society  of 
Naturalists  and  other  Affiliated  Societies,  December  27  and  28, 
1900. 

On  Thursday,  December  27,  the  Affiliated  Societies  met  in  Lover- 
ing  Hall,  at  8  p.  m.  An  address  of  welcome  was  given  by  President 
Oilman.  Prof.  Frank  Russell,  of  Harvard  University,  gave  an  illus- 
trated lecture  on  the  Indians  of  the  Southwest. 

At  9.30  p.  M.,  in  McCoy  Hall,  a  reception  was  given  by  the  Johns 
Hopkins  University  to  the  Affiliated  Societies  and  guests. 

On  Friday,  December  28,  the  Council  met  at  10  a.  m. 

At  1 1  A.  M.,  in  Donovan  Hall,  the  Society  met  for  business,  the 
President,  Dr.  Franz  Boas,  in  the  chair. 

The  Secretary  presented  the  report  of  the  Council. 

The  number  of  Annual  Members,  according  to  the  Secretary's  roll 
(printed  in  No.  51  of  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  October- 
December,  1900),  was  reported  as  336. 

The  income  received  from  yearly  fees  being  obviously  inadequate 
to  the  extensive  tasks  imposed  on  an  American  Folk-Lore  Society, 
increase  of  the  membership  becomes  the  first  duty  of  persons  inter- 
ested in  the  welfare  of  the  Society.  Experience  has  shown  that  this 
can  be  most  easily  accomplished  by  some  form  of  local  organization. 
The  Council  has,  therefore,  decided  to  appoint  in  the  several  states 
of  the  Union,  and  in  the  provinces  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  local 
or  state  secretaries,  who  may  represent  the  Society.  In  many  states 
of  the  Union  the  Society  is  at  present  entirely  unrepresented  ;  it 
ought  not  to  be  difficult  to  obtain  in  each  state  the  accession  of  a 
certain  number  of  members.  Where  possible,  these  Secretaries 
might  organize  local  groups,  or  provide  for  occasional  meetings,  at 
which  addresses  might  be  made.  Members  of  the  Society  interested 
in  such  development  are  requested  to  address  the  Permanent  Secre- 
tary. 

During  the  year  1900  no  volume  of  the  Memoirs  has  been  issued, 
the  sum  now  in  hand  properly  to  be  credited  to  the  Publication 
Fund  not  having  been  sufficient  for  such  issue.  It  is  expected  that 
the  series  will  be  continued  by  volumes  as  creditable  to  the  Society 
as  those  already  published,  and  such  a  volume  will  probably  appear 
in  the  course  of  the  current  year. 

The  issue  of  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  has  continued 
regularly. 


Twelfth  Annual  Meeting.  53 

At  a  past  Annual  Meeting,  a  committee  on  Music  was  appointed, 
with  a  view  to  the  promotion  of  the  collection  and  study  of  folk- 
music,  more  especially  to  that  of  the  negroes  in  the  Southern  States. 
The  pressing  necessity  of  such  collection  has  been  repeatedly  urged  ; 
but  no  active  steps  have  been  taken  by  the  committee,  owing  to  the 
absence  of  funds  available  for  the  carrying  on  of  this  work  in  the 
only  advantageous  manner,  namely,  by  the  employment  of  skilled 
musicians  for  the  purpose  of  travel  and  research.  If  the  end  is  to 
be  achieved,  the  task  can  no  longer  be  delayed ;  it  would  appear 
impossible  that  an  appeal  could  be  made  to  the  generosity  of  the 
American  people  without  obtaining  an  adequate  response.  It  is 
expected  that  at  the  next  annual  meeting  a  more  satisfactory  report 
may  be  made  on  this  head.  Members  of  the  Society,  and  others 
who  take  an  especial  interest  in  this  task,  are  requested  to  address 
the  Chairman  of  the  Committee. 


RECEIPTS. 

December  27,  1899,     Balance 

Annual  dues  (for  one  or  more  years)  ..... 
Contribution  for  payment  of  collections  on  two  checks 
Subscriptions  to  Publication  Fund       ..... 
John  Crosby  Brown,  contribution  to  the  Committee  on  Music 
Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  sales  of  Memoirs  to  January  31   . 
Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  sales  of  Journals  to  January  31    . 
Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  sales  for  tlie  half  year,  to  August  22 
Sales  of  volumes  of  Memoirs  through  the  Secretary    . 


$796.70 

924.00 

.20 

190.00 

50.00 

226.10 

192.89 

186.20 

14.00 

$2580.09 


DISBURSEMENTS. 

Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  for  manufacturing  Journal  of  American 

Folk-Lore,  No.  47     .         . $244.92 

Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  for  manufacturing  Journal  of  American 

Folk-Lore,  No.  48 220.29 

Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  for  manufacturing  Journal  of  American 

Folk-Lore,  No.  49    ........         .  232.44 

Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  for  manufacturing  Journal  of  American 

Folk-Lore,  No.  50    ........         .  206.77 

Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  binding,  etc 92-59 

Typewriting  for  Memoir  No.  VII.        ......  13.00 

E.  E.  Wheeler,  printer,  to  W.  W.  Newell 51-41 

W.  W.  Newell,  Secretary,  postage  and  express  charges         .         .  8.70 

R.  B.  Dixon,  Treasurer  of  Boston  Branch,  rebates       .         .         .  33-50 

M,  L.  Fernald,  Cambridge 13-00 

Mrs.  G.  A.  McLeod,  Cincinnati 12.50 


54  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

W.  W.  Newell,  for  printing  circular     ......  11.25 

Second    National    Bank,    New  York    [collecting   out   of   town 
checks] 4.25 

$1144.62 
December  28,  1900,  balance  to  new  account        ....     1435.47 


$2580.09 


No  nominations  for  officers  during  the  year  1901  having  been 
forwarded  to  the  Secretary,  according  to  the  rule  permitting  any 
member  to  offer  such  nominations,  those  of  the  Council  were  read, 
as  follows :  — 

President,  Prof.  Frank  Russell,  Harvard  University,  Cambridge, 
Mass. 

First  Vice-President,  Prof.  Livingston  Farrand,  Columbia  Uni- 
versity, New  York,  N.  Y. 

Second  Vice-President,  Dr.  George  A.  Dorsey,  Field  Columbian 
Museum,  Chicago,  111. 

Councillors  (for  three  years).  Dr.  Roland  B.  Dixon,  Cambridge, 
Mass.  ;  Mr.  Stansbury  Hagar,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.  ;  Dr.  Alfred  L.  Kroe- 
ber,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

The  Secretary  was  instructed  to  cast  a  ballot  for  the  officers  as 
nominated. 

No  further  business  coming  up,  the  Society  proceeded  to  hear  the 
address  of  the  retiring  President,  Dr.  Franz  Boas,  on  "  The  Mind  of 
Primitive  Man." 

Mrs.  Waller  R.  Bullock,  Baltimore,  Md.,  offered  a  Report  on  the 
Collection  of  Maryland  Folk-Lore,  as  undertaken  by  the  Maryland 
Folk-Lore  Society. 

Further  papers  were  presented,  as  follows  :  — 

The  Good  Hunter  of  the  Iroquois,  Rev.  W.  M.  Beauchamp, 
D.  D.,  Syracuse,  N.  Y. 

Legends  of  the  Slavey  Indians  of  the  Mackenzie  River,  Dr. 
Robert  Bell,  Ottawa,  Canada. 

The  Shoshonean  Game  of  Na-wa-ta-pi,  Dr.  George  A.  Dorsey, 
Chicago,  111. 

An  Interpretation  of  Pueblo  Katcinas,  Dr.  J.  Walter  Fewkes, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

The  Lazy  Man  in  Omaha  Indian  Lore,  Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

The  Treatment  of  an  Ailing  God,  Dr.  Washington  Matthews, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Witch-Finding  in  Frederick  County,  Maryland,  Miss  Elisabeth 
Cloud  Seip,  Baltimore,  Md. 


Twelfth  Annual  Meeting.  55 

Laieikawai  :  a  Legend  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  Dr.  John  Rae 
(from  memoranda  of  the  deceased  author). 

Methods  of  Burial  in  British  Columbia.  (Illustrated.)  Mr.  Har- 
lan I.  Smith,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Hair  in  Folk-Lore,  Mr.  H.  E,  Warner,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Miss  Mary  Walker  Finlay  Speers  presented  and  sang  Negro 
Folk-Songs  collected  by  herself  in  Anne  Arundel  County,  Maryland. 

A  resolution  of  thanks  was  adopted  to  the  Johns  Hopkins  Univer- 
sity, to  the  Maryland  Folk-Lore  Society,  and  to  the  Local  Committee. 

The  Society  adjourned,  the  Secretary  to  appoint  time  and  place 
of  the  next  Annual  Meeting. 

At  7  p.  M.,  in  the  Hotel  Rennert,  took  place  the  Annual  Dinner 
of  the  American  Society  of  Naturalists  and  Affiliated  Societies. 

The  following  are  Committees  of  the  Council  for  the  year  1901  :  — 

Committee  on  Publication  :  Dr.  F.  Boas,  Miss  A.  C.  Fletcher, 
Dr.  Henry  Wood,  with  the  President  and  Permanent  Secretary  of 
the  Society. 

Committee  on  Local  Societies  :  Presidents  or  other  Representa- 
tives of  the  Local  Branches  or  Societies,  with  the  President  and 
Secretary. 

Committee  on  the  Collection  and  Record  of  Folk-Music  in  North 
America:  Dr.  F.  Boas,  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  Cen- 
tral Park,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  Chairman  ;  Prof.  C.  L.  Edwards,  Trinity 
College,  Hartford,  Conn. ;  Miss  A,  C.  Fletcher,  Washington,  D.  C. ; 
Mr.  H.  E.  Krehbiel,  New  York,  N.  Y.  ;  Mrs.  W.  R.  Bullock.  Balti- 
more, Md.,  as  Representative  of  the  Maryland  Folk-Lore  Society. 


56  y ournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


NOTES   AND   QUERIES. 

Adieus  of  the  Retiring  Editor.  —  With  the  end  of  the  century  the 
Permanent  Secretary  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society,  who  has  directed 
the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  through  its  thirteen  completed  volumes, 
resigned  his  task  as  editor  ;  and  with  the  initial  number  of  the  new  century 
this  responsibility  is  assumed  by  an  associate,  who,  in  the  "  Record  of 
American  Folk-Lore,"  has  furnished  the  greater  part  of  the  bibliography 
contained  in  the  recent  numbers  of  the  Journal.  Under  such  circum- 
stances it  seems  proper  that  the  retiring  editor  should  offer  to  members  of 
the  Society  and  readers  of  the  Journal  a  few  words  of  regard  and  leave- 
taking.  The  duty  which  he  relinquishes  has  been  singularly  agreeable  in 
respect  of  the  excellent  understanding  which  has  existed  with  contributors 
and  collaborators.  The  number  of  investigators  qualified  properly  to  deal 
with  traditional  matter  has  indeed  been  limited  ;  but  among  these  have  pre- 
vailed a  kindness  of  attitude  and  readiness  of  service  which  have  made  the 
duty  of  an  editor  a  work  of  pleasure  and  service.  Nor  need  it  be  feared 
that  in  the  future  such  cooperation  is  likely  to  diminish.  It  is  true  that 
this  department  of  science  has  suffered  unusual  losses.  From  the  small 
body  of  anthropological  students  in  America  during  the  past  decade  have 
been  removed  many  names,  some  of  world-wide  reputation,  others  beloved 
and  admired  within  their  own  circle,  and  the  places  of  these  laborers  have 
not  as  yet  been  filled.  But  the  increasing  interest  in  anthropological  in- 
quiries, and  the  opportunities  only  lately  provided  in  the  universities,  are 
developing  young  minds,  who  will  begin  their  careers  with  a  scientific  outfit 
more  complete  than  belonged  to  their  predecessors,  whose  researches  they 
will  carry  forward  with  equal  ability  and  devotion.  The  value  of  traditional 
material,  its  indispensability  to  correct  theory  in  history,  psychology',  ethics, 
and  religion,  so  often  enforced  in  this  journal,  is  no  longer  a  disputed  claim, 
but  one  conceded  by  all  scholars  capable  of  forming  an  opinion.  In  the 
course  of  the  rapid  change  which  is  converting  so-called  savages  into  folk 
as  civilized  as  any  others,  ancient  lore  has  been  passing  away  with  swifter 
and  swifter  flight,  with  which  the  energy  of  collection  has  not  kept  pace. 
The  result  will  be,  as  often  predicted  in  these  pages,  that  there  will  remain 
deficiencies  of  record,  to  which  in  the  future  will  correspond  uncertainties 
of  theory.  To  make  good  such  omissions  must  be  the  object  of  the  Society 
and  its  Journal,  a  task  to  be  pursued  with  the  greater  persistency,  the  more 
attenuated  become  the  sources  of  information.  The  retiring  editor,  who, 
as  Permanent  Secretary,  will  still  be  concerned  with  the  fortunes  of  the 
Society,  and  who  will  be  connected  with  the  Journal  as  Associate  Editor, 
rejoices  in  the  good  fortune  which  enables  him  to  leave  its  management  in 
hands  capable  of  following  with  increased  activity  the  ends  which  from  its 
foundation  the  Society  has  sought  to  attain. 

William  Wells  Newell. 


Notes  and  Queries.  57 

Greeting.  —  Speaking,  if  he  may,  for  the  members  of  the  American  Folk- 
Lore  Society,  and  for  all  students  of  Folk-Lore  with  whom  the  Journal  has 
come  into  contact,  the  incoming  Editor  thanks  his  predecessor  and  col- 
league for  the  generous  and  unstinted  services  which  he  has  always  placed 
at  the  disposal  of  our  science.  America,  especially,  owes  to  him  much  it 
can  never  pay.  Founded  under  his  auspices,  directed  by  him  so  long  with 
admirable  discretion  and  ability,  the  Journal  has  been  one  of  the  makers  of 
science  for  the  new  century.  Could  he  not  continue  to  count  upon  the 
wise  counsel  and  long  experience  of  the  one  who  has  gone  before,  his  suc- 
cessor would  hesitate,  still  more  than  he  has  done,  to  follow  him.  That  he 
remains  as  Associate  Editor  is  matter  for  felicitation.  The  future  years  of 
the  Journal  will,  it  is  hoped,  be  the  continuance  of  the  rich  and  fruitful 
harvest  of  the  past. 

Alexander  F.   Chamberlain. 

FoLK-LoRE  Investigations  in  Australia.  —  According  to  "  Nature  " 
(vol.  Ixiii.  p.  88)':  "Early  in  the  summer  [of  1900]  a  memorial  was  sub- 
mitted to  the  governments  of  South  Australia  and  Victoria,  praying  that 
facilities  might  be  granted  to  Mr.  Gillen,  one  of  the  inspectors  of  aborigines, 
and  Prof.  Baldwin  Spencer,  for  the  continuance  of  their  investigations  into 
the  habits  and  folk-lore  of  natives  of  Central  Australia  and  the  Northern 
Territory.  The  memorial,  which  was  signed  by  all  British  anthropologists 
and  many  prominent  representatives  of  other  sciences,  has  met  with  a 
prompt  and  generous  response.  The  government  of  South  Australia  has 
granted  a  year's  leave  of  absence  to  Mr.  Gillen,  and  the  government  of 
Victoria  has  provided  a  substitute  for  Professor  Spencer  during  his  absence 
from  Melbourne."  The  sum  of  ;;^iooo  has  been  contributed  towards  the 
ordinary  expenses  of  the  expedition  by  Mr.  Syme,  the  proprietor  of  the 
Melbourne  "  Age."  The  party  starts  in  February,  and,  after  a  careful  study 
of  the  tribes  of  the  MacDonnell  Range,  will  travel  along  the  Roper  River 
towards  the  Gulf  of  Carpentaria,  and,  if  there  be  time,  will  also  proceed 
down  the  Daly  and  Victoria  rivers.  It  is  fully  expected  that,  with  favor- 
able conditions  of  -weather,  etc.,  the  explorers  will  meet  with  a  success  as 
brilliant  as  that  which  fell  to  their  expeditions  of  three  years  ago. 

The  Value  of  the  Epic  for  Sociology.  —  Writing  of  "  Sociology  and 
the  Epic"  (Amer.  Journ.  of  Sociol.,  vol.  vi.  igoo,  pp.  267-271),  Mr.  A.  G. 
Keller  notes  the  great  gain  that  would  accrue  to  sociological  science,  "  if 
the  workers  on  the  grand  scale  could  have  at  their  service  separate  mono- 
graphs which  would  undertake  impartially  to  gather  and  systematize  the 
sociological  material  in  such  documents  as  the  Vedas,  the  Zend-Avesta, 
the  Eddas,  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  the  Kalevala,  the  Nibelungen  Lied,  the 
Homeric  poems,  and  the  like."  The  writer  then  indicates  briefly  the 
merits  of  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  in  this  respect,  holding  them  to  be 
more  or  less  "  universal  and  unbiased."  Judged  in  this  way,  the  Homeric 
poems,  he  thinks,  appear  to  advantage  when  compared  with  certain  Rus- 
sian and  German  epic  compositions. 


58  Journal  of  America7i  Folk-Lore, 

Arcadian  Religion.  —  In  a  very  interesting  article,  "  In  Arkadia " 
(Cath.  Univ.  Bull.,  vol.  vi.  1900,  pp.  525-541),  Mr.  Daniel  Quinn  writes  of 
the  ancient  and  modern  characteristics  of  this  region  of  the  Peloponnesus. 
The  following  passage  (p.  539)  is  worth  reproducing  here  :  "  The  Arkadian 
of  to-day,  like  his  ancestors,  is  religious,  —  more  religious  than  good.  He 
delights  in  feasts,  and  in  the  'paneg^'rics,'  or  occasions  of  dancing,  sing- 
ing, and  eating,  that  accompany  church  celebrations.  Every  mountain-top 
is  crowned  with  a  chapel,  and  has  its  analogous  feast-day,  when  all  the 
inhabitants  of  the  village  to  which  the  mountain  belongs  ascend  to  the 
little  plateau  round  the  chapel,  many  of  them  dressed  in  mountain  costumes 
of  kilt  and  fez,  where  they  first  hear  Mass,  and  then  amuse  themselves  in 
lively  songs  and  vigorous  dances,  and  in  feastings,  in  which  roast  lamb  and 
resined  wine  play  the  chief  role.  It  is  also  common  to  build  chapels  near 
springs  of  cool  water.  These  latter  chapels  are  often  sacred  to  the 
Madonna,  under  the  title  of  Zoodoc/ios pege,  or  'the  Fountain  that  contains 
the  Life-Giver,'  referring  to  the  Blessed  Virgin  as  Mother  of  God,  while 
the  chapels  on  mountain-tops  are  usually  dedicated  to  the  prophet  Elias  or 
to  the  Ascension  of  Our  Lord."  An  excessively  modern  element  in  this 
environment  reveals  itself  in  the  practice  the  natives  have  of  killing  and 
catching  the  beautiful  speckled  trout  of  the  mountain  torrents  by  explod- 
ing dynamite.  How  the  old  lingers  on  may  be  judged  from  another  fact 
that  "  even  in  the  last  century,  the  inhabitants  rarely,  and  most  of  them 
never,  visited  those  villages  distant  only  a  walk  of  two  hours." 

FoLK-LoRE  OF  THE  NuMBER  Seven.  —  In  a  paper  read  before  the  Ger- 
man Anthropological  Society  at  Halle  in  September,  1900,  on  "  Die  Sie- 
benzahl  im  Geistesleben  der  Volker  "  (Corrbl.,  xxxi.  pp.  96-98),  Dr.  von 
Andrian  traces  "  the  evil  seven  "  of  German  folk-lore  back  to  the  "  seven 
evil  spirits  "  of  the  ancient  Babylonians.  According  to  Dr.  von  Andrian 
these  people  had  "the  cult  of  seven"  more  highly  developed  than  any 
other  so  far  known,  and  it  is  from  them  that  "  seven-lore  "  has  traveled  into 
all  parts  of  Europe  and  into  many  regions  of  Asia  and  Africa.  The  Baby- 
lonians had  :  Seven  planets,  seven  star-pairs,  seven  regions  of  the  world, 
seven  rivers,  seven  winds,  seven  mountains  and  seas  (about  Aralu),  seven 
gates  of  the  lower  world,  seven  tones,  the  seven-headed  cosmic  snake,  the 
seven-day  week,  etc.  The  "  cult  of  seven  "  appears  to  be  weakest  nowa- 
days among  the  North  and  South  Slavs,  the  Roumanians,  the  modern 
Greeks,  and  the  Albanians.  Probably  the  author  sees  more  Babylonian 
influence  in  this  matter  than  has  really  been  at  work. 

Trees  struck  by  Lightning.  —  In  connection  with  the  Kentucky 
belief  that  "  locust  trees  are  more  often  struck  by  lightning  than  any  oth- 
ers," reference  may  be  made  to  the  discussion  of  this  subject  by  Karl  Miil- 
lenhofE  in  his  "  l~)ie  Natur  im  Volksmunde  "  (Berlin,  1S98).  Says  the 
author  (p.  71):  "The  old  popular  idea  that  the  lightning  had  a  predilec- 
tion for  certain  trees  has  quite  recently  been  confirmed  by  careful  observa- 
tions.    The  statistics  of  eleven  years  in  Lippe  show  that,  although  seven 


Notes  and  Queries,  59 

tenths  of  the  forest  in  that  region  consists  of  beeches,  oaks  were  struck 
fifty-six  times,  firs  and  pines  twenty-four  times,  and  beeches  not  once.  .  .  . 
Next  to  the  oak,  in  frequency  of  suffering  from  lightning  strokes,  comes  the 
poplar,  —  statistics  of  recent  date  concerning  the  territory  about  Moscow 
indicating  that  over  half  the  trees  struck  by  lightning  were  poplars.  From 
time  immemorial  these  trees  have  been  planted  around  the  farms  as  natural 
lightning-conductors."  So  Miillenhoff  considers  that  the  old  German  say- 
ing has  justified  itself  :  — 

Vor  den  Eichen  sollst  du  weichen, 
Vor  den  Fichten  sollst  du  fliichten, 
Doch  die  Buchen  sollst  du  suchen. 

Zahoris.  —  Appendix  F  (pp.  367-372)  of  Prof.  W.  F.  Barrett's  elab- 
orate study  of  the  "Divining  Rod,"  which  occupies  the  chief  part  of  the 
"Proceedings  of  the  Society  for  Psychical  Research  "  for  October,  1900, 
gives  a  brief  account  of  the  Zahoris,  or  lynx-eyed  clairvoyants,  of  the  six- 
teenth, seventeenth,  and  eighteenth  centuries  in  Spain,  who  were  believed 
to  be  able  "  to  see  things,  although  hidden  in  the  bowels  of  the  earth,  if 
not  covered  with  blue  cloth."  They  were  said  to  be  born  on  Good  Friday, 
and,  according  to  some  writers,  "  were  accustomed  to  restrict  this  faculty 
of  seeing  to  certain  days,  the  third  and  sixth  day  of  the  week,  which  is  a 
token  of  a  secret  pact  [with  Satan]."  Besides  being  able  to  see  corpses 
through  the  sarcophagi  inclosing  them,  to  see  through  clothes,  flesh,  and 
bones  into  the  secretest  parts  of  the  human  body,  they  also  detected  "  veins 
of  water  and  treasures  of  metal,"  hidden  underground  to  a  depth  of  twenty 
pike-handles,  or,  some  say,  to  the  extent  of  thirty  to  forty  fathoms.  Ac- 
cording to  Professor  Barrett :  "  The  word  '  Zahori '  is  really  from  the 
Arabic,  meaning  'clear,'  'enlightened;'  it  was,  in  fact,  equivalent  to  the 
term,  '  clairvoyant,'  as  that  word  is  now  used.  The  same  root  occurs  in 
Hebrew,  and  is  the  origin  of  the  title  '  Zohar,'  the  famous  Bible  of  the 
Kabbalists."  It  is  rather  curious  that  apparently  the  earliest  account  of 
the  "  Zahoris  "  is  contained  in  the  section  De  Anima,  lib.  ii.,  speculatio  ii. 
(pp.  300,  301),  of  a  book  published  in  the  city  of  Mexico  in  1557,  the 
Phisica  Speculatio  of  Alphonsus  (Gutierrez)  \  Vera  Cruce,  which  work  was 
reprinted  in  Salamanca  in  1559  (copies  of  both  works  appear  to  be  in  the 
British  Museum).  This  fact  further  enhances  the  importance  of  Mexico 
as*a  fountain  of  literature  and  printing  during  the  sixteenth  and  seven- 
teenth centuries. 

Christmas  in  French-Canada.  —  In  "North  American  Notes  and 
Queries"  (vol.  i.  pp.  169-178)  for  December,  1900,  there  is  an  interesting 
account  of  "A  French-Canadian  Christmas"  by  Mr.  E.  T.  D.  Chambers. 
Both  Christmas  and  New  Year's  are  largely  children's  festivals,  and  as 
such  have  appealed  to  the  poets  and  story-tellers  of  the  land.  Says  the 
author  (p.  177) :  "Many  French-Canadian  children  are  taught  the  pretty 
fiction  that  the  Christmas  gifts  that  greet  them  when  they  awaken  on 
Christmas  morning  are  sent  them  by  the  Little  Jesus,  and  Frechette,  the 


6o  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

poet-laureate  of  French-Canada,  has  woven  about  this  juvenile  belief  one 
of  the  most  attractive  stories  of  his  Christmas  in  French-Canada.'''  The  old 
New  Year's  custom  of  the  Ignolee  or  Gtiignolee  seems  almost  to  have  died 
out,  or  to  have  become  something  similar  to  Valentine's  Eve  in  some  parts 
of  America.  Formerly,  "  On  the  eve  of  the  New  Year  bands  of  youthful 
masqueraders  serenaded  the  various  residents  of  the  locality  after  night- 
fall with  music  and  song,  knocking  at  doors  and  windows,  and  begging  for 
offerings  for  the  poor,  generally  eatables,  with  threats  of  revenge  if  gifts 
were  refused.  A  piece  of  pork  with  the  tail  adhering,  called  La  Chigne'e, 
was  the  traditional  offering  expected."  In  the  city  of  Montreal,  down  to 
about  i860,  the  mayor  used  to  issue,  on  New  Year's  Eve,  permits  to  young 
men  "  to  run  the  Ignole'e  without  danger  of  arrest  or  molestation  by  the 
police."  The  Indians,  too,  share  in  the  observances  of  Christmas.  Ac- 
cording to  Mr.  Chambers  :  "  The  Huron  Indians  of  Lorette  sing  in  their 
own  language  a  very  fine  carol,  Jesus  Ahatonnia,  —  'Jesus  is  born.'  The 
oldest  existing  copy  of  it  is  a  MS.  in  the  Parliamentary  Library  at  Quebec, 
in  the  handwriting  of  Pere  Chaumonot,  and  the  words  are  supposed  to  have 
been  composed  by  the  martyred  Jesuit  missionary,  Jean  de  Breboeuf.  At 
all  events,  they  date  from  the  time  of  the  bloody  missions  of  the  Huron 
Peninsula.  The  Christianized  Montagnais  Indians,  who  inhabit  the  forests 
that  stretch  from  the  north  of  Quebec  to  Hudson's  Bay,  sing  to  French- 
Canadian  airs  a  number  of  cantiques  in  their  own  language,  throughout 
the  night  of  Christmas  Eve,  which  they  call  '  the  night  when  we  do  not 
sleep.' " 

Atacamenan  Folk-Lore.  —  From  the  little  "  Glosario  de  la  Lengua 
Atacamena"  (Santiago,  1896,  pp.  36),  by  Vaisse,  Hoyos,  and  Echeverrfa, 
the  following  items  of  folk-lore  have  been  extracted  :  — 

Ckaratai?-e,  "  bare  ribs."     Said  in  jest  or  insult  of  a  very  lean  person 

(P-  17)- 

Ckanliblibar^  "  pitcher  belly."  Said  in  jest  of  very  fat  or  corpulent  per- 
sons (p.  25). 

Paatcha,  "  the  earth  "  (considered  as  a  species  of  divinity).  The  vicuna 
hunters  believe  that  "  among  the  vicunas  there  is  always  one  who  is  the 
duenna  ox  pacha  of  all,  and  to  render  the  animal  propitious  they  offer  up  to 
it  (burying  the  offerings  in  a  hole  in  the  ground  wherever  they  may  be 
hunting)  coca,  aguardiente,  and  tobacco.  By  reason  of  this  superstitious 
practice,  they  believe  \.\i&  pacha  of  the  vicufias  permit  to  them  to  hit  the 
mark  in  shooting"  (p.  27).  The  expression  paatchamdttia  is  also  in  use. 
There  is  evidently  some  relationship  here  with  the  Pachacamac  of  the 
ancient  Peruvians.  These  Indians  of  Chili  form  a  linguistic  stock  by 
themselves. 

Polynesian  Fire- Walkers.  —  The  "Hawaiian  Gazette  "  for  December 
18,  1900,  January  22,  25,  and  29,  1901,  contains  a  discussion  of  the 
"  fire-walking"  ceremony,  interest  in  which  was  revived  by  the  presence  in 
Honolulu  of  Papa  Ita,  the  aged  and  famous  Tahitian  "  fire-walker."  Of  one 
of  his  "walks "we  read:  "Papa   Ita  walked  upon  hot  stones  Saturday 


Notes  and  Queries.  6i 

night  in  the  presence  of  Queen  Liliuokalani,  Prince  David,  and  several 
hundred  spectators,  who  cheered  the  aged  Tahitian,  picking  his  way  care- 
fully upon  the  oven.  The  performance  was  an  artistic  success,  and  those 
who  were  disappointed  at  previous  exhibitions  by  the  lack  of  spectacular 
features  had  nothing  to  complain  of.  The  stones  were  glowing  when  over- 
turned by  the  native  assistants,  and  settled  into  position.  Papa  Ita  was 
clad  in  a  skirt  of  red  cloth  with  yellow  figures  and  a  //-leaf  girdle.  As  he 
walked  around  the  oven,  speaking  the  words  of  his  incantation  to  Vahine- 
nui,  native  singers  olilied  the  ancient  inelcs,  accompanying  their  weird 
chants  on  gourds.  Then  the  Tahitian,  picking  his  way  carefully  upon  the 
stones,  which  were  in  a  firm  position,  walked  straight  through  the  oven. 
Repeating  his  performance  of  calling  upon  his  gods  to  assist  him,  he  walked 
back  over  the  stones,  and  resumed  his  seat.  He  was  loudly  applauded, 
Queen  Liliuokalani  and  Prince  David  joining  in  the  ovation.  Papa  Ita 
wore  a  satisfied  smile.  After  a  few  moments  of  rest,  he  trod  the  lava 
blocks  again,  repeating  this  eight  or  nine  times.  During  this  time  the 
mele  singers  alternated  with  a  Hawaiian  quintet  in  rendering  the  music  and 
airs  of  Hawaii.  The  performance  was  free  from  the  disgraceful  scenes 
which  attended  the  one  given  on  Thursday.  Papa  Ita  leaves  for  Ilo  to- 
morrow, where  an  exhibition  will  be  given  this  week." 

The  coming  of  Papa  Ita  to  Hawaii  seems  to  have  stirred  up  again  the 
never-quenched  embers  of  native  beliefs,  for  the  "  Gazette  "  for  January  29, 
1901,  in  a  brief  editorial  on  Kahiinaism,  says  :  "  Since  the  coming  of  Papa 
Ita  there  has  been  a  revival  of  KaJnoiaism  in  these  Islands  which  has  led 
some  of  the  clergy,  in  direct  spiritual  contact  with  the  natives,  to  take  vari- 
ous measures  of  resistance.  No  belief  is  harder  to  get  out  of  the  native  mind 
than  that  in  the  power  and  presence  of  witchcraft.  Some  of  the  strongest 
and  most  cultivated  Hawaiians  turn  to  the  Kahunas  in  time  of  weakness 
or  distress,  and  all  the  laws  that  have  been  passed  against  these  devil- 
doctors,  and  all  the  knowledge  imparted  to  their  dupes,  does  not  sufiice  to 
stop  the  spread  of  their  sorcery,  or  limit  the  respect  paid  to  its  pretensions. 
People  are  still  being  prayed  to  death,  as  they  were  in  the  days  when  a 
Kahuna  tried  the  experiment  upon  the  famous  John  Young,  only  to  die 
himself  in  abject  terror  when  Young  set  up  an  altar,  and  began  industri- 
ously praying  for  the  death  of  the  Kahuna.  Elsewhere  in  these  columns  we 
show  how  a  young  wife  was  made  ill  by  Kahunaistn,  and  not  long  ago  a 
reputable  evening  paper  attributed  the  death  of  David  Naone  to  the  same 
cause.  Indeed,  such  instances  might  be  multiplied  by  scores  without  going 
back  on  the  calendar  very  far.  Papa  Ita  has  brought  the  superstition  to  a 
much  whiter  heat  than  are  the  lava  stones  upon  which  he  walks.  In  the 
Hawaiian  belief  he  has  more  than  apostolic  power  to  'bind  or  loose.'  It 
was  only  necessary  to  hear  the  cries  of  native  rage  when  a  haole  Xx'x^iS.  to 
follow  in  Papa  Ita's  footsteps  on  the  heated  rock,  and  to  see  the  Hawaiians 
flock  about  the  old  man  after  his  performance  to  touch  the  hem  of  his  gar- 
ment, to  realize  the  height  and  depth  of  the  heathen  influence  he  is  found- 
ing. We  should  have  no  cause  for  astonishment,  if  Papa  Ita's  tour  undid, 
in  a  month's  time,  the  work  of  laborious  years  in  leading  the  native  up 
from  superstition  to  enlightenment." 


62  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


LOCAL   MEETINGS   AND    OTHER   NOTICES. 

Boston,  —  December  i,  1900.  The  first  regular  meeting  of  the  Boston 
Branch  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  was  held  at  the  residence  of 
Miss  Reed,  184  Commonwealth  Avenue,  Prof.  F.  W.  Putnam  presiding. 
The  deferred  election  of  officers  resulted  as  follows  :  President,  Prof.  F.  W. 
Putnam.  Vice-Presidents,  Mr.  W.  W.  Newell,  Dr.  G.  J.  Engelmann.  Secre- 
tary, Miss  Helen  Leah  Reed.  Council,  Dr.  E.  F.  Pope,  Dr.  S.  E.  Palmer, 
Mr.  Ashton  Willard,  Dr.  Frank  Russell,  Mr.  Francis  Noyes  Balch.  Three 
vacancies  in  the  list  of  officers  were  afterwards  filled  by  the  choice  of  Mrs. 
Lee  Hoffmann,  Mrs.  O.  B.  Cole,  Mr.  Eliot  Remick.  After  the  transaction 
of  business,  Mr.  W.  W.  Newell  gave  an  account  of  the  Hawaiian  legend  of 
Laieikawai,  as  recorded  by  Dr.  John  Rae.  Professor  Putnam  gave  an  ac- 
count of  recent  work  in  American  Archceology,  and  Dr.  Hrdlicka  described 
the  work  of  preserving  Indian  types,  carried  on  under  his  supervision. 

January  18.  The  regular  meeting  was  held  by  invitation  of  Mrs.  John 
A.  Remick,  300  Marlborough  Street.  Dr.  Robert  Means  Lawrence  gave 
the  paper  of  the  evening,  his  subject  being  "  Verbal  Charms  and  Spells." 
He  reviewed  certain  superstitions  in  the  realm  of  medicine,  showing  that  a 
belief  in  the  efficacy  of  mummy  dust  prevailed  as  late  as  the  time  of 
Charles  the  Second,  and  that  an  opinion  that  some  ailments  might  be 
cured  by  the  use  of  passages  of  Scripture  continued  to  a  later  time.  He 
alluded  to  the  general  mediaeval  belief  in  astrology,  and  gave  examples  of 
remedies  which  he  had  found  prescribed  in  old  Florentine  manuscripts,  the 
work  of  Spanish  priests  who  had  accompanied  the  earliest  explorers  of 
Mexico. 

February  19.  The  regular  meeting  was  held  at  the  house  of  Dr.  Robert 
Means  Lawrence,  321  Marlborough  Street,  Mr.  W.  W.  Newell  presiding. 
The  speaker  of  the  evening  was  Dr.  Rodney  A.  True,  of  Harvard  Univer- 
sity, who  treated  of  "  Folk  Materia  Medica."  Dr.  True,  in  his  interesting 
paper,  called  attention  to  the  belief  in  the  power  of  certain  vegetable  and 
animal  substances  to  cure  disease  entertained  by  primitive  peoples.  He 
showed  that  while  some  of  these  substances  were  evidently  worthless,  and 
their  supposed  efficacy  imaginary,  others  have  been  proved  by  modern 
science  to  possess  more  or  less  value.  Thus  folk-opinion  is  not  wholly  to 
be  distrusted,  but,  on  the  contrary,  continues  to  offer  valuable  suggestions. 


ROBERT   GRANT   HALIBURTON    (1831-1901). 

Robert  Grant  Halirurton,  whose  death  at  Pass  Christian,  Miss.,  has 
been  announced,  was  a  man  of  varied  talents  and  accomplishments.  Born 
June  3,  1831,  at  Windsor,  Nova  Scotia,  the  son  of  Judge  Haliburton  ("Sam 
Slick"),  he  was  educated  at  King's  College  in  that  town,  graduating  with 
high  honors.  In  1853  he  took  the  degree  of  M.  A.,  and  twenty-two  years 
after  his  Alma  Mater  conferred  on  him  a  D.  C.  L,  in  consideration  of  his 


Robert  Grant  Haliburton.  63 

scientific  labors.  Connected  with  the  volunteer  militia,  he  rose  to  be 
lieutenant-colonel,  and  was  in  1861  A.  D.  C.  to  the  Lieutenant-Governor  of 
Nova  Scotia.  His  profession  was  that  of  a  lawyer  (having  been  called  to 
the  bar  in  1853),  and  he  figured  as  counsel  in  many  important  private  and 
governmental  cases,  serving  in  1875  as  one  of  the  commissioners  in  the 
settlement  of  the  celebrated  Prince  Edward  Island  land  question.  In 
1876  the  Provincial  Government  created  him  a  Q.  C,  and  the  Dominion 
Government  in  1878  conferred  a  like  honor  upon  him.  Although  he  had 
declined  in  1854  to  enter  the  Provincial  Parliament,  following  the  advice 
of  his  father,  he  took,  nevertheless,  a  keen  interest  in  political  affairs  both 
as  a  speaker  and  a  writer  of  pamphlets,  newspaper  and  magazine  articles, 
advocating  the  cause  of  a  self-reliant  Canada  and  a  united  empire,  views 
which  he  further  emphasized  and  expounded  during  his  residence  in  Eng- 
land, 1871-1876.  On  his  return  to  Canada  he  was  publicly  welcomed,  and 
from  1877-1881  practised  law  at  the  Federal  capital.  Ill-health  supervening 
in  1 88 1  made  it  necessar\'  for  him  to  pass  the  winter  in  warm  climates,  and 
from  that  time  forth  (with  the  exception  of  certain  efforts  for  the  improve- 
ment of  the  condition  of  the  people  of  Jamaica,  where  he  spent  for  many 
years  a  considerable  part  of  his  time)  he  devoted  himself  chiefly  to  sci- 
entific studies  and  investigations.  He  attended  when  possible  the  meetings 
of  scientific  societies  and  congresses  in  America  and  Europe,  and  con- 
tributed often  to  their  proceedings  and  transactions.  He  was  a  member  of 
many  learned  societies  in  both  hemispheres  and  a  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Geo- 
graphical Society,  the  American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science, 
the  Royal  Society  of  Antiquarians  of  the  North  (Copenhagen),  etc.  The 
income  from  the  practice  of  his  profession  earlier  in  life  and  his  interests  in 
Nova  Scotia  coal  mines  enabled  him  during  his  years  of  scientific  activity 
to  engage  in  travel  and  investigations  otherwise  impossible.  His  discover- 
ies concerning  the  "  dwarf  races  "  of  northern  Africa  were  the  result  of 
several  extended  journeys  in  Morocco  and  the  Atlas  region,  1887-1893. 
These  investigations  excited  a  good  deal  of  controversy  at  the  time,  but  the 
author  held  his  own  well,  and  his  continued  studies  have  added  very  much 
to  the  literature  of  "dwarf  peoples"  all  over  the  globe.  The  "  dwarf  ani- 
mals "  of  pygmy  races  also  engaged  Mr.  Haliburton's  attention.  One  of 
his  theories  was  that  the  race  of  man  began  with  a  "  Dwarf  Era,"  and  some 
of  his  views  were  even  farther  from  the  run  of  common  scientific  reasoning, 
but  none  the  less  interesting  or  suggestive  for  that.  The  logical  conse- 
quences of  his  "  dwarf  theory  "  led  him  sometimes  unconsciously  to  mag- 
nify the  significance  of  evidence  that  failed  to  convince  other  observers. 
Through  persistence,  however,  he  was  often  able  at  last  to  fit  the  missing 
links  in  the  chain. 

Another  subject  to  which  Mr.  Haliburton  devoted  much  study  was  the 
relation  of  the  Pleiades  to  the  calendars  and  mythologies  of  primitive  peo- 
ples. Here  again  his  African  travels  helped  him  out.  In  several  publica- 
tions he  supported  the  thesis  that  "these  stars  are  the  'central  sun  '  of  the 
religious  calendars,  myths,  traditions,  and  symbolisms  of  early  ages,"  —  a 
view  more  poetical  than  scientific. 


64  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Of  his  numerous  publications  and  addresses  (outside  of  many  political 
and  social  essays),  the  following  are  of  interest  to  the  folk-lorist :  — 

1.  The  Unity  of  the  Human  Race  proved  by  the  Universality  of  Cer- 

tain Superstitions  connected  with  Sneezing.     Halifax,  1863. 

2.  New  Material  for  the  History  of  Man,  derived  from  a  Comparison 

of  the  Calendars  and  Festivals  of  Nations.  Part  I.  The  Festival 
of  the  Dead.  Halifax.  Part  H.  Astronomical  Features  in  the 
Mosaic  Cosmogony.     Halifax,  1863-1864. 

3.  Notes  of  Mt.  Atlas  and  its  Traditions.     Read  before  Amer.  Assoc. 

Adv.  ScL,  1882. 

4.  Primitive  Traditions  about  the  Lost  Pleiades.     Nature  (London), 

vol.  xxi.  (1881-1882)  pp.  100,  loi. 

5.  Notes  on  a  Tau  Cross  on  the  Badge  of  a  Medicine  Man  of  the 

Queen  Charlotte  Isles.  Read  before  the  Brit.  Assoc.  Adv.  Sci.^ 
1886.     See,  also,  Nature,  vol.  xxxiv.  (1886)  p.  610. 

6.  On  Gypsies  and  an  Ancient  Hebrew  Roll  in  Sus  and  the  Sahara. 

Read  before  the  Brit.  Assoc.  Adv.  Sci.,  1887.  See,  also,  Nature, 
vol.  xxxvi.  p.  599. 

7.  On  Berber  and  Guanche  Traditions  as  to  the  Burial-Place  of  Her- 

cules.    Read  before  the  Brit.  Assoc.  Adv.  Sci.,  1888. 

8.  Primitive  Astronomical  Traditions  as  to  Paradise,     /did. 

9.  Gypsy  Acrobats  in  Ancient  Africa.    Journ.   Gypsy-Lore  Soc,  1890. 
ID.    Dwarf  Races  and  Dwarf  Worship.     Read  before  Internat.  Congr, 

of  Orientalists,  1 89 1 . 

11.  The  Dwarfs  of  Mt.  Atlas.     London,  1S91. 

12.  Racial  Dwarfs  in  the  Atlas  and  the  Pyrenees.     Imper.  Asiat.  Quar. 

Rev.,  1893  ;  Acadetny  (London),  1893.  See,  also,  Nature,  vol. 
xlvii.  p.  294. 

13.  Orientation  of  Temples  by  the  Pleiades.     Nature,  vol.  xlviii.  (1893) 

p.  566. 

14.  Survivals  of  Dwarf  Races  in  the  New  World.     Read  before  the 

Amcr.  Assoc.  Adv.  Sci.,  1894. 

15.  Dwarf  Survivals  and  Traditions  as  to  Pygmy  Races.     Ibid.,  1895. 

16.  A  Search  for  Lost  Colonies  of  Northmen  and  Portuguese  in  Brit- 

ish North  America.  Read  before  Brit.  Assoc.  Adv.  Sci.,  1895. 
See,  also,  Froc.  Roy.  Geogr.  Soc,  1895,  ^"^^  -^^P-  •^^'-  -^^-i  vol* 
xxvii.  (1885)  pp.  40-51. 

17.  Zwergstamme  in  Sud-  und  Nord-Amerika.     Fer/i.  d.  Berliner  An- 

throp.  Ges.  1896,  pp.  470-472. 

18.  The  Dwarf  Domestic  Animals  of  Pygmies.     Froc.  Canad.  Inst.,  vol. 

i.  N.  S.,  1897,  pp.  3-7. 
The  writer  of  these  lines  of  appreciation  had  only  slight  personal  ac- 
quaintance with  Mr.  Haliburton,  but  found  him  to  be  an  amiable  gentle- 
man of  the  old  school,  with  an  inexhaustible  fund  of  reminiscences  and 
experiences.  He  had,  too,  the  zest  and  enthusiasm  of  a  man  of  science 
wedded  to  a  life  of  great  variety  and  extensive  scholarship. 

Alex.  F.  Chamberlain, 
Clark  University,  Worcester,  Mass. 


Bibliographical  Notes.  65 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL   NOTES. 

BOOKS. 

Devil  Tales.     By  Virginia  Frazer  Boyle.     Illustrated  by  A.  B.  Frost. 
Harper  &  Brothers.     1900. 

Stories  of  the  old  South,  recprded  by  one  who  learned  them  in  her  child- 
hood from  the  negroes  of  Mississippi.  The  tales  are  repeated  for  the  most 
part  in  the  forceful,  native  phrase  of  the  black  "  mammy,"  to  whom  they 
had  come  as  a  heritage  of  generations.  But  inasmuch  as  they  are  embel- 
lished by  suggestive  setting,  and  moulded  into  artistic  form  by  graceful 
narration,  they  must  be  assigned  to  the  domain  of  literary  rather  than  sci- 
entific folk-lore.  It  is,  however,  a  work  of  wide  interest,  not  only  by  reason 
of  the  weird  fascination  of  the  tales  themselves,  but  because  of  their  value 
to  the  psychologist  and  anthropologist,  in  showing,  as  they  do,  the  supersti- 
tion which  is  as  warp  in  the  characters  of  these  dusky  children,  and  which, 
crossed  and  recrossed  by  the  woof  of  daily  doings,  makes  up  the  fabric  of 
their  life. 

The  ten  tales  of  the  collection  have  for  their  common  theme  the  baleful 
influence  of  the  Evil  One,  who  wanders  abroad  in  the  quarters  during  "de 
dark  er  de  moon ; "  and  the  counter  conjuring  of  the  good  Hoodoo,  whose 
business  it  is  to  beat  the  devil  at  his  own  game. 

There  is  a  suggestion  of  Faust  in  the  tragedy  of  "  Marse  Charles,"  the 
only  one  of  the  tales  that  deals  with  the  "  Quality,"  and  a  hint  of  classic 
Psyche  in  the  clay  butterflies  fashioned  by  the  crazed  old  Maumer  to  "  fetch 
back  de  soul  er  Cindy's  baby."  Most  of  the  stories  recall  ^Esop's  Fables, 
from  the  active  participation  of  the  beasts  and  birds,  here  regarded  as 
emissaries  of  Satan.  Herein,  also,  is  Darwinism  reversed,  so  to  speak. 
"  Brer  Baily  hain't  got  no  call  ter  'low  dat  niggers  is  'v'luted  fum  Afiker 
monkeys,  fur  dey  'v'lute  back  inter  monkeys,  sho,  mum  !  "  For  this  was  the 
punishment  of  the  transgressing  piccaninny  who,  bribed  by  Satan,  stole  the 
widow's  last  coal  of  fire. 

Nor  is  this  African  philosophy  free  from  the  complacent  egoism  that 
marks  the  dogmatic  wherever  found  :  "  Now  white  folks  ain'  lack  niggers," 
old  Daddy  Mose  explains  ;  "  dey  '11  look  at  de  new  moon  ober  de  lef  shoul- 
der th'u'  de  trees  an'  nebber  eben  tek  time  ter  say  er  pra'r  back'ards : 
whilst  dey  puts  on  de  right  shoe  fust,  an'  wonder  what 's  de  matter  wid  dey 
business  when  hit  go  wrong.  .  .  .  White  folks  sho'  is  cu'is." 

The  illustrations  are  genuine  illuminations  to  the  text,  and  help  to  make 
the  volume  one  to  be  welcomed  by  all  who  find  interest  in  folk-tales,  and 
care  for  their  preservation.  The  tales  belong  to  the  past,  and  must  have 
departed  with  it  had  they  not  found  in  Mrs.  Boyle  a  competent  and  sym- 
pathetic chronicler. 

Frank  Russell, 


VOL.  XIV.  —  NO.  52. 


6  6  journal  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore. 

The  Book  of  Saints  and  Friendly  Beasts.  By  Abbie  Farwell 
Brown.  Illustrated  by  Fanny  Y.  Cory.  Boston  and  New  York  :  Hough- 
ton, Mifflin  &  Co.     1901.     Pp.  225. 

This  little  book  contains  a  series  of  tales  relating  to  certain  saints  and 
their  attendant  animals,  told  in  the  simplest  and  most  charming  manner. 
The  reader  will  not  find  a  herbarium,  in  which  desiccated  elements  of  folk- 
lore are  preserved  for  the  consultation  of  an  expert ;  the  old  stem  is  made 
to  put  forth  leaf  and  blossom  in  a  manner  to  attract  and  touch  the  taste 
and  sensibilities  of  the  public  for  which  it  is  intended.  The  last  of  the  nar- 
ratives relates  to  Saint  Francis,  and  the  spirit  of  the  whole  collection  is  not 
unlike  that  of  the  saint.  The  material  furnished  by  mediaeval  legends  is 
sufficient  to  supply  several  such  works ;  throughout  these  breathes  a  feel- 
ing for  animal  life,  not  at  the  time  so  completely  separated  from  human 
existence  as  to-day  is  the  case.  It  may  be  thought  that  the  narrator  would 
have  done  well  to  treat  of  well-known  holy  personages  whose  names  she 
omits ;  for  example,  Ste.  Genevieve  and  her  doe  might  well  have  been 
accepted.  As  it  is,  a  considerable  number  of  the  saints  introduced  are 
obscure  characters,  chiefly  Celtic,  scarce  known  to  Acta  Sanctorum.  In 
some  cases  their  legends  are  rather  the  creation  of  literary  activity  than  the 
exact  presentation  of  popular  belief.  But  the  themes  are  sufficiently  an- 
cient ;  and  the  writer  did  not  intend  that  the  stories  should  of  necessity  be 
mediaeval  in  detail. 

In  regard  to  the  tale  which  occupies  the  first  place,  we  are  obliged  to 
take  some  exception.  This  is  entitled  "  Saint  Bridget  and  the  King's 
Wolf."  It  is  related  that  a  certain  king  of  Ireland  had  a  tame  wolf,  which 
is  shot  by  a  countryman,  who  does  not  observe  that  the  beast  carries  the 
royal  mark.  The  man  goes  to  court  in  order  to  claim  the  reward  promised 
to  destroyers  of  wolves,  but  instead  of  recompense  is  sentenced  to  die. 
Bridget,  who  knows  the  condemned  person,  pities  his  fate,  and  goes  to  the 
king  in  order  to  beg  his  life ;  a  white  wolf  jumps  into  her  chariot,  is  taken 
to  the  king,  and  accepted  as  a  substitute.  From  what  immediate  source 
the  author  has  taken  this  tale  we  do  not  know ;  but  in  the  mediaeval  nar- 
rative which  served  as  the  ultimate  source  the  beast  is  not  a  wolf,  but  a 
tame  fox,  on  account  of  his  sagacity  a  favorite  with  the  king.  The  fox  is 
killed  by  a  peasant ;  but  the  king  swears  to  annihilate  the  slayer  and  all 
his  race,  unless  he  can  produce  a  fox  as  clever  as  that  which  he  has  re- 
moved. Bridget  prays  to  God,  who  sends  her,  as  the  account  naively  ob- 
serves, one  of  his  own  wild  foxes  {iinain  de  suis  vulpibus  feris).  As  Bridget 
is  riding  in  her  car,  the  fox  takes  his  seat  beside  her,  and,  when  he  gets  to 
the  palace,  goes  through  a  series  of  tricks  for  the  benefit  of  the  king.  The 
performer  gives  satisfaction,  is  admitted  to  the  privileges  of  his  predeces- 
sor, and  the  criminal  forgiven.  On  the  following  day  the  fox  furnishes  a 
still  more  striking  indication  of  ability  by  running  away,  and  getting  off 
safely  to  his  hole,  in  spite  of  the  most  active  pursuit  on  the  part  of  dogs 
and  hunters.  The  more  authentic  form  of  the  history  to  our  mind  appears 
also  the  more  agreeable  \  and,  pleasing  as  is  the  figure  of  the  white  wolf, 
whom  Bridget  is  represented  as  caressing,  we  would  rather  have  seen  the 


Bibliographical  Notes.  67 

fox  blinking  from  the  front  seat  of  the  jaunting  car,  where  he  had  perched 
himself  beside  the  maiden. 

W.  W.  Newell. 

Bluebeard,  A  contribution  to  history  and  folk-lore,  being  the  history  of 
Gilles  de  Retz,  of  Brittany,  France,  who  was  executed  at  Nantes  in  1440 
A.  D.,  and  who  was  the  original  of  Bluebeard  in  the  tales  of  Mother 
Goose.  By  Thomas  Wilson,  LL.  D.,  Curator,  Division  of  Prehistoric 
Archseology,  U.  S.  National  Museum,  etc.  Illustrated.  New  York  and 
London':  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons.     Pp.  xv,  212. 

The  work  of  Professor  Wilson,  which  we  are  late  in  noticing,  is  essen- 
tially an  account  of  the  career  of  Gilles  de  Retz,  Marshal  of  France,  con- 
demned on  charges  of  heresy  and  the  abduction  of  children.  Gilles  was 
fond  of  magnificence,  and  his  extravagance  caused  presumptive  heirs  to 
make  an  attempt  to  deprive  him  of  the  management  of  his  propertv.  In 
1440  the  Bishop  of  Nantes  cited  Gilles  to  appear  before  his  court  on  ac- 
cusation of  unspeakable  crimes  against  infants,  and  a  decree  of  excom- 
munication was  passed  upon  him.  This  decree  profoundly  affected  the 
accused,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  devout  believer,  more  anxious  for  the 
safety  of  his  soul  than  for  that  of  his  body.  At  the  trial  accusations  of 
heresy  and  magic  were  added  ;  the  defendant  was  alleged  to  have  a  famil- 
iar spirit,  who  had  appeared  to  him  within  a  magic  circle,  in  the  form  of  a 
serpent  or  a  leopard,  and  such  acts  of  incantation  Gilles  admitted.  He 
was  convicted  of  heresy,  but,  in  consideration  of  his  submission,  the  ex- 
communication was  annulled. 

Professor  Wilson  agrees  with  other  historians  in  considering  that  Gilles 
was  guilty ;  but  a  good  case  could  be  made  out  in  his  defence.  The 
assumed  acts  belong  to  folk-superstition  ;  the  mediaeval  process  made  it 
easy  to  enforce  confession  by  torture,  and  the  fears  of  the  accused  for  the 
future  fate  of  his  soul  inclined  him  to  subservience  ;  the  evidence  is  sus- 
picious, and  in  a  modern  court  would  carry  little  weight.  It  is  a  curious 
piece  of  folk-lore  that  the  altar  erected  to  the  memory  of  Gilles,  an  alleged 
murderer  of  infants,  came  to  be  popularly  considered  as  that  of  The 
Blessed  Virgin  who  Makes  Milk  (Bonne  Vierge  de  Cree'-Lait).  Nursing 
mothers  worshipped  at  this  shrine. 

That  Perrault's  tale  of  Bluebeard  is  founded  on  the  career  of  Gilles  de 
Retz  is  assumed  by  the  author ;  but  this  supposition  scarce  appears  to 
have  foundation.  A  number  of  variants  appear  in  Europe.  These,  with 
related  stories,  have  been  ably  discussed  by  Mr.  E.  Sidney  Hartland,  in 
the  "  Folk- Lore  Journal  "for  1885  (iii.  192-242).  His  conclusion  is  that 
the  narrations  belonging  to  the  category  of  "  The  Forbidden  Chamber  " 
developed  from  an  account  of  "  the  slaughter  of  his  wife  and  children  by 
a  capricious  or  cannibal  husband,  to  marriage  and -murder  for  previously 
incurred  vengeance,  or  for  purposes  of  witchcraft,  and  thence  to  murder  by 
a  husband  for  disobedience  express  or  implied."  At  this  point  the  killing 
is  represented  as  a  punishment  for  fatal  curiosity.  It  may  here  be  re- 
marked that  another  reason  for  the  destruction  of  a  pregnant  wife  is  to 


63  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

prevent  the  birth  of  a  babe  who  might  become  a  rival  of  the  father.  Such 
a  story,  given  in  the  earlier  life  of  Gildas,  is  referred  to  Brittany ;  but  there 
is  no  further  analogy  with  that  of  Perrault. 

The  interest  of  Professor  Wilson's  subject  for  folk-lore  is  not  the  connec- 
tion with  the  nursery  tale,  so  much  as  with  the  theory  of  mediaeval  trials 
for  witchcraft.  As  an  item  of  popular  religion  may  be  mentioned  the 
prayer  of  La  Hire,  a  companion  of  Gilles,  who  at  the  assault  of  Rainefort 
is  said  to  have  petitioned  :  "  O  God,  I  pray  Thee  to  do  for  me  to-day  what 
Thou  wouldst  that  I  should  do  for  Thee,  were  I  God  and  Thou  La  Hire." 
This  was  probably  a  common  form  of  entreaty ;  Michelangelo  Buonarroti 
introduces  it  into  a  madrigal. 

W.  W.  Newell. 

Arbeit  und   Rhythmus.     Von  Dr.  Karl  Bucher.     Zweite,   stark  ver- 
mehrte  Auflage.     Leipzig:  B.  G.  Teubner.     1899.     Pp.  x-l-412. 

Although  the  title  of  this  volume  hardly  indicates  the  fact,  it  is  devoted 
for  the  most  part  to  the  consideration  of  the  relations  between  work  and 
song  among  more  or  less  primitive  peoples.  The  book  is  an  enlarged  and 
improved  form  of  an  essay  published  in  1896  in  the  "  Proceedings  of  the 
Royal  Saxon  Scientific  Society,"  is  well  printed  in  Roman  type,  and  pro- 
vided with  a  very  good  index.  The  topics  discussed  are  :  Labor  among 
primitive  peoples  (pp.  1-23),  rhythmic  form  of  work  (pp.  24-40),  labor 
songs  (pp.  41-59),  diverse  species  of  labor  songs  (pp.  60-194),  employ- 
ment of  labor  songs  in  keeping  together  large  masses  of  men  (pp.  195- 
249),  song  and  other  rhythmic  bodily  movements  (pp.  250-298),  origin  of 
poetry  and  music  (pp.  299-237),  woman's  work  and  woman's  poetry 
(pp.  33S-356),  rhythm  as  an  economic  principle  of  evolution  (pp.  357- 
383).  There  is  also  an  appendix  giving  the  music  (in  some  cases  likewise 
the  text)  of  a  number  of  boat-songs  from  various  regions  of  the  globe.  The 
extent  of  the  material  examined  by  Dr.  Bucher  may  be  judged  from  the 
two  hundred  songs  of  all  sorts  of  which  the  texts  (and  in  many  cases 
the  music  also)  with  translations  find  place  in  the  book.  These  songs 
cover  a  wide  range  of  human  activities  :  Dance  and  kindred  phenomena, 
house-life,  meal-grinding,  food-preparing,  manufacture  and  use  of  textile, 
fictile,  and  other  materials,  trades  and  professions,  ploughing,  sowing,  reap- 
ing, and  harvest,  threshing  and  storing,  fruit-gathering,  hay-making,  coal- 
mining, hunting  and  fishing,  house-building,  lifting,  pulling  and  carrying, 
rowing,  paddling,  and  sailing,  pastoral  life,  war,  religion,  ritual,  processions, 
caravans,  "  medicine,"  etc.  All  these  things  the  author  uses  to  support  and 
illustrate  his  theory  of  the  intimate  relationship  of  bodily  movement,  music, 
and  poetry.  In  the  beginning  work  and  play  were  one,  and  a  "  joy  in 
doing,"  resembling  that  of  the  civilized  man  in  his  highest  creative  acts  of 
mind,  —  was  common  to  all  the  labors  of  primitive  man.  As  an  economic 
evolutionary  principle  rhythm  served  "  not  merely  to  lessen  the  burden  of 
labor,  but  also  as  one  of  the  sources  of  assthetic  pleasure  and  that  element 
of  art  for  which  all  human  beings  without  distinction  of  culture  have  some 
sort  of  feeling  within  them."     Work,  play,  and  art  were  formerly  one,  as 


Bibliographical  Notes.  69 

can  still  be  seen  in  the  growing  child,  and  often  in  the  genius.  According 
to  Dr.  Biicher  both  the  dance  and  poetry  originated  in  labor-rhythms.  It 
is  a  very  suggestive  fact  on  this  point  that  the  Mincopies,  of  the  Andaman 
Islands,  are  said  to  compose  their  songs  while  at  work,  and  then  carry 
them  out  in  the  dance  (p.  203),  —  and  every  Mincopy  has  the  gift  of  com- 
posing. The  first  step  taken  by  primitive  man  in  the  direction  of  song 
was  to  make  labor-songs  out  of  the  same  stuff  wherefrom  language  took  its 
words,  the  simple  "  nature-sounds,''  —  thus  songs  with  meaningless  words 
arose,  in  which  rh)rthm  was  all.  Next  came  the  intercalation  of  intelligible 
words,  phrases,  sentences,  and  by  and  by  the  poetical  creation  was  born. 
Whatever  one  may  think  of  this  theory,  one  must  admit  that  he  has  mar- 
shalled his  facts  with  no  little  skill  and  thoroughness.  One  can  hardly  help 
regretting  that  the  author  was  not  able  to  go  into  the  American  Indian  side 
of  his  subject  with  more  detail,  as  he  would  have  found  in  the  songs  of  the 
Navahoes,  Sioux,  Iroquois,  Cherokees,  to  say  nothing  of  many  South 
American  tribes,  a  rich  grist  for  his  mill.  So,  too,  the  songs  of  the  Indians 
of  the  Northwest  Pacific  coast.  The  section  on  "work  and  poetry  of 
women  "  maintains^  the  thesis  that  folk-poetr}-  has  a  certain  woman-ww///' 
linking  it  directly  with  labor-song,  for  women  were  the  chief  workers  in 
early  times,  and  they  sang  as  diligently  as  they  toiled.  This  share  of 
woman  in  early  literature  has  been  emphasized  already  by  Mason  and 
Letourneau,  but  Biicher  furnishes  other  facts  of  interest  concerning  woman's 
poetic  activity.  Out  of  1202  Esthonian,  Lettic,  and  Lithuanian  folk-songs 
examined  by  the  author,  67S  were  songs  of  women  and  only  355  distinctly 
men's  songs.  Something  the  same  may  be  said  of  the  Finns,  while  among 
the  peoples  of  western  Europe  there  are  marked  traces  of  similar  phe- 
nomena, —  a  recrudescence  is  noticeable  in  the  Middle  Ages. 

While  he  has  not  exhausted  the  subject  by  any  means.  Dr.  Biicher  has 
■written  a  very  interesting  and  suggestive  volume  worthy  of  consultation  by 
all  students  of  the  beginnings  of  human  arts. 

Alexander  F:  Chamberlain. 

Chinese  Mother  Goose  Rhymes.  Translated  and  illustrated  by  Isaac 
Taylor  Headland,  of  Peking  University.  New  York:  Fleming  H, 
Revell  Co.     1900.     Pp.  160, 

The  author  of  this  profusely  illustrated  volume  tells  us  that  "  the  entire 
work  is  due  to  the  fact  that  our  attention  was  called  by  Mrs.  C.  H.  Fenn, 
of  Peking,  to  her  old  nurse  repeating  these  rhymes  to  her  little  boy,"  and 
declares  not  only  that  "  there  are  probably  more  nursery  rhymes  in  China 
than  can  be  found  in  America,"  —  his  own  collection  of  Chinese  rhymes 
numbers  more  than  six  hundred,  — but  also  that  "there  is  no  language  in 
the  world,  we  venture  to  believe,  which  contains  children's  songs  expres- 
sive of  more  keen  and  tender  affection  than  some  of  these  here  given." 
The  translation  is  one  "which  is  fairly  true  to  the  original,  and  will  please 
English-speaking  children,"  and  the  Chinese  text  of  each  "rhyme"  (not 
transliterated,  however)  is  given.  In  this  volume  one  hundred  and  forty 
rhymes  are  printed,  fairly  representative  of  the  activities  and  environment 


70  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

of  childhood  in  China.  The  satire  and  the  ethics  of  some  of  these  rhymes 
are  very  interesting,  while  their  appeals  to  the  weaknesses  and  to  the 
strong  points  of  children  often  equal,  if  they  do  not  excel,  the  correspond- 
ing characteristics  of  the  rhymes  of  the  white  race.  The  "  Pat-a-Cake  " 
rhyme,  — 

Pat-a-cake,  pat-a-cake, 

Little  girl  fair, 
There  's  a  priest  in  the  temple 
Without  any  hair. 

You  take  a  tile, 

And  I  'II  take  a  brick, 
And  we  '11  hit  the  priest, 

In  the  back  of  the  neck,  — 

being  aimed  at  native  priests,  must  not  be  held  responsible  for  the  current 
troubles  in  the  Celestial  Empire.  The  doctors  and  the  merchants  figure  in 
an  amusing  fashion  in  some  of  these  rhymes.  Some  of  the  tenderness  dis- 
played towards  animals  and  insects  would  delight  the  good  St.  Francis. 
This  tenderness  the  plant-world  also  shares,  and  all  nature  lives  for  the 
little  child.     What  could  be  more  naively  human  than  rhymes  like  these,  — 

A  red  pepper  flower, 
Ling,  ling,  ling, 
Mama  will  listen, 
And  baby  will  sing. 

Old  Mother  Wind, 
Come  this  way. 
And  make  our  baby 
Cool  to-day. 

This  book  will  interest  everybody  from  the  most  ignorant  to  the  most 
learned,  for  it  has  within  it  the  human  essence  that  proves  the  real  unity  of 
mankind. 

A.F.  C. 

Monographien  zur  deutschen  Kulturgeschichte,  herausgegeben  von  Georg 
Steinhausen.  V.  Band.  Kinderleben  in  der  Deutschen  Vergan- 
GENHEiT  von  Hans  Boesch.  Mit  149  Abbildungen  und  Beilagen  nach 
den  Originalen  aus  dem  15-18.  Jahrhundert.  Leipzig:  Eugen  Diede- 
rich.     1900.     Pp.  132. 

This  book,  replete  with  reproductions  of  quaint  and  curious  pictures  and 
drawings,  together  with  facsimiles  of  broadsides,  etc.,  deals  with  child-life 
in  Germany  in  centuries  past.  The  topics  treated  of  at  length  are  :  Birth 
(pp.  1-23),  baptism  (pp.  23-33),  early  childhood  (pp.  33-45),  home  educa- 
tion (pp.  45-62),  toys  and  play  (pp.  62-7S),  festivals  and  holidays  (pp.  78- 
93),  school  (93-106),  after  school  (pp.  106-114),  illegitimate,  poor,  and 
orphan  children  (pp.  1 14-120),  sickness  and  death  (pp.  120-131).  The 
valuable  and  interesting  details  in  which  it  abounds  can  only  be  appre- 


Bibliographical  Notes.  71 

dated  by  examination  of  the  volume  itself,  and  the  same  may  be  said  of 
the  whole  series  to  which  it  belongs.  They  are  wonderfully  cheap  as  well, 
—  the  *'  Kinderleben  "  selling  for  only  four  marks,  with  a  finer  edition  at 
eight  marks.  Boesch,  after  noting  how  long  some  strange  and  even  cruel 
customs  have  lingered  in  the  land,  points  out  that  not  a  few  of  the  finest 
German  Mdrchen  owe  their  origin  to  the  exposure  of  infants  (p.  13).  From 
page  21  we  learn  that  birth  notices  in  the  newspapers  date  from  towards 
the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  were  far  less  simple  than  those  of 
to-day.  The  "  Freudmaidli,"  as  the  announcer  of  births  to  relatives  and 
friends  was  termed  in  Schaffhausen,  was  a  very  interesting  figure.  In  Swa- 
bia  the  belief  seems  still  to  be  current  that  the  presence  of  a  sleeping  in- 
fant protects  a  house  from  lightning  (p.  37).  From  the  examples  on  page 
45,  it  would  be  fair  to  judge  that  the  rudeness  of  modern  children  towards 
their  elders  had  some  brilliant  precedents.  The  cut  of  the  "  Zuchtwagen," 
with  its  accompanying  rhymes,  from  a  Niirnberg  broadside  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  treats  humorously  the  difficulties  of  bringing  up  children.  So,  too, 
the  "  Tischzucht  "  on  page  54.  The  section  on  "  bad  children  "  is  very 
good.  Niirnberg  children's  toys  were  celebrated  already  in  the  fourteenth 
century.  The  pictures,  of  various  sports  and  games  deserve  more  than 
passing  notice.  Among  the  good  and  evil  characters  of  the  childish  pan- 
theon appear  Schonbart,  Knight  Rupert,  St.  Nicholas,  "  the  child-eater " 
(who  resembles  the  famous  witch  with  a  basket,  of  the  Indians  of  the  North 
Pacific  coast),  etc.  That  the  German,  like  the  English  boy,  "  crept  like 
snail  unwillingly  to  school,"  is  evident  from  confessions  of  eminent  men  on 
page  98.  The  illustrations  of  some  of  the  text-books  are  more  ingenious 
or  witty  than  profitable.     The  following  charm  to  drive  away  pain,  — 

Heile,  heile,  Segen, 
Drei  Tag  Regen, 
Drei  Tag  geht  der  Wind : 
Heile,  heile,  liebs  Kind,  — 

is  worth  citing  here.  Some  of  the  pictures  of  death  are  characteristically 
horrible,  —  Cornelius  Teunissen's  "  Allegory  on  Instability  "  is  reproduced 
as  a  full-page  illustration  (p.  128).  All  folk-lorists  and  those  who  are  not, 
who  take  any  manner  of  interest  in  the  folk-reaction  to  the  phenomena 
of  childhood,  especially  those  things  which  "  are  a  perpetual  fountain  of 
youth,"  will  enjoy  this  book. 

A.  F.  C. 

Things  Chinese  :  Being  Notes  on  various  Subjects  connected  with  China. 
By  J.  Dyer  Ball,  M.  R.  A.  S.  Third  Edition,  Revised  and  Enlarged. 
London  :  Sampson  Low,  Marston  &  Co.,  Ltd.     1900.     Pp.  666-|-xxv. 

This  little  encyclopcedia,  the  first  edition  of  which  appeared  in  1893,  con- 
tains much  in  the  nature  of  folk-lore.  Among  the  new  rubrics  added  since 
the  second  edition  are:  Betrothal  (pp.  69-92),  Birth-customs  (pp.  74-77), 
and  Cosmetics. 

A.F.C. 


72  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

The  Childhood  of  JisHfB,  the  Ojibwa,  and  Sixty-four  Pen  Sketches. 
By  Albert  Ernest  Jenks,  Ph.  D.,  author  of  "  The  Wild-Rice  Gatherers 
of  the  Upper  Lakes  "  and  "  Economic  Plants  used  by  the  Ojibwa." 
Madison,  Wis.  :  The  American  Thresherman.     1900.     12°.     Pp.  130. 

The  timely  appearance  of  this  attractive  little  volume  is  another  evidence 
of  the  growing  interest  in  Indian  things.  While  making  no  claim  to  be 
anything  more  than  a  story  for  little  people,  it  is  in  reality  the  finest  study 
of  the  Indian  that  has  appeared  in  a  long  time.  The  author  is  a  young 
man  who  has  already  given  proof  of  capacity  for  close  scientific  work  in  a 
recent  monograph,  soon  to  be  published  by  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethno- 
logy, upon  the  native  wild-rice  industry  of  the  upper  lake  region.  This 
book  shows  that  he  has  reached  the  heart  of  the  Indian  as  few  white  men 
ever  do.  It  is  a  consistent  record  of  the  daily  life  of  the  Indian  boy  at 
home  with  his  tribe  from  the  first  day  in  the  beaded  cradle  until  the  vision 
of  his  medicine  spirit  makes  him  a  man.  Every  forward  step  in  the  transi- 
tion is  followed,  as  an  old  man,  sitting  by  the  fireside,  might  recall  his  boy- 
hood adventures,  with  loving  touch  upon  all  his  childhood  wonderings 
and  longings.  It  is  written  from  the  inside  —  such  a  book  as  the  Indian 
himself  would  write  had  he  but  the  literary  ability,  and,  failing  that,  it  is 
such  a  book  as  the  Indian  would  wish  to  have  written.  More  than  that,  it 
is  a  study  of  primitive  life,  and  contains  more  of  genuine  ethnology  than 
many  pretentious  octavos  claiming  authority  upon  the  subject.  If  the 
ethnologist  fails  hereafter  to  keep  it  upon  his  library  shelf,  it  will  be 
because  the  children  have  carried  it  off  to  read  the  story.  Only  one  small 
fault  seems  worth  noting,  viz. :  the  use  of  the  word  squaw  for  woman.  The 
book  is  handsomely  illustrated  with  numerous  appropriate  pen  drawings, 
and  contains  an  introduction  by  Prof.  W.  J.  McGee,  ethnologist-in-charge 
of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology. 

James  Moomy. 

Kindheit  und  Volkstum.     Von  K.  Muthesius.     Gotha :   Thienemann. 

1899.     Pp.  54. 

This  pamphlet.  No.  13  of  the  "Beitrage  zur  Lehrerbildung  und  Lehrer- 
fortbildung,"  is  an  interesting  review  of  recent  German  literature  about 
folk-lore  from  the  standpoint  of  the  teacher  in  reference  to  the  nature  and 
capacities  of  the  child.  The  author  emphasizes  the  teacher's  need  of  in- 
sight into  the  nature-world  of  the  folk  and  of  the  poet,  who  are  both  so 
often  very  close  to  the  child  in  their  thoughts  concerning  life  and  its  phe- 
nomena. To  cause  folk-lore  to  permeate  every  branch  of  instruction  and 
to  touch  every  teacher  with  its  spirit,  rather  than  to  utilize  it  as  a  special 
feature  of  the  curriculum  of  the  training-school,  is.  Dr.  Muthesius  thinks, 
the  way  to  make  folk-lore  serve  best  the  cause  of  education.  In  this  fash- 
ion will  the  German  teachers  be  able  to  make  real  the  dream  of  Fichte  and 
Herder,  and,  in  the  spirit  of  the  deep  and  true  things  the  folk  have  trea- 
sured through  the  ages,  train  the  young  generations  for  the  great  deeds  of 
.  the  future.  These  pages  ought  to  be  read  by  every  teacher  and  every 
folk-lorist. 

A.  F.  C. 


Bibliographical  Notes.  73 

Materialien  zur  Geschichte  des  Deutschen  Volkslieds.  Aus  Uni- 
versitats-Vorlesungen  von  Rudolf  Hildebrand.  I.  Teil :  Das  altere 
Volkslied.  Herausgegeben  von  G.  Berlit.  Leipzig:  B.  G.  Teubner. 
1900.     Pp.  viii -|- 239. 

This  volume,  v/hich  forms  also  the  supplementary  number  of  the  four- 
teenth volume  of  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  den  deutschen  Unterricht,  is  made  up 
from  notes  of  lectures  delivered  at  the  University  of  Leipzig  at  various 
times  during  the  ten  years  1880-1890  by  Rudolf  Hildebrand,  the  distin- 
guished teacher  and  folk-investigator,  on  "  The  older  German  Folk-Song 
in  its  culture-historical  and  literary  significance."  Among  the  topics 
treated  are  :  Folk-Song  and  Artificial  Song,  New  Songs  that  hark  back  to 
Olden  Times,  The  Significance  of  Song  in  Olden  Life,  The  Literature  and 
the  Transmission  of  the  Older  Folk-Song,  Competitive  Singing,  Contest 
between  Summer  and  Winter,  The  Maiden  and  the  Hazel-Bush,  The  Rose 
in  Folk-Song,  Martinmas  Songs,  Drinking  Songs,  Carnival  Songs,  Foot- 
soldier  Songs,  The  Old  Epic,  Historical  Folk-Songs,  Children's  Songs,  etc. 
The  texts  of  many  songs  are  given,  and  there  is  a  plenitude  of  biblio- 
graphical references,  historical,  comparative,  and  explanatory  annotations. 
Although  ver}'  fragmentary  in  not  a  few  sections,  this  book  cannot  but  fail 
to  be  useful  to  the  student  of  German  folk-song  in  its  origin  and  develop- 
ment. A.  F.  C. 

Bibliography  of  Worcester.  A  List  of  Books,  Pamphlets^  Newspapers, 
and  Broadsides,  printed  in  the  Town  of  Worcester,  Massachusetts,  from 
1775  to  1848.  With  Historical  and  Explanatory  Notes.  By  Charles 
Lemuel  Nichols.  Worcester :  Privately  Printed,  mdcccxcix.  Pp. 
xii-|-  216. 

This  well-printed  volume  contains  among  its  1296  entries  many  items  of 
interest  to  the  folk-lorist,  the  historian  of  English  folk-lore  in  America  in 
particular.  The  Worcester  edition  of  "  Mother  Goose's  Melody,"  Dr. 
Nichols  rightly  terms  "  the  most  famous  of  Thomas's  reproductions  of 
Carnan  and  Newbery's  London  children's  books."  The  vogue  which  the 
"last  and  dying  words  "  of  criminals  about  to  be  executed  enjoyed  is  appar- 
ent from  the  number  of  broadsides  of  this  nature.  The  titles  of  the  Juve- 
nilia and  the  pseudonyms  of  some  of  their  authors  make  very  good  reading 
for  a  melancholy  mood  that  needs  to  be  changed  into  a  merry  one.  One 
can  hardly  refrain  from  mentioning  the  following:  "The  renowned  History 
of  Giles  Gingerbread,  a  little  Boy  who  lived  on  Learning,"  1787;  "The 
History  of  Little  King  Pippin  ;  with  an  Account  of  the  melancholy  Death 
of  four  naughty  Boys,  who  were  devoured  by  wild  Beasts.  And  the  won- 
derful Delivery  of  Master  Harry  Harmless  by  a  little  white  Horse,"  1787  \ 
"  The  Death  and  Burial  of  Cock  Robin ;  with  the  tragical  Death  of  A 
Apple  Pye,"  1787.  In  these  titles  figure  :  Tommy  Trapwit,  Nurse  True- 
love,  Mrs.  Lovechild,  Solomon  Sobersides,  Charley  Columbus,  Crop  the 
Conjurer,  Tommy  Thumb,  Cock  Robin,  Goody  Twoshoes,  Tom  Trot,  Robin 
Goodfellow,  Mr.  Tell  Truth,  Jackey  Dandy,  Solomon  Winlove,  etc.  Alto- 
gether, the  output  of  Juvenilia  is  very  remarkable.     Most  curious  of  all, 


74  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

perhaps,  is  the  "  Hieroglyphick  Bible,"  with  "  Emblematical  Figures  for  the 
Amusement  of  Youth,"  published  in  1788  by  Isaiah  Thomas.  Dr.  Nichols 
has  done  his  work  well,  and  one  can  only  regret  that  being  privately  printed 
in  a  small  edition,  his  "  Bibliography  "  can  hardly  attain  the  circulation  it 
deserves.  A.  F.  C. 

Die  Geheimsymbole  der  Chemie  und  Medicin  des  Mittelalters. 
Eine  Zusammenstellung  der  von  den  Mystikern  und  Alchymisten  ge- 
brauchten  geheimen  Zeichenschrift,  nebst  einem  kurzgefassten  geheim- 
wissenschaftlichen  Lexikon.  Von  C.  W.  Gessmann.  Mit  120  litho- 
graphierten  Tafeln.  Miinchen :  Franz  C.  Mickl.  1900.  Pp.  xii-|-67 
4-126  +  36. 

This  book,  with  an  historical  introduction,  a  dictionary  of  alchemistical 
terms  (178  in  number),  122  pages  of  symbols,  copious  indexes  in  German, 
Latin,  French,  English,  and  Italian,  and  a  list  of  works  referred  to,  is  in- 
deed a  remarkable  composition,  and  one  not  without  value  to  students  of 
folk-lore,  who  cannot  fail  to  be  interested  in  the  thousands  of  symbols  fig- 
ured and  explained,  as  well  as  in  the  terms  employed  by  the  old  alche- 
mists and  men  of  medicine,  or  rather,  perhaps,  "  medicine  men  "  of  the 
middle  ages.  The  transmogrifications  of  some  of  the  letters  of  the  Roman 
alphabet  to  make  alchemic  signs  are  really  wonderful.  The  historical  in- 
troduction contains  many  interesting  facts.  According  to  Zosimus,  an 
alchemist  of  the  fourth  century,  the  Egregori,  or  "sons  of  God,"  as  a 
reward  for  the  favors  they  received  from  the  daughters  of  men  (as  related 
in  the  Book  of  Enoch),  disclosed  to  them  the  secrets  of  astrology,  medicine, 
and  cosmetics.  Another  alchemistic  legend  attributes  the  knowledge  of 
these  occult  matters  to  the  goddess  Isis,  who  claimed  it  as  the  reward  for 
her  submission  to  the  passion  of  the  angel  Amnael.  Jacob  Toll,  a  profes- 
sor of  Duisburg,  at  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century,  sought  to  place  the 
whole  of  ancient  mythology  on  a  basis  of  alchemy.  The  incident  of  the 
burning  of  the  golden  calf  gave  rise  to  the  idea  that  Moses  was  an  alche- 
mist, and  the  Balneum  marice  or  Marienbad  is  said  to  take  its  name  from 
Miriam,  the  sister  of  Moses.  In  the  palmy  days  of  alchemy  both  men  and 
women  of  all  nations  devoted  themselves  to  its  pursuit,  and  crowned  heads 
(like  Henry  VI.  of  England  and  Barbara,  the  consort  of  the  German  Em- 
peror Sigismund)  are  found  among  their  numbers,  besides  monks  and 
churchmen.  The  most  recent  book  on  alchemy  by  one  of  the  "  adepts  "  is 
JoUivet  Castelot's  "Comment  on  devient  Alchymiste  "  (Paris,  1897),  the 
author  of  which  is  general  secretary  of  the  "  French  Alchemistical  So- 
ciety." According  to  Dr.  Gessmann  the  very  latest  development  is  the 
establishment  in  America  of  an  "  Argentajirum  Company." 

A.  F.  a 

The  Indians  of  To-Day.     By  George  Bird   Grinnell,  Ph.  D.     Illus- 
trated with  full-page  portraits  of  living  Indians.    Chicago  and  New  York  : 
Herbert  S.  Stone  &  Company,     mdcccc.     Pp.  iii -[-  185. 
This  elaborately  illustrated  volume  (there  are  fifty-six  full-page  portraits 

of  Indians,  —  Arapahoes,  Blackfeet»  Cheyennes,  Apaches,  Wichitas,  Kiowas, 


Bibliographical  Notes.  75 

Pueblos,  Flatheads,  Assiniboines  and  Sioux  of  divers  tribes,  Tonkawas, 
Crows,  etc.)  treats  of  Indian  Character,  Beliefs  and  Stories,  Myths,  Former 
Distribution  of  the  Indians,  Reservations  and  Reservation  Life,  The 
Agent's  Rule,  Education,  Some  Difficulties,  The  Red  Man  and  the  White. 
To  the  author,  the  Indian  is  "  a  grown-up  child,"  "  an  adult  with  the  mind 
of  a  child,"  and  from  this  point  of  view  he  discusses  very  sympathetically, 
in  the  light  of  his  own  long  and  extensive  personal  experience,  the  various 
questions  involved.  Against  the  common  view  that  the  Indian  is  stoical, 
stolid,  or  sullen.  Dr.  Grinnell  justly  protests,  and  his  sketch  of  the  Red 
Man's  character  is  illuminating.  In  the  chapter  on  "  Beliefs  and  Stories  " 
(pp.  13-26)  the  author  has  incorporated  from  his  "Pawnee  Hero  Stories 
and  Folk-Tales  "  the  myths  of  "  The  Ghost  Wife  "  and  "  The  Bear  Man." 
Chapter  iv.  (pp.  27-33)  is  devoted  to  "  The  Young  Dog's  Dance,"  chapter 
V.  (pp.  35-43)  to  "The  Buffalo  Wife,"  both  Pawnee  legends,  and  chapter 
vi.  (pp.  45-48)  to  "  A  Blackfoot  Sun  and  Moon  Myth,"  reprinted  from  the 
Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore.  Of  the  buffalo  we  learn  (p.  21):  "The 
Blackfeet  called  rt  Ni-ai,  which  means  my  shelter,  my  protection,  while  all 
the  plains  tribes  prayed  to  it."  Widespread,  also,  is  "a  faith  in  the  intel- 
ligence and  spiritual  power  of  the  spider  "  (p.  25).  Among  the  Blackfeet, 
"  the  butterfly  seems  ta  be  the  sleep  producer,"  and  the  lullabies  refer  to 
it.  The  chapter  on  "  Former  Distribution  of  the  Indians  "  (pp.  49-73) 
consists  of  brief  accounts,  in  alphabetical  order,  of  the  chief  Indian  fami- 
lies or  stocks  north-  of  Mexico,  and  is  a  ver}'  handy  list  for  reference  pur- 
poses, although  the  author  has  not  correlated  with  absolute  exactness  the 
various  doubtful  relationships.  Attention  is  called  to  the  very  mixed  Indian 
blood  of  the  Northern  Cheyennes,  and  to  the  strong  infusion  of  Mexican 
blood  among  the  Comanches.  The  chapter  on  "  The  Reservations " 
(pp.  75-140)  is  a  somewhat  similar  descriptive  list  of  the  numerous  Indian 
agencies  in  the  United  States,  embodying  all  sorts  of  general  information. 
The  number  of  the  Indians,  the  author  thinks,  is  decreasing.  On  the  re- 
servation the  Indian  is  really  "  a  prisoner,"  and  its  life  is  very  irksome  to 
him.  He  is  often  expected  to  conform  to  the  virtues  of  civilization,  with 
very  little  real  protection  from  its  vices.  And  the  agent,  when  he  is  good, 
he  is  very  good,  and  when  he  is  bad,  he  is  very  bad.  The  discussion  of 
"Education"  (pp.  153-162)  is  very  sane  and  suggestive,  the  view  taken 
being  that  "the  main  object  in  educating  the  Indian  children  is  to  render 
the  race  self-supporting,"  and  that  the  Indians  are  Americans,  and  "  should 
be  put  in  a  position  to  develop  into  a  constituent  part  of  our  new  race,  just 
as  the  immigrants  from  a  dozen  foreign  lands  have  developed  and  are  devel- 
oping into  good  and  useful  citizens  of  the  United  States"  (p.  161).  Alto- 
gether "  The  Indians  of  To-Day  "  is  a  very  useful  and  a  very  ornamental 
book,  with  excellent  illustrations  and  a  good  index.  The  author's  work, 
the  printer's,  and  the  artist's  are  all  well  done. 

A.  F.  a 


y6  younial  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

FoLK-LoRE  Stories  and  Proverbs  gathered  and  paraphrased  for 
Little  Children.  By  Sara  E.  Wiltse.  Illustrated  by  Edith  Brown. 
Boston:  Ginn  &  Company.     1900,     Pp.  vii-f-Si. 

In  the  hope  of  fostering  the  joyous  spirit  in  child  life,  Miss  Wiltse  has 
modified  considerably,  for  the  use  of  children  just  learning  to  read,  some 
familiar  stories  of  the  folk.  These  are  :  Henny  Penny,  Big  Spider  and 
Little  Spider,  The  House  that  Jack  Built,  The  Moon  in  the  Mill  Pond 
(after  "  Uncle  Remus  "),  The  Sheep  and  the  Pig  (after  Asbjornsen),  The 
Lion  and  the  Elephant,  The  Sole,  The  Three  Bears,  The  Lion  and  the 
Mouse,  Boots  and  Beasts  (after  Asbjornsen),  The  Tortoise  and  the  Earth, 
with  the  addition  of  "  Chaucer's  Garden."  The  numerous  illustrations  are 
well  suited  to  the  text.  Miss  Wiltse,  in  the  true  child-study  spirit,  has  not 
abused  her  office  of  editor,  and  this  little  book  will  doubtless  achieve  the 
success  it  deserves. 

A.  F.  C. 


JOURNALS. 
recent  articles  of  a  comparative  nature  in  folk-lore  periodicals 

(not   in    ENGLISH). 

Agostini,  J.  Folk-Lore  du  Tahiti  et  des  iles  voisines.  Changements  survenus 
dans  les  coutumes,  moeurs,  croyances,  etc.,  des  indigenes,  depuis  70  ann^es  en- 
viron (1829-1898).  Rev.  d.  Trad.  Pop.,  Paris,  1900,  xv,  65-96,  157-165.  The 
author,  who  has  resided  for  some  three  years  in  Tahiti,  compares  his  own  observa- 
tions with  the  data  in  Moerenhout,  and  notes  the  changes  that  have  taken  place  in 
the  habits,  customs,  beliefs,  etc.,  of  the  natives  in  the  seventy  years  that  have 
elapsed  since  the  latter  visited  these  islands.  Some  ancient  customs  and  prac- 
tices have  entirely  disappeared,  others  are  obsolescent,  while  some  have  hardly 
yet  felt  the  touch  of  the  new  influences.  The  bark-cloth  jnaro  has  been  dethroned 
by  the /^rtv  of  European  calico;  the  kiss  has  largely  changed  to  the  European 
sort ;  the  morals  of  the  peoples  (and  these  are  reflected  in  the  latest  versions  of 
many  tales  and  legends)  have  changed  in  part  for  the  better  and  in  part  for  the 
worse ;  the  marriage  relation  in  particular  has  been  deprived  of  some  of  its  cruel 
aspects.  But  the  ghosts  of  old  superstitions  still  stalk  about  among  the  Chris- 
tian beliefs  imposed  by  the  missionaries,  and  superstitions  still  mingle  strangely 
with  the  practical  matters  of  trade  and  commerce. 

d'Araujo,  J.  Proverbios  venezianos  com  equivalencia  portugueza.  A  Tra- 
di^ao,  Serpra,  1901,  iii,  12-15.  -^  ''^^  of  9~  Venetian  proverbs  and  their  Portuguese 
equivalents. 

Bartels,  M.  Was  konnen  die  Toten.?  Ztschr.  d.  Vcr.  f.  Volkskundc.VitxXvn, 
1900,  X,  II 7-142.  "What  can  the  dead  do?"  An  extended  discussion  with 
bibliographical  references  of  the  various  acts  and  deeds  credited  to  the  dead  in 
folk-thought  all  over  the  world,  but  especially  in  Central  Europe.  Among  the 
acts  attributed  to  the  dead,  directly  or  indirectly,  are  the  following  :  Open  one  eye 
or  both,  eat  and  drink,  use  his  former  property  of  all  sorts,  talk,  sing,  hear,  carry 
with  him  to  the  grave  sickness  and  disease,  draw  the  living  unto  him,  turn  in  his 
grave,  walk  the  earth,  visit  the  survivors,  dance  together,  roam  about  at  night, 
visit  the  beloved,  feel  pain  and  grief,  think  and  feel  generally,  give  good  advice, 
talk,  jest,  and  sing  with  and  to  one  another  in  their  graves,  see  and  know  what  is 


Bibliographical  Notes.  77 

going  on  in  the  world,  kiss  or  suck  to  death  the  living,  act  as  a  sort  of  detective. 
To  the  folk  reqiiiescat  in  pace  !  means  a  great  deal. 

Bastiax,  a.  Zum  Seelenbegriff  in  der  Ethnologie.  Ethnol.  N'oiisbl.,  Berlin, 
1901,  ii,  77-97.  A  general  discussion  of  the  idea  of  the  soul  among  the  various 
races  of  man,  with  references  to  Koch's  recent  study  of  "Animism." 

BiTXER,  S.  Presn  o  ojcu  z  trzema  cdrkami.  Odmiunka  ludowa  piesni  "  o 
krdlu  Learze."  Wtsla,  Warzawa,  1900,  xiv,  1S6,  187.  Records  a  Polish  variant 
of  the  song  of  King  Lear. 

Chauvix,  V.  Mahmoud:  Contes  Populaires.  IVal/onia,  Lxhge,  1900,  viii,  5- 
12.  Brief  comparative  study  of  the  legend  of  the  murderous  pastry-cook  or  bar- 
ber, —  the  story  of  Mahmoud,  or  the  son  of  the  Emperor  of  China.  The  incident 
of  razing  the  house  and  its  analogues  in  Belgian  law  and  folk-lore  are  discussed, 

Chauvix,  V.  Documents  pour  la  Parabole  des  trois  anneaux.  /did.,  197-200. 
Brief  discussion,  with  bibliography,  of  the  origin  of  the  parable  of  the  three  rings 
made  famous  by  Lessing  in  his  Nathan  der  Weise.  The  parable  is  traced  back 
to  an  Arab  text  of  the  eleventh  century  of  our  era. 

CoELHO,  T.  O  Senhor  Sete.  A  Tradi^ao,  1900,  ii,  39-42,  69-71,  86-88,  97- 
102,  11S-120,  135-138,  154-157,  162-168,  185,  1S6;  1901,  iii,  8-10,  17-22.  These 
articles  on  "  Mr.  Seven"  deal  with  the  folk-lore  relating  to  the  number  7.  Besides 
giving  some  100  quatrains  and  a  number  of  other  pieces  of  folk-poetry  in  which 
the  number  seven  figures,  the  author  discusses  such  proverbs,  sayings,  etc.,  as  the 
following :  Seven  dogs  to  one  bone,  to  have  seven  eyes,  seven  hours'  sleep  or 
travel ;  a  man  of  seven  offices,  the  seven  sons  of  St.  Felicity,  the  last  of  seven 
daughters  a  witch  (of  seven  sons  a  werewolf),  rumor  is  seven-mouthed,  reason 
comes  when  one  is  seven,  the  seventh  of  May  is  unlucky,  the  seven  sages  of 
Greece,  seven  deadly  sins  and  seven  virtues. 

Crock,  B.  II  ginoco  delle  canne  o  il  carosello.  Arch,  per  lo  Stud,  delle  Trad. 
Pop.,  Palermo,  1900,  xix,  41 7-420.  Discusses  the  carosello,  a  game  introduced  into 
Italy  by  the  Spaniards  in  the  fifteenth  centurj-,  but  ultimately  of  Arabic  origin. 

Defrecheux,  J.  Le  latin  et  I'humour  populaire.  Wallonia,  1900,  viii,  21-24, 
107.  Gives  examples  of  the  folk-use,  mostly  in  a  facetious  manner,  of  Latin  words 
and  phrases,  in  Li^ge,  where  that  language  was  once  highly  cultivated. 

Drechsler,  p.  Das  Riickwartszaubern  im  Volksglauben.  Mitteil  d.  Schles. 
Ges.  f.  Volkskunde,  Breslau,  1900,  45-50.  Examples  (chiefly  from  Central  Eu- 
rope) of  the  wide-spread  folk-belief  in  the  virtue  and  magic  of  "backwards 
doing." 

Ferraro,  G.  La  genesi  della  mitologia  meteorica.  Arch,  per  lo  Stud,  delle 
Trad.  Pop.,  1900,  xx,  469-481.  In  spite  of  linguistic  differences,  the  author 
thinks,  the  mythologies  of  the  different  peoples  are  sisters,  for  they  are  all 
"daughters  of  the  impression  which  nature  made  and  is  still  making  on  the  senses 
of  man."  Man  in  his  brief  course  of  life  repeats  the  story  of  the  race,  the  infancy 
of  the  individual  corresponds  to  the  infancy  of  his  people.  The  author  believes 
that  the  "  child  of  2-5  years  of  age  is  in  that  psychic  state  in  which  abstract  ideas 
are  personified  ;  this  is  the  epoch  of  the  creation  of  atmospheric  mythology." 
The  author  sustains  this  thesis  by  comparing  the  beliefs  of  primitive  peoples,  the 
folk,  and  children,  concerning  thunder  and  lightning,  fire,  hail,  wind,  rain,  clouds, 
rainbow.     These  personifications  have  a  "  corporeo-psychic  "  origin. 

Hauffen,  a.  Kleine  Beitrage  zur  Sagengeschichte.  Ztsehr.  d.  Ver.  f.  Volks- 
kunde, 1900,  X,  432-438.  Treats  of  "  The  Dream  of  the  Treasure  on  the  Bridge," 
"  The  Legend  of  Mons  Pilatus,"  and  Lenau's  "  Anna." 

Kaixdl,  R.  F.  Napoleons-Gebete  und  -Spottlieder.  Ibid.,  280-283,  449- 
Treats  of  the  "  Napoleon  cult"  in  Poland  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, with  its  literature  of  parodied  prayers,  song,  and  satire. 


y8  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Karlowicz,  J.,  et  Gaidoz,  H.  L'obole  du  mort.  Melusitie,  Paris,  1900,  x,  56- 
66,  114,  115.  Brief  account  of  the  custom  of  placing  money  in  the  hands,  in  the 
mouth,  on  the  eyes,  or  somewhere  about  the  body  of  the  dead,  in  Europe,  Asia, 
etc. 

VON  LiEBENAU,  T.  Der  Ring  des  Gyges  in  der  Schweiz.  Schweis.  Arch.  f. 
Volkskjinde,  Zurich,  1900,  iv,  220,  221.  References  to  literature  concerning  the 
magic  power  of  precious  stones. 

LoPACiNSKi,  H.  Dwa  przyslowia  starozytne.  Wisla,  1900,  xiv,  69-71.  Dis- 
cusses the  origin  of  two  old  Polish  proverbs  ("eagles  beget  eagles,  not  doves"). 

Meyer,  R.  M.  Goethe  und  diedeutsche  Volkskunde.  Ztschr.  d.  Ver.f.  Volks- 
kunde,  1900,  x,  1-15.  Examines  the  evidence  in  the  life  and  writings  of  Goethe 
as  to  the  nature  of  his  interest  in  folk-life  and  folk-lore.  The  conclusion  arrived 
at  is  that  the  interest  of  the  great  German  poet  in  these  matters  was  only  a 
"  Dreingucken,"  not  a  deep,  abiding  passion. 

VON  Negelein,  J.  Die  Reise  der  Seele  ins  Jenseits.  Ibid.,  1901,  xi,  16-28. 
The  first  part  of  a  general  essay  upon  the  beliefs  and  practices  of  the  various 
races  of  man  with  respect  to  the  journey  of  the  soul  from  the  earth,  to,  and  in  the 
other  world.  This  section  deals  with  the  departure  of  the  soul  and  the  ideas 
therewith  connected,  among  Aryan  and  Semitic  peoples  especially. 

Perroni-Grande,  L.  Un  "cuntu"  Siciliano  ed  una  novella  del  Boccacci. 
Arch. p.  lo  Stud.  d.  Trad.  Pop.,  1900,  xix,  365-369.  Text  (with  a  few  notes)  of  a 
Sicilian  cunfii,  or  folk-tale,  resembling  in  several  respects  one  of  the  stories  (ii,  9) 
in  the  Decameron  of  Boccaccio. 

Petsch,  R.  Ein  Kunstlied  im  Volksmunde.  Ztschr.  d.  Ver.  f.  Volkskunde, 
1900,  X,  66-71.  Discusses  the  changes  in  von  Zedlitz's  poem  "  Mariechen,"  in  its 
passage  through  the  mouth  of  the  folk,  —  some  of  the  changes  are  of  psychologi- 
cal interest.     Four  versions  of  the  song  are  referred  to. 

PiNEAU,  L.  Paysans  Scandinaves  d'autrefors  et  Paysans  Frangais  d'aujourd'- 
hui.  Rev.  d.  Trad.  Pop.,  1900,  xv,  497-502.  The  author  detects  "  a  striking  re- 
semblance," in  life,  beliefs,  and  superstitious  practices,  between  the  French  peas- 
ants of  to-day  and  the  Scandinavian  peasantry  as  described  by  Olavus  Magnus. 

PiTR^,  G.  Contribute  alia  bibliografia  dei  "  Contes  des  Fdes  "  di  Ch.  Perrault, 
d'Aulnay  et  Leprince  de  Beaumont  in  Italia.  Arch.  p.  lo  Stud,  delle  Trad.  Pop., 
1900,  xix,  256-259.  Gives  (with  descriptive  notes)  the  titles  of  twenty-six  editions 
of  Italian  books,  containing  in  whole  or  in  part  the  "Fairy  Tales"  of  Perrault, 
etc. 

PiTRE,  G.  Le  Tradizioni  popolari  nella  Divina  Commedia.  Ibid.,  521-554. 
Produces  evidence  to  show  that  Dante  absorbed  largely  items  of  folk-thought  and 
folk-belief  into  his  great  poem.  Dr.  Pitr^  cites  forty-three  passages  containing  or 
relating  to  folk-lore,  with  explanatory  notes  and  references  to  the  literature  of  the 
subject.  Folk-usages,  games,  beliefs,  superstitions,  legends,  proverbs,  etc.,  are 
touched  upon.  The  facts  contained  in  this  article  show  that  the  wise  Dante  was 
not  able  to  rise  altogether  above  the  lore  of  the  folk  of  his  day. 

PoLiVKA,  G.  Tom  Tit  Tot.  Ein  Beitrag  zur  vergleichenden  Miirchenkunke. 
Ztschr.  d.  Ver.f.  F<7/,i'j/Jv/'«</6',  1900,  x,  254-272,  325,  382-396,  43S,  439.  A  com- 
parative study  and  investigation  into  the  origin,  history,  and  connections  of  the 
tale  of  "  Tom  Tit  Tot,"  which  Mr.  Edward  Clodd  has  discussed  with  special  re- 
ference to  content  in  his  volume  (named  after  the  storj')  which  appeared  some 
three  years  ago.  Polfvka's  study  is  a  useful  appendix  to  Clodd,  and  is  well  pro- 
vided with  references  to  the  literature  of  the  subject.  The  tale  is  probably  of 
Teutonic  origin,  and  has  spread  from  the  peoples  of  that  stock  over  the  West 
European  and  Romance  area.  The  author  discusses  with  considerable  critic 
detail  the  numerous  versions  of  this  folk-story. 


Bibliographical  Noles.  79 

Stiefel,  A.  L.  Zu  Hans  Sachsen's  "  Der  plint  Messner."  Ibid., 'ji-Zo.  The 
author  thinks  Russian  influence  in  the  case  of  Sachs's  "  Blind  Sacristan  "  impos- 
sible. The  direct  source  is  the  "  Keskiichlein,"  a  poem  by  his  contemporary  and 
fellow  countryman,  Hans  Vogel.     The  ultimate  origin  is  also  discussed. 

Thomas,  N.  W.  O  mercado  de  Grillos.  A  Tradudo,  1900,  ii,  129,  130.  Treats 
briefly  of  the  "  cricket  market  "  in  various  parts  of  Europe. 

Trotter,  A.  Die  alcune  produzioni  pathologiche  delle  piante  nella  credenza 
popolare.  Arch.  p.  lo  Stud,  delle  Trad.  Pop.,  1900,  xix,  207-214.  Discusses 
folk-lore  from  various  parts  of  Europe  (Italy  in  particular)  concerning  such  patho- 
logical vegetable  phenomena  as  the  "  galls "  on  barks,  beeches,  etc.,  and  excres- 
cences of  a  like  sort.     Their  role  in  folk-medicine  is  noted. 

TucHMANN,  J.  La  fascination.  Me'lusine,  1900,  x,  8-14,  40-46,  68-70,  115- 
117,  125-127.  Treats  of  fascination  in  ancient  and  modern  times  and  among 
various  peoples,  with  respect  to  its  prophylaxis,  jurisprudence,  etc.  Many  biblio- 
graphical references  are  given. 

A.  F.  C. 


THE   JOURNAL  OF 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE. 

Vol.  XIV.  — APRIL-JUNE,  1901.— No.  LIII. 


AN   INTERPRETATION   OF   KATCINA   WORSHIP. 

Many  travellers  and  ethnologists  who  have  visited  the  Pueblo 
Indians  have  witnessed  and  described  their  masked  dances  called 
Katcinas,  but  few  have  attempted  to  explain  the  meaning  of  these 
dances.  It  is  commonly  agreed  that  these  performances  are  reli- 
gious—  giving  to  the  adjective  religious  a  meaning  which  would 
include  primitive  expressions  of  a  religious  sentiment.  Without 
claiming  to  interpret  satisfactorily  this  intricate  cultus,  I  desire  to 
offer  a  few  suggestions  bearing  on  its  nature  derived  from  several 
years'  study  among  the  Tusayan  Indians  of  Arizona.  Hopi  linguis- 
tics shed  no  certain  light  on  the  origin  of  the  word  Katcina,  and 
the  fact  that  masked  personages  are  known  by  the  same  name  in 
the  New  Mexican  pueblos  has  been  interpreted  to  mean  a  deriva- 
tion from  that  quarter. 

Among  the  Hopi  the  name  Katcina  has  at  present  three  appli- 
cations ;  the  first,  apparently  the  original,  to  a  masked  man  person- 
ating a  supernal  being  with  totemic  characteristics;  the  second, 
to  a  ceremonial  dance,  in  which  these  masked  personators  appear 
in  public  ;  and  the  third,  to  secular  or  religious  images  or  pictures 
representing  these  same  beings. 

Katcinas  are  designated  by  distinctive  names,  as  those  of  animals, 
plants,  the  sun,  stars,  and  natural  objects.  Some  have  received  their 
names  from  their  songs,  or  peculiar  cries  which  the  personators  utter, 
while  other  names  are  derived  from  pueblos  or  Indian  stocks  from 
which  they  have  been  adopted.  The  symbolism  of  the  mask  or 
other  paraphernalia  by  which  each  is  recognized,  and  the  peculiar 
dance  or  step  of  the  personator  have  given  names  to  many  others. 
It  may  be  said  without  exaggeration  that  the  names  of  Hopi  Ka- 
tcinas are  numbered  by  hundreds.  Each  of  these  many  different 
Katcinas  may  be  further  designated  by  colors,  as  yellow,  red,  green, 
black,  and  white.  Masks  differing  in  color  alone,  but  preserving  the 
same  symbolic  markings,  are  distinguished  by  names  denoting  those 
colors  ;  as  Green  Bear,  White  Bear,  etc.    Katcinas  of  the  same  name 


82  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

form  groups,  in  each  of  which  there  are  representatives  of  brothers, 
sisters,  mother,  grandmother,  and  uncle ;  all  bearing  a  common 
general  name,  with  added  specific  name  denoting  that  relationship. 
Groups  containing  all  the  relatives  mentioned  are  not  common,  but 
in  many  we  find  male  and  female  representatives  distinguished  from 
each  other  by  the  symbolism  of  their  masks.  The  origin  of  the 
characteristic  names  of  different  Katcinas  will  not  be  here  considered 
except  so  far  as  to  say  that  it  is  found  in  totemism.  The  names  of 
several  Katcinas  are  the  same  as  those  of  living  clans,  but  there  are 
many  living  clans  having  no  corresponding  Katcina  of  the  same 
name.  One  Walpi  clan  is  called  the  Katcina  clan,  a  fact  which  is 
instructive,  since  it  is  probable  that  the  name  of  the  cult  was  intro- 
duced by  this  clan. 

It  would  be  wearisome,  in  this  communication,  to  mention  all  the 
individual  names  of  Katcinas,^  or  to  giv-e  in  detail  the  distinctive 
symbolism  by  which  each  is  known.  Nor  need  I  describe  the  elab- 
orate rites,  distinctive  songs,  or  characteristic  prayers  addressed  to 
them,  for  we  are  now  concerned  with  a  more  general  question,  to  an- 
swer which  resemblances  rather  than  differences  will  be  considered. 
Regarding  the  three  applications  of  the  word,  the  first  is  considered 
the  original,  the  second  and  third  derivative. 

My  first  conclusion  in  an  attempt  to  interpret  the  meaning  of  the 
Katcinas  is  that  these  personations  represent  the  dead  or  the  to- 
temic  ancients  of  clans ;  or,  in  other  words,  the  spirits  of  deceased 
members  of  the  clan  with  totemic  symbolic  paraphernalia  charac- 
teristic of  the  ancients.  Katcinas  are  breath  bodies  of  the  old  people 
reincarnated  in  their  traditional  form.^  This  theory  is  supported  by 
the  character  of  mortuary  prayers  and  exercises  at  time  of  burial. 
"You  have  become  a  Katcina:  bring  us  rain,"  say  the  relatives  of 
the  deceased  to  the  dead,  before  they  inter  them.  This  conception 
of  the  nature  of  the  souls  of  those  who  have  just  died  is  extended 
also  to  the  spirits  of  those  who  long  ago  passed  away.  The  great 
host  of  ancients  have  apparently  each  in  turn,  on  death,  been 
regarded  as  Katcinas  in  the  same  way,  and  these  spirits  are  sup- 
posed to  form  a  population  akin  to  the  living,  but  endowed  with 
greater  power. 

It  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  present  evidence  that  the  American 
Indians  have  a  well-defined  aboriginal  belief  in  a  spirit  life  beyond 
the  grave.  Among  the  pueblos,  where  this  belief  is  universal,  the 
spirits  or  breath  bodies  are  supposed  to  live  in  an  underworld,  not  a 
"happy  hunting  ground,"  ^  a  term  not  necessarily  attractive  to  agri- 

^  I  have  a  collection  of  pictures  of  Hopi  Katcinas  in  which  are  represented 
over  250  different  kinds. 

2  When  a  man  dons  the  paraphernalia  of  the  Katcina  he  "  becomes  a  Katcina*." 
^  A  congenial  habitation  after  death  for  hunter  tribes.     The  name  among  the 


An  Interpretation  of  Katcina  Worship.  83 

culturists,  but  in  a  world  of  shades  blessed  beyond  that  of  their  ter- 
restrial residence  when  embodied.  This  future  life  is  neither  one 
of  punishment  for  violation  of  ethical  laws,  nor  one  of  bliss  for  the 
just,  but  is  a  complement  to  that  on  earth.  From  this  place  of 
shades  come  at  birth  the  souls  of  the  newly  born,  and  to  it  the 
shades  or  spirits  of  the  dead  return.  The  occupations  of  the  inhab- 
itants of  this  nether  world  are  not  far  different  from  those  on  the 
earth's  surface.  They  perform  ceremonies  so  intimately  connected 
with  those  of  terrestrial  Hopi  that  an  occult  communication  is  sup- 
posed to  exist  between  them,  and  many  rites  are  performed  simul- 
taneously. This  is  recognized  during  the  progress  of  ceremonies 
when  the  priest  raps  on  the  kiva  floor  to  communicate  with  a  synchro- 
nous assemblage  of  priests  in  the  underworld,  or  calls  through  the 
hole  in  the  floor  to  the  germ  goddess  in  the  abode  of  spirits. 

The  specific  names  by  which  these  personated  ancients  are  known 
are  in  many  instances  the  same  as  those  of  clans,  living  or  extinct, 
which  would  in  itself  indicate  an  intimate  relationship,  which  is 
greatly  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  the  living  members  of  a  clan 
claim  that  the  Katcina  of  the  same  name  as  that  of  their  clan  is  their 
ancient  or  ancestor  ;  thus  the  Bear  Katcina  is  a  spirit  of  the  Bear 
clan.  The  fact  that  there  are  many  Katcinas  with  names  which  do 
not  appear  in  the  roster  of  clans  at  Walpi  need  not  weaken  this 
conclusion  ;  it  can  be  accounted  for  in  several  ways  :  (i)  A  clan 
may  have  become  extinct,  and  the  Katcina  bearing  its  name  has  so 
crystallized  in  the  worship  that  the  name  has  survived,  or  this  par- 
ticular Katcina  become  so  fixed  in  the  ritual  during  the  life  of  the 
clan,  to  which  it  belonged  that  it  was  not  dropped  when  the  clan 
became  extinct.  (2)  A  Katcina  may  have  been  borrowed  or  pur- 
chased from  a  neighboring  tribe  or  pueblo,  and  never  had  a  clan 
representative  at  Walpi.  Katcinas  of  this  class  are  numerous,  and 
ordinarily  bear  the  name  of  the  tribe  from  which  they  were  derived, 
Jemez,  Zuni,  Navajo,  Apache.  A  man  visits  a  distant  pueblo,  wit- 
nesses a  Katcina  dance,  learns  the  characteristic  songs,  and,  return- 
ing to  Walpi,  teaches  the  same  to  his  people.  Evidently  such  a 
Katcina  is  unrelated  to  any  Walpi  clan  and  may  not  even  be  related 
to  clans  among  the  people  from  which  it  was  derived.  (3)  There  is 
no  doubt,  also,  that  some  of  the  Hopi  Katcinas  are  inventions  of 
individuals  not  represented  by  Walpi  clans,  and  not  derived.  A 
man  recognizes  either  in  a  vision  or  otherwise  some  object  which  he 
thinks  will  be  efficacious  ceremonially  and  he  exalts  it  into  a  Katcina. 
Then,  too,  there  are  derivative  or  secondary  names,  modifications 
affording  no  clue  to  the  meaning  of  the  cultus.     In  those  instances 

plains  tribes  shows  that  their  conception  of  the  future  as  related  to  their  terres- 
trial residence  has  much  in  common  with  the  Hopi  idea. 


84  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

where  the  Katcina  and  a  clan  bear  the  same  name,  we  have  more 
significant  data.  The  Tcakwainas  may  be  mentioned  as  an  illustra- 
tion of  a  Katcina  and  clan  of  the  same  name,  which  is  appropriate  in 
a  general  discussion,  since  this  Katcina  is  said  to  be  universally  recog- 
nized by  pueblos  of  Zunian,  Tanoan,  and  Keresan  stocks,  and  because 
in  its  personation  in  Tusayan  there  is  found  the  most  complete  col- 
lection of  the  several  spirit  relatives  of  a  typical  clan.  The  mem- 
bers of  the  Tcakwaina  clan  living  at  Sitcomovi  consider  the  Tcak- 
waina  Katcinas  as  their  ancient  kindred,  and  so  explain  the  similarity 
of  names. 

Let  us  examine  the  method  of  Katcina  worship  as  a  preliminary 
to  its  interpretation.  It  is  an  almost  universal  idea  of  primitive 
man  that  prayers  should  be  addressed  to  personations  of  the  beings 
worshipped.  In  the  carrying  out  of  this  conception  men  personate 
the  Katcinas,  wearing  masks  and  dressing  in  the  costumes  char- 
acteristic of  these  beings.  These  personations  represent  to  the 
Hopi  mind  their  idea  of  the  appearance  of  these  Katcinas  or  clan 
ancients.  The  spirit  beings  represented  in  these  personations  appear 
at  certain  times  in  the  pueblo,  dancing  before  spectators,  receiving 
prayers  for  needed  blessings,  as  rain  and  good  crops.  These  dances 
thus  celebrate  clan  festivals  or  clan  reunions  in  which  the  dead  and 
the  living  participate. 

Let  us  consider  in  detail  the  several  Tcakwaina  personations  who 
are  thus  represented  and  their  relation  inter  se,  for  there  are  several 
kinds  of  Tcakwainas  which  are  personated. 

By  far  the  largest  number  of  the  personations  bearing  this  name 
are  males,  and  represent  men  of  the  spirit  clan.  With  these  are 
others  representing  women  and  called  elder  sisters  ;  their  masks 
and  dress  differing  from  those  of  their  brothers,  the  men.  One  of 
these  female  personators  is  distinguished  by  symbolic  markings  on 
her  mask  and  is  called  the  mother,  and  there  is  still  another  called 
the  grandmother. 

Besides  the  twenty  or  more  males  above  mentioned,  we  find  one 
personation,  also  male,  known  as  their  uncle,  the  Tcakwaina  uncle. 
A  further  examination  of  the  relationship  of  the  personations  shows 
that  they  are  all  mother  relatives  or  belong  to  a  clan  based  on 
the  maternal  system.  Judging  from  the  example  given  it  would 
seem  that  no  father  is  personated,  and  the  Tcakwainas  which  are 
represented  have  the  same  clan  kinship  as  that  which  exists  among 
the  living.  Turning  now  to  other  Katcinas,  we  detect  similar  condi- 
tions of  clan  relation,  although  we  rarely  find  so  complete  a  repre- 
sentation of  all  the  spirit  kin  of  a  clan.  In  most  of  these  persona- 
tions, only  two  groups,  brothers  and  sisters,  are  represented,  the 
former  more  numerous  dancing  in  line,  singing  traditional  songs ; 


An  Interpretation  of  Katcina  Worship.  85 

the  latter  kneeling  before  them  either  grinding  corn  on  a  metate  or 
scraping  a  sheep  scapula  on  a  notched  stick  in  rhythm  with  the 
song.  In  a  few  cases  we  find  personations  of  brothers,  and  sisters, 
and  a  single  male  representing  their  uncle,  mother  and  grandmother 
not  being  represented  ;  or  we  may  have  the  uncle  missing  and  a 
personation  of  the  mother  with  her  children,  brothers  and  sisters. 
Such  syncopations  are  not  objections  to  the  theory  of  a  maternal 
clan  system  among  Katcinas,  but  are  rather  a  confirmation  of  the 
conclusion  that  the  Hopi  believe  that  the  spirit  population  of  the 
nether  world  is  organized  in  clans,  just  as  is  that  living  on  the  earth's 
surface.  The  dead  retain  membership  in  their  earthly  clan  when 
they  pass  to  the  abode  of  spirits,  and  are  not  relieved  from  any  clan 
obligation.  Consider  in  passing  the  nature  of  this  obligation.  A 
clan  as  organized  in  primitive  society  has  a  right  to  expect  each  mem- 
ber to  do  his  part  in  its  support,  and  the  ancient  clan  members  are 
not  exempt  from  this  duty.  They  ought  to  contribute  their  part, 
and  are  personated  in  the  clan  festival  for  this  very  reason — that 
they  may  know  the  needs  of  the  clan  and  use  their  exalted  powers 
to  fulfil  their  clan  worship. 

Here  we  come  face  to  face  with  the  significance  of  ancients  or 
ancestor  worship  as  exemplified  among  these  people.  The  spirits  of 
the  dead  are  endowed  with  powers  to  aid  the  living  in  material  ways  ; 
they  have  certain  obligations  to  do  so  implied  by  their  status  in  the 
clan.  In  the  festival  of  the  clan  they  or  their  personators  are  prayed 
to  by  the  living  chief  of  the  clan  to  exert  their  powers  and  bring 
rain  and  good  crops. 

Two  nature  gods,  regarded  as  anthropomorphic,  rule  the  under- 
world where  Katcinas  or  clan  ancients  live  —  the  Sun  and  Earth. 
These  are  the  parents  of  all  clans,  and  in  their  hands  are  all  forces  of 
nature  which  bring  material  aid  to  an  agricultural  people.  The  wor- 
ship of  these  two  was  a  second  step  in  the  evolution  of  the  religious 
sentiment  to  clan  ancients  worship  and  was  taken  independently  by 
clans  living  apart.  The  same  worship  of  the  Sun  and  Earth  evolved 
itself  from  ancestor  worship  in  different  clans,  but  the  conception  of 
the  symbolism  of  the  masks  of  these  beings  varied  with  the  clans. 

The  theory  that  originally  each  clan  had  a  sun  mask  with  special 
symbolism  is  supported  by  the  existence  of  sun  masks  now  no  longer 
used,  in  possession  of  these  clans.  Almost  every  large  Hopi  clan  has 
one  or  more  of  these  sun  masks  named  from  and  owned  by  the  chief 
of  the  clan.  Thus  we  have  Naka's  mask,  Wiki's  mask,  and  masks  of 
other  chiefs.  These  are  really  the  property  of  the  clans  of  which 
these  men  are  chiefs,  and  while  in  many  instances  these  masks  betray 
solar  symbolism,  it  is  combined  with  the  totemic  characteristics  of 
the  clan  to  which  the  mask  belongs. 


86  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Consider  the  relationship  between  the  souls  of  the  dead  and  sun 
and  earth  gods.  The  subterranean  world  of  which  the  clan  ancients 
are  denizens  is  the  house  of  the  sun  and  the  earth  goddess,  the  latter 
of  whom  gave  birth  to  clans  of  men  who  later  crawled  from  the 
underworld  to  the  earth's  surface  through  an  opening  called  the 
sipapu.  Here  are  generated  the  souls  of  the  newly  born  on  earth, 
and  to  this  home  of  the  Sun  return  the  spirits  of  the  dead.  Mortals, 
even,  have  visited  this  place  and  returned  to  earth  to  tell  of  their 
adventure.^ 

Theoretically  in  ancient  times  each  clan,  at  the  time  of  its  family 
festival,  personated  its  totemic  ancient  members  and  at  the  same 
time  personated  the  Sun  and  Earth  gods,  making  use  of  character- 
istic masks  for  these  personations.  At  the  present  time  many  clans 
have  lost  the  knowledge  of  their  particular  form  of  sun,  earth,  or 
clan  totem  mask,  and  there  survive  certain  masked  personifications, 
nondescripts,  the  clan  of  which  has  become  extinct. 

,  As  a  rule,  Katcina  dances  are  modified  survivals  of  clan  festivals 
in  which  spirit  members  of  clans  are  personated.  They  are  simply 
public  dances  in  which  sun  and  earth  gods  are  not  represented,  and 
from  which  secret  rites  have  disappeared.  Certain  survivals  show 
the  unabbreviated  Katcina  festival  in  which  not  only  the  ancients 
of  the  clan  but  also  the  Sun  and  Earth  are  personated,  the  festival 
being  a  collection  of  elaborate  secret  rites  of  many  days'  duration. 

Let  us  consider  one  of  these  survivals,  the  festivals  of  the  Katcina 
clan,  of  which  two  are  celebrated  in  Walpi.  These  festivals  drama- 
tize the  arrival  and  departure  of  the  Katcinas,  and  are  called  by  the 
Hopi  the  Powamtl,  and  the  Ninian.  The  former  occurs  in  February, 
the  latter  in  July,  and  both  are  of  several  days'  duration,  and  are 
accompanied  by  secret  rites  in  which  appear  personations  of  the  Sun 
and  Earth  and  the  spirit  members  of  several  clans.  It  appears  that 
these  festivals,  originally  limited  to  one  clan,  have  become  nuclei 
about  which  other  clans  have  added  the  personations  of  their 
ancients.  Hence  in  Pozvam/l  we  find  many  different  kinds  of  Ka- 
tcinas, besides  the  ancients  of  the  Katcina  clan. 

There  are  many  things  in  the  Pozvamtl  festival  which  are  instruc- 
tive in  the  study  of  Katcinas,  but  there  is  one  that  is  especially  so, 
a  representation  of  an  old  man  wearing  a  sun  mask,  and  called  Ahiila, 
the  Returning  One.  This  man  personates  the  Sun  ;  and  it  is  but 
natural  when  the  terrestial  members  of  a  clan  celebrate  its  festival 
in  which  personations  of  the  ancients  of  that  clan  appear,  that  their 
great  ancestor,  the  Sun  Father,  should  also  be  personated.  As  he  is 
chief,  he  leads  the  others  in  the  dramatization  of  their  return  to  the 
pueblo,  which  the  Powamjl  celebrates. 

^  See  legend  of  the  Snake  hero.  The  underworld  is  the  home  of  the  Sun  and 
the  Earth  goddess  of  germs. 


An  hiterpretation  of  Katcina  Worship.  87 

This  personation  of  the  Sun  takes  place  first  at  night  in  the  kiva  or 
sacred  room  where  secret  rites  are  performed,  when  he  is  said  to  yanma 
or  rise,  the  same  word  being  used  for  sunrise.  Several  interesting 
rites  are  connected  with  his  advent,  which  is  witnessed  only  by  the 
initiated.  On  the  morning  following,  at  sunrise,  this  same  man,  hav- 
ing: arraved  himself  and  donned  his  sun  mask  at  a  shrine  on  the  trail 
to  the  pueblo,  enters  the  village  guided  by  the  chief  of  the  Katcina 
clan,  and  is  seen  by  all  the  people,  for  he  goes  from  the  home  of  one 
chief  to  another,  and  to  the  entrances  to  all  the  kivas,  marking  with 
sacred  meal  the  doorposts,  and  presenting  the  occupants  with  bean 
sprouts  which  have  been  germinated  in  the  heated  rooms  during  the 
fortnight  before.  He  receives  in  return  small  feather  prayer  offer- 
ings and  handfuls  of  meal,  prayers  of  the  household.  He  turns  to 
the  rising  sun  at  each  house  and  makes  six  obeisances,  uttering  pe- 
culiar hoots  as  he  does  so,  and  then  passes  to  the  next  house.  This 
personator  of  the  returning  sun,  as  his  name  Ahiila  indicates,  is  sup- 
posed to  be  the  leader  of  the  ancients  of  clans,  the  personators  of 
which  follow  a  few  hours  after,  and  for  several  days  dance  at  inter- 
vals in  the  plazas  in  view  of  all  the  people. 

This  Powanm  festival  was  originally  a  celebration  of  the  return  to 
the  pueblo,  by  personators,  of  the  ancients  of  the  Katcina  clan,  led 
by  a  representation  of  the  All  Father,  the  Sun.  In  course  of  time 
several  other  clans  have  added  to  it  personations  of  the  ancients  of 
their  clans.  Consequently  there  appear  in  it  many  Katcinas  or  clan 
ancients  besides  those  which  were  formerly  personated. 

Another  group  of  clans,  living  in  Sitcomovi,  but  originally  derived 
from  Zuni,  are  strong  enough  in  numbers  to  hold  a  special  festival 
in  honor  of  the  return  of  their  spirit  ancients.  At  this  festival, 
which  occurs  in  January,  the  sun  gods  ^  of  several  clans,  as  well  as 
the  ancients  of  those  clans,  are  personated.  The  special  name  of  the 
sun  god  who  leads  these  clan  ancients  is  Pautiwa. 

The  group  of  clans  which  come  to  Walpi  from  the  south,  or  Palat- 
kwabi,  have  their  festival  dramatizing  the  return  of  their  sun  god,  a 
personator  wearing  a  mask  with  symbolism  different  from  that  of 
both,  either  Ahiila  or  Pautiwa  types.  He  appears  at  Walpi  in  the 
festival  of  the  winter  solstice  or  the  return  Katcina  of  the  Raincloud 
clans.  On  the  night  of  that  part  of  the  festival  w^hich  pertains  to  the 
clans  which  come  from  the  south,  the  Sun  is  personated  in  the  sacred 
room  or  kiva  by  a  man  disguised  as  an  eagle,  as  described  in  the  fol- 
lowing quotation,  where  he  is  called  the  Bird-man.  "About  10  p.  m. 
this  man  passed  into  the  kiva,  his  entrance  having  been  previously 
announced  by  balls  of   meal   thrown    through  the  hatchway  upon 

1  The  names  of  these  sun  gods  are  different,  but  there  is  a  close  similarity  in  the 
objective  symbolism  of  their  masks. 


88  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

the  floor,  falling  near  the  fireplace.  He  carried  feathers  in  his 
hands,  and,  moving  his  arms  up  and  down,  imitated  the  motion  of 
wings,  as  if  flapping  them  like  a  bird. 

"  While  he  was  performing  these  avian  movements,  the  spectators 
sang  a  stirring  song  and  the  Bird-man  slowly  advanced  to  the  mid- 
dle of  the  room,  imitating  the  gait  of  a  bird  and  crouching  in  a 
squatting  attitude.  The  motion  of  the  wings  and  the  bird-cries  con- 
tinued, the  personator  now  and  then  raising  his  arms  and  letting 
them  fall  with  a  quivering  motion.  Once  in  the  middle  of  the  room, 
he  laid  the  feathers  on  the  floor  and  remained  there  for  a  short  time 
without  moving.  He  then  arose  and  danced  for  a  long  time,  accom- 
panied by  a  woman  who  held  in  one  hand  an  car  of  corn,  which  she 
gracefully  waved  back  and  forth.  She  followed  the  Bird-man  as  he 
moved  from  place  to  place,  and  at  the  close  of  the  dance  took  her 
seat  near  the  right  wall  of  the  kiva,  where  she  sat  before  the  Bird- 
man  entered  the  room. 

"After  the  woman  had  taken  her  seat,  the  Bird-man  continued  the 
wing  movements  with  his  arms,  stretching  them  at  full  length  and 
then  drawing  them  back  to  his  body.  He  then  proceeded  to  a  pile 
of  sand  in  a  corner  near  the  upraise  ;  taking  pointed  sticks  or  reeds 
in  his  hand  and  halting  before  this  mound  of  sand,  he  threw  first  one, 
then  another,  of  the  sticks  into  the  sand,  all  the  time  imitating  a  bird 
in  the  movements  of  his  body  and  simulating  the  bird-calls  with  a 
whistle.  He  then  went  to  the  Soydluna  woman  who  had  danced 
with  him  ;  squatting  before  her,  he  uttered  the  strange  bird-calls, 
and,  making  a  pass,  raised  the  small  sticks  which  he  carried  from  her 
feet  to  her  head  several  times.  He  then  returned  to  the  mound  of 
sand  and  again  shot  the  sticks  into  it,  after  which  he  returned  to  the 
woman.  This  was  repeated  several  times.  The  bird  personator  then 
returned  to  the  middle  of  the  kiva,  before  the  altar,  and,  taking  a 
bow  and  some  arrows,  danced  for  some  time,  while  all  the  assembled 
priests  sang  in  chorus.  As  the  Bird-man  danced,  he  raised  the  bow, 
fitted  an  arrow  to  it,  faced  the  north,  and  drew  the  bowstring  as  if 
to  shoot.  This  was  repeated  six  times,  the  performer  pointing  the 
arrow  to  the  cardinal  directions  in  prescribed  sinistral  sequence. 

"  At  the  close  of  this  part  of  the  performance  the  songs  ceased,  and 
the  Bird-man  took  his  seat  before  the  altar,  while  a  priest  at  his  right 
lit  a  conical  pipe,  and  blew  through  it,  on  the  body  of  the  Bird-man, 
clouds  of  tobacco  smoke.  This  smoke  was  not  taken  into  the  mouth, 
but  the  smoker  placed  the  larger  end  between  his  lips,  and  blew 
through  the  tube,  causing  the  smoke  to  issue  from  a  small  hole  at 
the  pointed  end.^     After  prayers  by  one  or  more  of  the  priests,  the 

^  The  relation  of  the  religious  fraternity  to  the  clan  will  be  discussed  in  some 
future  article. 


An  Interpretatio7i  of  Katcina  Worship.  89 

Bird-man  again  danced  before  the  altar,  at  the  same  time  imitating 
the  movements  of  wings  with  his  arms  and  bird-calls  with  a  whistle 
in  his  mouth.  He  then  left  the  room,  and  the  calls  could  be  heard 
as  he  went  outside. 

"This  proceeding  is  interpreted  as  a  symbolic  dramatization  or 
representation  of  the  fertilization  of  the  earth,  and  is  an  example 
of  highly  complicated  sympathetic  magic  by  which  nature  powers  of 
sky  and  earth  are  supposed  to  be  influenced.  The  Bird-man  is  a 
sun  god,  the  return  of  whom  the  winter  solstice  ceremony  commem- 
orates." 

The  personation  in  public  of  this  sun  god  takes  place  on  the  fol- 
lowing morning,  when  a  man  representing  the  returning  sun  appears 
in  the  pueblo  accompanied  by  two  masked  girls,  one  of  whom  is  the 
same  as  the  woman  mentioned  in  the  preceding  description.  He 
distributes  seeds  to  all  women,  heads  of  clans,  who  come  to  the  kiva 
entrance  to  receive  these  gifts. 

The  men  who  take  part  in  this  personation  of  the  Sun  god  and 
celebrate  his  return  do  so  not  as  members  of  a  priesthood,  but  as 
members  of  the  Raincloud  and  other  clans  which  lived  together 
before  they  came  to  Walpi.  In  the  winter  solstice  ceremony  the 
kiva  in  which  each  clan  does  its  ritualistic  work  is  the  meeting-place 
of  members  of  clans,  not  of  priesthoods,  and  at  that  time  the  kiva 
represents  the  original  clan  home. 

It  has  been  shown  above  that  there  survive  in  the  religious  rites 
of  the  Hopi  personations  of  sun  gods  in  which  the  symbols  on  their 
masks  vary  considerably.  The  Ahilla  symbol  of  the  Katcina  clan 
is  somewhat  different  from  that  of  AJiiilani,  the  Bird-man  of  the 
Raincloud  clan.  Paiitiwa,  Sun  god  of  the  Zuni  clans  of  Sitcomovi, 
differs  in  symbolism  from  both.  The  sun  masks  of  the  Badger 
clan,  called  Wuwnyovio,  and  that  of  Wiipamozv  resemble  each  other 
in  their  symbolic  markings,  and  are  closely  analogous  to  that  of 
Ahiila.  All  are  disk-form  and  have  eagle  feathers  radiating  peri- 
pherally about  the  border,  in  the  midst  of  which  hang  bright  red- 
stained  horsehair.  These  masks  also  resemble  in  their  symbolism 
disks  representing  the  sun  which  are  found  painted  on  altars,  or 
are  worn  on  the  backs  of  men  who  personate  the  solar  god  in  public 
dances.  Thus  we  conclude  from  these  symbolic  sun  masks  at 
Walpi  that  each  clan  has  a  distinctive  symbolic  sun  mask,  as  well 
as  characteristic  masks  of  the  ancient  totemic  beings  of  their  clan. 
In  a  few  festivals  these  sun  masks  are  still  used  and  the  Sun  is 
personated,  as  has  been  shown  in  PowaniJi,  in  the  January  cere- 
mony of  the  Sitcomovi  clans  of  Zuni  derivation,  and  in  the  winter 
solstice.  There  are  other  sun  masks,  the  identity  of  which  we 
detect  by  morphological  symbolism,  among  which  may  be  mentioned 


go  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Wnpamow  and  Wnwiiyomo,  and  still  others  where  the  identification 
is  more  or  less  speculative.  Among  the  latter  may  be  mentioned 
the  avian  personification  called  the  Shalakos,  the  masks  of  which 
still  preserve  much  solar  symbolism. 

In  these  Shalakos  we  find  a  morphological  relation  in  the  symbol- 
ism of  their  masks  with  that  of  the  sun  god  of  the  Raincloud  clans, 
rather  than  with  that  of  Ahula  of  the  Katcina  clan.  The  masks  of 
Shalako  have  a  crest  of  feathers  representing  the  radiating  feathers  of 
sun  masks,  and  the  avian  character  of  the  personation  is  indicated 
by  their  feathered  garments,  or  rather  is  symbolized  by  feathers  tied 
at  intervals  to  the  blankets  by  which  their  giant  bodies  are  covered. 
These  avian  sun  gods,  like  Ahula,  sun  god  of  the  Katcina  clan,  visit 
houses,  give  and  receive  offerings,  and  in  various  actions  dramatize 
the  return  of  the  sun  whom  they  dramatize. 

In  addition  to  masked  personages  representing  clan  ancients  and 
their  father,  the  sun,  there  sometimes  appears  in  a  clan  festival  or 
Katcina  dance  a  personation  of  the  Earth-Mother.  As  the  universal 
mother  she  is  consequently  the  object  of  the  worship  of  all.  The 
Earth-Mother  appears  under  various  names,  which  differ  in  different 
clans,  apparently  indicating  that  before  the  various  clans  now  com- 
posing any  one  Hopi  pueblo  were  united,  each  was  familiar  with  the 
conception  of  an  Earth-Mother,  and  denominated  this  being  by  a 
clan  name,  as  Old  Woman,^  Goddess  of  Germs,  Spider  Woman,  and 
various  other  appellations.  In  some  instances  she  is  mentioned  as 
the  Grandmother,  but  is  not  considered  a  deified  ancestral  spirit  of  a 
mortal  woman,  as  are  her  daughters,  the  cultus  heroines  of  the  clans, 
but,  like  the  sun,  is  a  great  nature  god.  The  Sun  and  the  Earth  are 
regarded  by  the  Hopi  as  potent  to  aid  them  in  their  agricultural  life, 
for  they  control  natural  forces  which  produce  a  food  supply.  But 
in  the  worship  of  these  the  pueblo  Indian  has  not  risen  far  above 
ancients'  worship,  for  both  sun  and  earth  are  spoken  of  as  anthropo- 
morphic parents — the  one  father,  the  other  mother  of  all. 

It  is  instructive  to  notice  that  in  Hopi  sun  worship,  at  the  winter 
solstice,  we  have  the  sun  personated  by  a  bird  ;  but  this  conception, 
like  other  forms  of  beast-god  worship,  is  an  archaic  survival.  Primi- 
tive man  regarded  all  animals  as  close  relatives.  Man  had  animal, 
and  animals  human  characteristics  of  structure  and  disposition.  He 
talked  with  them,  and  believed  he  was  descended  from  them.  When 
the  germ  of  the  religious  sentiment  originated,  man  looked  upon  him- 
self as  one  of  many  groups  of  animals.  It  was  perfectly  natural  for 
him  to  be  influenced  in  the  formation  of  fundamental  religious  ideas 
by  this  thought,  which  was  engrafted  into  his  earliest  religious  con- 
sciousness, and  tenaciously  clung  there  when  culture  widened  the 
1  Hahaiwilgti,  Miiyinivii,  Kokyanwilgti^  and  various  other  names. 


An  Interpretation  of  Katcina  Worship.  91 

chasm  between  his  mind  and  that  of  his  brutish  relatives.  The 
widespread  existence  of  beast  gods  in  mythology  is  a  survival  of  a 
universal  belief,  in  the  first  stages  of  religious  development,  that  man 
and  beasts  w-ere  originally  related. 

In  those  instances  where  beast  worship  underlies  ancestor  worship, 
it  must  not  be  hastily  supposed  that  totemic  animals  which  primitive 
men  believe  are  ancestral  are  identical  with  living  species.  The  per- 
sonation of  the  Duck  Katcina  has  little  resemblance  to  a  duck,  or  that 
of  the  Bear  Katcina  to  a  bear.  Brinton,  in  his  "  Myths  of  the  New 
World,"  went  so  far  as  to  write  that  he  did  not  believe  that  "a  single 
example  could  be  found  where  an  Indian  tribe  had  a  tradition  whose 
real  purport  was  that  man  came  by  a  natural  process  of  descent  from 
an  ancestor,  a  brute,  regarded  merely  as  such."  Other  well-known 
students  of  primitive  religions  hold  somewhat  similar  views.  Katcina 
worship,  then,  is  not  that  of  an  animal,  plant,  or  other  object  which 
has  given  a  totem,  name,  or  symbol  to  a  clan.  It  is  not  what  is  ordi- 
narily called  totem  ism,  nor,  strictly  speaking,  ancestor  worship,  for 
in  a  system  of  clans  with  matriarchal  descent,  the  male  ancients  are 
not  parents  or  ancestors  of  the  living  members  of  the  clan.  They 
are  simply  ancient  members  of  the  same ;  their  sisters  are  literally 
ancestors  of  the  worshippers. 

The  so-called  dances  or  festivals  in  which  the  Katcinas  take  part 
are  dramatizations,  and  the  actors  in  them  represent  clan  ancients,  and 
the  Sun  and  Earth.  The  celebration  begins  with  the  entry  of  these 
masked  actors  into  the  villages  from  some  distant  place  outside  the 
pueblos.  Different  clans  have  preserved  different  festivals  drama- 
tizing the  advent  of  their  ancients,  but  the  departure  of  these  clan 
ancients  or  Katcinas  is  represented  in  but  one  festival,  the  Niman, 
or  Farewell,  which  occurs  in  July.  The  plan  of  dramatization  of  the 
coming  of  the  clan  ancients  is  practically  the  same  in  the  three 
festivals  in  which  it  survives  in  extetiso.  First,  the  sun  is  personated 
by  an  unmasked  man  in  the  kiva  ;  on  the  morning  following,  at  sun- 
rise, he  appears  in  public  wearing  the  sun  mask  and  other  parapher- 
nalia of  the  sun,  visiting  different  houses  of  the  pueblo,  receiving 
and  presenting  offerings.  The  clan  ancients  or  Katcinas  follow 
him  at  that  time  or  shortly  after.  They  dance  in  the  plazas  during 
one  or  more  days,  and  at  the  close  receive  prayers  for  rain  and 
crops. 

The  departure  of  these  clan  ancients  is  dramatized  in  the  Niman, 
or  Farewell,  which  has  been  elsewhere  described.  It  is  commonly 
said  that  when  the  clan  ancients  leave  the  pueblos  they  retire  to 
their  home  in  the  San  Francisco  Mountains,  which  only  partially 
states  the  Hopi  belief.  They  are  really  supposed  to  return  to  the 
underworld,   the    entrance   to  which  is  the  Sun-house  or  place  of 


92  yournal  of  Americaii  Folk-Lore. 

sunset  at  the  winter  solstice.  As  seen  from  Walpi,  the  entrance  to 
the  Sun-house  is  indicated  by  a  notch  on  the  horizon  situated  between 
these  mountains  and  the  Eldon  Mesa.  Hence,  when  the  clan  ancients 
depart  from  Walpi,  in  the  ceremony,  they  are  commonly  said  to  go 
to  the  San  Francisco  Mountains,  where  the  trail  leads  to  their  abode, 
the  underworld. 

As  has  been  shown,  Katcina  worship  is  psychologically  a  form  of 
ancestor  worship  ;  its  present  purpose  remains  to  be  mentioned.  The 
present  purpose  of  any  cult  must  be  distinguished  frBm  that  which  it 
originally  served  ;  for  as  the  environment  and  culture  of  man  changes, 
his  material  wants  also  change,  and  with  them  his  desires  for  supernal 
aid.  The  Hopi  are  agriculturists  living  in  an  arid  environment ; 
their  food  quest  is  corn,  to  raise  which  rain  is  necessary.  Conse- 
quently the  majority  of  all  their  ceremonies  are  for  rain  and  abun- 
dant crops,  and  all  their  prayers  to  clan  or  other  gods  are  to  bring 
these  things.  While  many  of  their  totemic  gods  and  a  large  number 
of  their  rites  have  originated  since  they  reached  the  condition  of 
maize  farmers,  their  worship  of  ancients  implied  an  older  culture,  as 
the  nomenclature  of  certain  of  their  clans  indicates.  These  archaic 
gods  were  born  before  the  Hopi  became  agriculturists  and  before 
they  desired  rain,  and  under  changed  conditions  have  been  endowed 
with  new  powers.  By  this  strange  anachronism  the  Bear,  Buffalo, 
and  Antelope  Katcina  have  become  potent  in  bringing  rain  or  caus- 
ing crops  to  grow. 

It  is  hardly  probable  that  the  Hopi  in  ancient  times  deified  natural 
forces,  nor  had  they  reached  that  stage  of  development  in  which  they 
believed  atmospheric  phenomena  were  controlled  by  special  "  gods  ; " 
but  power  over  rain,  lightning,  and  the  like  were  regarded  as  attrib- 
utable, and  were  delegated  to  rude  supernal  beings,  survivals  of  archaic 
pre-agricultural  conditions  of  culture.  Ancients'  worship  is  a  psy- 
chological characteristic  of  man,  one  of  the  earliest  forms  of  worship, 
whatever  the  nature  of  the  food  quest.  As  the  food  quest  changes 
with  culture,  the  nature  of  man's  desires  for  supernal  aid  also  changes, 
and  archaic  gods  are  endowed  with  corresponding  attributes,  but  the 
gods  themselves  survive  ;  man  is  always  building  new  religious  struc- 
tures on  the  same  old  foundations,  the  worship  of  the  ancients. 

There  is  nothing  in  the  above  interpretation  of  the  Katcinas  as 
clan  ancients  out  of  keeping  with  the  Hopi  conception  of  other  clan 
gods  not  of  the  masked  variety  to  which  Katcinas  belong.  The 
four  or  five  great  ceremonies  between  August  and  November  in 
the  Hopi  ferial  calendar  are  not  Katcina  festivals  ;  no  masked  men 
appear  in  them,  but  they  have  the  same  clan  ancients'  worship,  and 
that  of  the  sun  and  earth  gods,  as  in  Katcina  festivals.  The  methods 
of  representing  or  personating  the  ancients  and  their  symbols  have 


An  Interpretation  of  Katcina  Worship,  93 

changed,  for  the  clans  of  which  they  are  the  festivals  are  different ; 
but  the  scheme  of  the  celebration,  so  far  as  ancients'  worship  is 
concerned,  is  identical. 

Suppose  we  consider  one  of  the  best  known  Hopi  ceremonials,  the 
biennial  festival  called  the  snake  dance.  We  find  that  it  offers 
remarkable  parallels  to  a  Katcina  festival  in  its  general  conception. 
It  was  originally  the  festival  of  two  or  more  consolidated  clans, 
the  Snake  and  Horn,  now  represented  in  the  personnel  of  cele- 
brants by  two  fraternities  of  priests,  the  so-called  Snakes  and  Ante- 
lopes. In  the  public  dance,  the  ancients  of  the  above-mentioned 
clans  are  publicly  personated  carrying  reptiles,  "  elder  brothers,"  like- 
wise members,  of  the  Snake  clan.  The  Snake  Maid,  ancestress  of 
the  clan,  is  personated  in  the  sacred  or  kiva  rites,  and  the  Snake  Boy 
appears  at  the  same  time,  as  has  been  elsewhere  descibed.  The 
ancients  of  the  Snake  and  Horn  clans,  known  as  Snake  and  Ante- 
lope priests,  dance  in  the  pueblo,  the  latter  carrying  reptiles,  "  elder 
brothers  "  of  the  former  clan.  The  snake  dance  is  a  form  of  ancients' 
worship  highly  modified  into  a  rain  prayer. 

Attention  was  called  earlier  in  this  article  to  the  almost  universal 
custom  among  primitive  men  of  personating  clan  ancients  by  masked 
men,  that  prayers  might  be  addressed  more  directly  to  them.  These 
ancients  may  be  personated  in  another  way  by  images  called  idols. 
This  method  is  common  in  representing  the  cultus  hero  and  heroine 
of  a  clan  on  altars,  but  the  two  methods  may  coexist. 

In  the  festival  of  the  flute  fraternity,  the  ancients  are  personated 
in  the  public  dance  by  a  boy  and  two  girls,  which  ,on  the  altars  are 
represented  by  images.  The  Sun  and  the  Earth  goddess  are  found 
in  effigy  or  drawings  on  the  same  altars.  The  name  given  to  the  form 
of  sun  idol  in  which  he  is  found  on  the  flute  altar  is  Coiokijizin  (The 
Heart  of  the  Sky),  while  the  Earth  goddess  has  the  name  Miiyi7mn  ; 
but  they  are  the  same  sun  and  earth  personations  with  special  clan 
names.  The  festivals  known  as  basket  dances,  called  by  the  Hopi 
the  Lalakoiiti  and  Owakiilti,  have  an  analogous  personation  of  clan 
ancients,  which  are  represented  by  boys  and  girls  in  public  and  by 
images  on  the  altar.  The  same  sun  and  earth  gods  are  likewise 
symbolized  by  images  or  pictures. 

In  the  woman's  dance  called  the  Mamzrauti  we  find  the  same 
thing  ;  the  names  of  sun  and  earth  have  changed,  but  the  concep- 
tions are  identical. 

The  main  conclusions  arrived  at  in  this  article  are  that  the  masked 
personations  called  Katcinas  originally  represented  ancients  of  clans, 
and  that  the  symbolism  of  their  masks  is  totemic  in  character. 
These  Katcinas  are  shown  to  be  organized  in  clans,  and  persona- 
tions of  them  are  limited  to  representations  of  clan  relations  on  the 


94  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

mother's  side.  In  a  few  instances,  living  clans  claim  spirit  or 
Katcina  clans  of  the  same  name  as  their  ancients.  A  Katcina 
dance  was  formerly  a  clan  festival  participated  in  by  living  members 
of  a  clan  and  by  ancients  of  that  clan.  The  latter,  called  Katcinas, 
were  represented  by  men  wearing  masks,  and  other  paraphernalia 
decorated  with  symbolic  masks  which  legends  ascribe  to  them.  In 
addition  to  personations  of  these  totemic  ancients,  each  clan  per- 
sonated in  its  festival  the  sun,  father  of  all,  and  the  earth,  mother 
of  all  members  of  the  clan.  These,  like  the  clan  ancients,  wore 
masks  and  other  paraphernaHa  distinctive  of  the  clan  in  the  festival 
of  which  they  participated,  but  the  special  names  of  these  varied 
with  the  clans. 

There  are  at  least  three  ceremonies  called  Katcina  dances  in 
which  something  like  the  original  character  of  clan  festivals  survive. 
The  majority  of  these  dances,  and  these  three  to  a  certain  extent, 
are  abbreviated  or  modified  by  consolidation  of  several  clan  festivals. 
When  thus  abbreviated  they  are  sometimes  reduced  to  a  masked 
dance,  the  personations  in  which  are  unrelated  to  any  one  clan,  even 
to  that  which  introduced  the  dance,  and  whose  ancients  are  person- 
ated in  it.  Many  Katcinas  have  become  simply  crystallized  in  the 
Hopi  mind  as  traditional  beings,  and  are  recognized  by  certain  sym- 
bols on  their  masks.  Their  relation  to  clans  is  no  longer  known ; 
their  original  names  have  been  lost,  and  no  one  can  now  tell  their 
significance.  A  comparison  of  the  symbolism  of  the  masks  of  these 
obscure  Katcinas  with  others  better  known  may  supply  the  informa- 
tion which  has  long  been  forgotten  by  the  present  Hopi  and  their 
immediate  predecessors. 

J.  Walter  Fewkes. 

Washington,  D.  C. 


Kootenay  "  Medicine-Menr  95 


KOOTENAY  "MEDICINE-MEN." 

About  the  shamans  of  some  of  the  less  known  tribes  of  American 
Indians  very  little  is  on  record.  Among  the  Kootenays  of  south- 
eastern British  Columbia  and  northern  Idaho  the  name  of  the 
"medicine-man,"  or  shaman,  is  nipik'ak'dk-'d,  a  word  derived  from 
nipik'a,  "spirit,"  because  he  has  to  do  with  "spirits,"  or  the  forms 
in  which  the  dead  may  appear  to  the  living.  The  "singing"  of  the 
shaman  is  termed  k'dnuktmamlkandimidjn,  which  word  is  sometimes 
applied  to  the  whole  "medicine"  procedure.  The  word  dwumo, 
"medicine,"  is  also  in  use,  but  the  expression  dwumo  tit'kdt  (literally 
"medicine-man")  seems  to  be  a  neologism,  suggested  perhaps  by 
corresponding  expressions  in  the  language  of  the  whites ;  it  is  not 
quite  "  good  Kootenay." 

The  actions  of  the  Kootenay  shaman  have  been  described  by  Dr. 
Franz  Boas,  who  visited  these  Indians  in  1888,  as  follows  i^  "The 
shamans  of  the  Kutonaqa  are  also  initiated  in  the  woods  after  long 
fasting.  They  cure  sick  people,  and  prophesy  the  result  of  hunting 
and  war  parties.  If  this  is  to  be  done,  the  shaman  ties  a  rope  about 
his  waist,  and  goes  into  the  medicine-lodge,  where  he  is  covered  with 
an  elk-skin.  After  a  short  while  he  appears,  his  thumbs  firmly  tied 
together  by  a  knot,  which  is  very  difficult  to  open.  He  reenters  the 
lodge,  and,  after  a  short  time,  reappears,  his  thumbs  being  untied. 
After  he  has  been  tied  a  second  time,  he  is  put  into  a  blanket,  which 
is  firmly  tied  together  like  a  bag.  The  line  which  is  tied  around  his 
waist,  and  to  which  his  thumbs  are  fastened,  may  be  seen  protrud- 
ing from  the  place  where  the  blanket  is  tied  together.  Before  he  is 
tied  up,  a  piece  of  bone  is  placed  between  his  toes.  Then  the  men 
pull  at  the  protruding  end  of  the  rope,  which  gives  way  ;  the  blanket 
is  removed,  and  the  shaman  is  seen  to  lie  under  it.  This  perform- 
ance is  called  k"'eqnEmnam  (  =  somebody  cut  in  two).  The  shaman 
remains  silent,  and  reenters  the  lodge,  in  which  rattles  made  of 
pieces  of  bone  are  heard.  Suddenly  something  is  heard  falling  down. 
Three  times  this  noise  is  repeated,  and  then  singing  is  heard  in  the 
lodge.  It  is  supposed  that  the  shaman  has  invoked  souls  of  certain 
people  whom  he  wished  to  see,  and  that  their  arrival  produced  the 
noise.  From  these  he  obtains  the  information  and  instructions 
which  he  later  on  communicates  to  the  people." 

When  the  present  writer  was  among  the  Kootenays  in  1891,^  one 
member  of  the  tribe  gave  the  following  free  translation  of  a  "  medi- 
cine "song:  "An  Indian  is  crouching  in  the  corner  of  his  lodge 
beneath  blankets,  invoking  the  spirits.  Soon  the  spirit  enters 
1  Rep.  Brit.  Assoc.  Adv.  Set.,  1889.  2  /^j/,/.^  1S92. 


96  '        journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

through  the  top  of  the  lodge,  passes  beneath  the  blanket,  and  enters 
the  Indian,  who  then  flies  away  on  high  ;  by-and-by  returns,  and, 
sitting  under  the  blanket,  causes  the  spirit  to  depart  again."  This 
Indian  applied  the  term  k'S.k'dqndvinain  to  the  whole  procedure  under 
the  blanket.  According  to  another  informant,  the  "spirits  "  assume 
the  form  of  some  beast  or  bird,  in  which  state  the  adept  can  summon 
them,  and  commune  with  them.  The  Kootenay  "  medium "  gets 
behind  a  blanket  in  the  tepee,  as  noted  above,  and  summons  the 
spirit  to  him,  and,  while  under  the  blanket,  imitates  the  voice,  etc., 
of  the  beast  or  bird  in  whose  form  the  spirit  appears.  The  "spirit  " 
is  supposed  to  "fall  down"  through  the  smoke-hole  of  the  lodge. 
The  advent  of  the  blanket  {seet  or  tldmdtl)  has  driven  out  the  elk- 
skin  {dqk'okild  gitlk-'' titles)  which  was  formerly  the  cover  under 
which  the  shaman  ensconced  himself.  With  many  Indian  tribes  the 
elk  has  always  been  great  or  good  "  medicine ; "  hence,  perhaps  the 
use  of  its  skin  here.  In  accordance  with  the  general  democratic 
character  of  Kootenay  institutions,  the  coming  and  going  of  "  spir- 
its "  is  not  bound  up  with  intervention  of  the  shaman,  whose  art  has, 
nevertheless,  been  looked  upon,  in  recent  times,  at  least,  as  more 
efficacious.  Probably,  at  an  earlier  stage  in  the  history  of  these 
people,  all  persons  of  a  seasonable  age  could  "  traffic  with  the  spir- 
its." It  would  not  be  surprising  if  not  a  little  of  the  paraphernalia 
and  modi  operandi  of  the  "medicine-man"  among  the  Kootenays 
turns  out  to  be  borrowed  from  neighboring  tribes. 

A  part  of  the  business  of  the  shaman  was  to  predict  the  outcome 
of  hunting  and  war  expeditions,  and  in  some  of  his  efforts  he  had  the 
assistance  practically  of  the  whole  tribe,  as,  e.  g.  at  the  dance  in  the 
"great  lodge"  in  winter,  when  good  snow  for  game  is  "prayed  for." 
The  older  midnight  dance,  occurring  about  Christmas  time,  is  char- 
acterized as  imtQdtltitketl,  evidently  a  derivative  from  mitqaiie,  "  he 
shoots,"  from  the  fact  that  guns  were  fired  off,  etc.,  during  the  cele- 
bration, in  which  much  clapping  of  hands  also  took  place.  Among 
the  Upper  Kootenays  the  Roman  Catholic  missionaries  have  made  a 
rather  successful  attempt  to  divert  some  of  the  energy  formerly 
expended  on  the  "great  winter  dance,"  to  a  recognition  of  the  Chris- 
tian holy  day  occurring  at  approximately  the  same  time.  But  while 
they  celebrate  the  Christmas  of  the  whites,  these  Indians  have  not 
altogether  forgotten  the  festival  of  their  forefathers.  Still  less  have 
the  Lower  Kootenays,  who  are  much  more  "pagan  "  than  their  kin- 
dred farther  "  up  country." 

Concerning  the  "  cure  "  of  the  shaman.  Rev.  W.  F.  Wilson  ^  writes 
thus :  "  In  cases  of  sickness  these  people  have  more  faith  in  sorcery 
than  in  the  use  of  medicines.     They  believe  that  some  evil  spirit  has 
^  Our  Forest  Children^  vol.  iii.  (1889-1S90),  p.  165. 


Kootenay  *'  Medicme-Men.^^  97 

caused  the  sickness,  and  that  the  evil  spirit  must  be  driven  out. 
The  patient  usually  is  stretched  on  his  back  in  the  centre  of  a  large 
lodge,  and  his  friends  sit  round  in  a  circle,  beating  drums.  The  sor- 
cerer, grotesquely  painted,  enters  the  ring,  chanting  a  song,  and  pro- 
ceeds to  force  the  evil  spirit  from  the  sick  person  by  pressing  both 
clenched  fists  with  all  his  might  in  the  pit  of  his  stomach,  kneading 
and  pounding  also  other  parts  of  the  body,  blowing  occasionally 
•through  his  fingers,  and  sucking  blood  from  the  part  supposed  to  be 
affected." 

The  Kootenay  shaman,  as  is  the  case  with  the  "  medicine-men " 
of  many  other  tribes,  seems  to  have  been  at  one  and  the  same  time 
medium,  doctor,  and  prophet. 

That  the  doings  of  the  Kootenay  shamans  made  considerable  im- 
pression upon  the  missionaries  may  readily  be  believed  from  the  state- 
ment attributed  to  a  Jesuit  missionary  in  1861  :^  "I  have  seen  many 
exhibitions  of  power  which  my  philosophy  cannot  explain.  I  have 
known  predictions  of  events  far  in  the  future  to  be  literally  fulfilled, 
and  have  seen  medicine-men  tested  in  the  most  conclusive  ways.  I 
once  saw  a  Kootenia  Indian  (known  generally  as  Skookum-tamahere- 
wos,2  from  his  extraordinary  power)  command  a  mountain  sheep  to 
fall  dead,  and  the  animal,  then  leaping  among  the  rocks  of  the 
mountain-side,  fell  instantly  lifeless.  This  I  saw  with  my  own  eyes, 
and  I  ate  of  the  animal  afterwards.  It  was  unwounded,  healthy,  and 
perfectly  wild.  Ah,  Mary  save  us !  the  medicine-men  have  power 
from  Sathanas." 

During  his  stay  among  the  Kootenays  in  the  summer  and  autumn 
of  1891,  the  present  writer  obtained  from  various  members  of  the 
tribe  a  considerable  number  of  drawings  of  all  kinds.  Among  these 
are  two  which  the  Indian  who  drew  them  said  represented  "  medi- 
cine-men." The  artist  of  these  drawings  was  Blaswa,  one  of  the 
oldest  men  of  the  Upper  Kootenays,  formerly  a  great  warrior,  and 
reputed  as  having  been  more  skilful  with  the  bow  and  arrow  in  the 
days  of  intertribal  warfare  than  with  the  pencil  to-day.  The  draw- 
ings were  made  with  no  interference  or  suggestion  on  the  part  of 
the  writer,  and  may  be  taken  as  fair  specimens  of  the  Indian's  artistic 
accomplishments.  The  first  of  the  drawings  occupied  twenty,  the 
second  seventeen  minutes  in  execution. 

Drawing  No.  i.  This  picture  represents  one  of  the  Kootenay 
shamans  or  "medicine-men,"  arrayed  as  he  appears  in  the  great 
dance.  He  has  on,  apparently,  the  special  ^'  shirt  "  of  the  shaman, 
while  his  head  is  adorned  with  the  "  horns  "  of  weasel  fur,  etc.,  for- 

^  E.  R.  Emerson,  Indian  Myths  (Boston,  1884),  p.  404. 

2  This  is  evidently  a  misprint  for  Skookum  tamahnewus  (skilk'Em  tamdnowas)^ 
the  term  in  the  Chinook  jargon  for  "  strong  sorcerer." 

VOL.  XIV.  —  NO.  53.  7 


98  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

merly  so  much  esteemed.  It  is  not  certain  what  he  carries  in  his 
extended  hand. 

Drawing  No.  2.  This  is  a  very  curious  picture.  The  artist 
who  drew  it  said  it  was  another  "  medicine-man  "  picture,  and  did 
not  differentiate  it  particularly  from  the  other  drawing  of  a  shaman. 
In  the  left  hand  is  a  small  cup  or  basket  (J)  —  the  word  dtsiindnd, 
originally  applied  to  a  small  {nana)  bag  or  basket  {atsu)  of  birch- 
bark,  etc.,  has  come  to  be  used  for  cups  and  receptacles  of  a  like 
sort  —  containing  "  medicine  "  iawumo).  In  the  right  hand  is 
some  other  article.  The  expression  on  the  face,  the  beard,  the  out- 
stretched arms,  etc.,  suggest  that  the  Indian  has  here  given  us  a 
copy  of  the  figure  on  the  cross  or  crucifix  seen  at  the  Mission  of  St. 
Eugene,  or  in  the  possession  of  some  of  the  Catholic  missionaries. 
Perhaps  the  article  in  the  left  hand  is  the  communion  cup,  and  that 
in  the  right,  the  consecrated  bread.  In  his  second  attempt  to  pic- 
ture a  shaman  the  old  Indian  had  before  his  mind  the  Catholic  priest 
and  the  figure  of  Christ  upon  the  crucifix,  the  result  being  the  very 
interesting  picture  here  presented.  This  drawing,  therefore,  may 
belong  to  the  class  of  art  products  which  reflect  the  contact  of 
pagan  religious  ideas  with  the  new  concepts  introduced  by  mission- 
aries of  the  Christian  faith. 

Some  remarkable  examples  of  such  have  been  very  recently  dis- 
cussed by  Dr.  Karl  von  den  Steinen.^  In  the  pipe-carvings  of  the 
Payaguas,  which  deal  with  the  Garden  of  Eden  and  the  Creation  of 
Adam,  it  is  the  Deity  who  is  represented  by  the  unmistakable  figure 
of  a  shaman  in  characteristic  action  and  attitude.  In  connection 
with  these  phenomena,  it  is  interesting  to  find  Dr.  Boas  writing  of 
the  Nootka  Indians  of  Vancouver  Island  :  ^  "  The  name  of  the  deity 
is  kept  a  profound  secret  from  the  common  people.  Only  chiefs  are 
allowed  to  pray  to  him,  and  the  dying  chief  tells  the  name,  which  is 
Katse  {i.  e.  the  grandchild),  to  his  heir,  and  teaches  him  how  to  pray 
to  the  deity.  No  offerings  are  made  to  Katse  ;  he  is  only  prayed 
to.  In  a  tradition  of  the  Nootka  it  is  stated  that  a  boy  prayed  to  a 
being  in  heaven  called  Cicikle,  who  is  probably  identical  with  Katse. 
The  boy  is  described  as  praying,  his  arms  being  thrown  upward." 
Now  Cicikle  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  Jt^sus  Christ,  and  reveals 
the  fact  of  French  missionary  influence ;  for  in  the  Kootenay  lan- 
guage, the  speakers  of  which  first  came  into  contact  with  French 
missionaries  of  the  Catholic  faith,  Jt^sus  Christ  is  rendered  by  the 
Indians  Cicekle. 

There  is  need  for  a  comparative  study  of  the  influence  of  Chris- 

^  Der  Paradiesgarten  als  Schnitzmotiv  der  Payagud-Indianer.  Ethnol.  Notizbl., 
Bd.  ii.  (1901),  pp.  60-65. 

2  Rep.  Brit.  Assoc.  Adv.  Set.,  1890. 


Fig.  I.  This  drawing  represents  tlie 
"Medicine-man"  of  the  Kootenajs,  as  he 
appears  when  taking  part  in  the  "  great 
dance."  He  wears  the  special  "  shirt  "  of 
the  shaman,  and  his  head  is  adorned  witli 
the  "  horns  "  of  weasel  fur,  characteristic 
of  his  office. 


Fir,.  2.  This  drawing  was  said  by  the 
Indian  who  made  it  to  represent  a  "  Medi- 
cine-man." If  so,  it  must  be  what  the  In- 
dians call  the  "  Medicine-Man "  of  the 
whites  that  is  pictured  here.  The  beard, 
the  expression  on  the  face,  the  outstretched 
arms,  and  the  general  character  of  the 
thawhig  indicate  that  the  idea  of  the  figure 
on  the  crucifix  (the  Upper  Kootenays  are 
under  Catholic  influence)  and  of  the  priest 
l)resided  over  its  execution. 


DRAWINGS  OF  "  MEDICTNK-MEN  "  BV  THE  I.\T)I.\X  BE.\SW.\. 


Kootenay  "  Medicine-Men^  99 

tianity,  as  introduced  from  time  to  time  among  the  Indians  by  mis- 
sionaries of  different  faiths  and  languages,  upon  the  rehgious  con- 
cepts of  the  aborigines,  and  of  the  literary  and  artistic  effects  of  this 
contact. 

Alexander  F .  Chamberlain. 
Clark  University,  Worcester,  Mass. 


ICX3  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


THE  "LAZY   MAN"  IN   INDIAN  LORE. 

One  August  evening  I  sat  beside  an  outdoor  fire  enjoying  the 
coolness  of  night  after  a  very  warm  day.  The  sky  was  clear,  the 
stars  were  bright,  and  the  light  of  the  setting  moon  just  touched 
the  edge  of  the  woods  that  encircled  the  grassy  glade  where  I  wa& 
camped.  At  one  side  in  shadowy  outline  stood  the  tent,  its  cover 
lifted  at  the  bottom  to  cool  off  the  interior.  About  the  fire  five 
Omaha  men  were  lying  in  various  attitudes,  resting  after  their  day's 
work,  while  two  women  were  clearing  away  the  supper  dishes. 

Suddenly  a  voice  in  the  distance  shouted  "  Watermelon  ! "  and  in 
a  few  moments  the  bearer  of  the  refreshing  gift-  came  out  of  the 
darkness  into  the  firelight,  and  laid  his  offering  before  us.  We  were 
all  glad  to  partake  of  the  juicy  fruit,  and  commended  the  giver,  com- 
plimenting him  on  his  success  as  a  gardener. 

Our  jesting  talk  led  on  to  the  repeating  of  old-time  sayings,  used 
for  the  instruction  of  the  young ;  and  as  we  talked,  an  old  man,  sit- 
ting apart  from  our  immediate  group,  spoke  up,  bidding  us  believe 
that  the  young  people  of  to-day  lived  an  easier  life  than  that  of  their 
fathers  and  grandfathers.  An  animated  discussion  followed  between 
the  old  and  the  young  of  our  party  as  to  the  comparative  duties 
and  hardships  of  the  hunting  and  warring  days  of  the  tribe  and 
the  requirement  of  modern  times.  Finally  it  was  agreed  that  it  would 
be  difficult  to  decide  between  the  two  phases  of  living,  both  of  which 
exacted  courage,  fortitude,  and  persistent  labor. 

As  the  old  man  repeated  to  us  some  of  the  admonitions  common 
in  his  young  days,  I  wrote  them  down  by  the  light  of  the  blazing 
logs.  He  assured  us  that  the  young  people  now  were  not  trained 
with  the  care  that  was  exercised  by  parents  in  former  generations. 
Then  children  were  taught  from  their  infancy  to  respect  their  elders, 
and  were  early  made  to  take  a  share  in  the  care  and  work  of  the 
household.  Not  that  they  were  held  back  from  play  and  childish 
pleasures,  but  light  tasks  were  assigned  them  which  they  were  obliged 
to  perform.  As  they  grew  in  years  they  were  cautioned  against 
habits  of  self-indulgence,  for  the  self-indulgent  youth  would  grow  up 
to  be  a  thriftless,  lazy  man,  and  the  feet  of  the  lazy  man  were  upon 
the  descending  road  that  led  to  crime  and  social  disgrace. 

To  the  youth  who  was  indolent,  who  would  not  make  an  effort, 
who  was  inert,  it  was  said  :  — 

"  If  you  are  lazy  you  will  wear  leggings  made  from  the  top  of  an 
old  tent  cover,  yellowed  by  smoke.  For  a  robe  you  will  cover  your 
shoulders  with  a  skin  that  has  been  used  for  a  pallet,  pieced  out 
with  the  fore  part  of  a  hide  ;  such  is  the  lazy  man's  clothing." 


The  "  Lazy  Man  "  in  Indian  Lore.  loi 

To  see  this  picture  from  the  Indian's  standpoint,  one  must  needs 
know  his  peculiar  habits  and  customs. 

The  forlorn  costume  of  this  picture  indicated  how  low  the  lazy 
man  had  sunk  in  self-respect.  The  trim  leggings,  which  set  off  the 
straight  limbs  of  a  man,  were  here  shapeless,  clumsy,  and  unseemly  ; 
the  robe,  which  custom  required  to  be  worn  in  many  different  ways 
to  suit  many  different  occasions,  is  here  of  rough,  coarse  hide,  which 
had  been  chosen  for  its  thickness  to  serv^e  as  a  bed  and  cut  to  suit 
that  purpose.  Its  shape  and  size  precluded  its  being  wrapped  about 
the  lazy  man's  figure.  Even  when  it  was  pieced  out  with  the  refuse 
ends  of  a  hide,  it  lacked  pliancy  and  was  incapable  of  adjustment, 
and  could  not  meet  the  requirements  of  a  man  whose  position  in  the 
tribe  was  one  of  dignity  and  importance. 

In  contrast  to  this  warning  picture,  the  appearance  of  the  thrifty 
man  was  thus  presented  :  — 

"  The  energetic  man  wears  leggings  of  well-dressed  deerskin  ; 
his  robe  is  of  the  finest,  well  dressed  and  soft,  and  ornaments  hang 
in  his  ears.     Such  is  the  dress  of  the  industrious  man." 

Again  it  is  necessary  to  explain  an  Indian  custom.  In  this  picture 
not  only  were  the  leggings  and  robe  of  the  best,  but  the  man  was 
able  to  have  something  more ;  he  could  wear  ornaments.  This  not 
only  indicated  ability  on  his  part  to  procure  them,  but  it  also  showed 
that  he  was  held-  in  high  regard  by  his  relatives  ;  for  in  order  to  have 
a  hole  bored  in  the  ear,  the  father  or  other  near  of  kin  must  make 
a  valuable  gift  to  the  man  invited  to  perform  this  ceremony.  The 
boring  of  a  hole  in  each  ear  often  cost  the  value  of  a  horse.  It  was 
not  uncommon  to  see  men  and  women  in  a  tribe  with  the  inner  edge 
of  the  helix  so  pierced  that  the  outline  of  the  ear  was  fringed  with 
ornaments ;  every  hole  had  cost  some  one  a  gift,  so  that  only  those 
who  were  held  in  respect  by  well-to-do  and  industrious  people  could 
receive  this  mark  of  regard. 

The  social  estimate  of  the  industrious  and  of  the  lazy  man  is  aptly 
described  in  these  admonitory  sayings  of  the  old  people.  The  youth 
is  told  :  — 

"  If  you  are  lazy  your  tent-skin  will  be  full  of  holes.  No  one  will 
have  pleasure  in  speaking  to  you.  A  man  in  passing  will  give  you 
a  word  with  only  a  side  glance,  and  never  stand  face  to  face  in  talk- 
ing with  you.  You  will  be  sullen,  hardly  speaking  to  those  who 
address  you.  Such  is  the  temper  of  the  lazy  man.  No  one  mourns 
for  the  thriftless  ;  he  dies  friendless  and  alone,  and  no  one  knows 
where  he  is  buried." 

"  The  energetic  man  is  happy,  easy  of  approach,  and  pleasant  to 
talk  with.  Even  where  only  two  or  three  are  gathered  to  a  feast,  he 
is  among  the  invited.     The  thrifty  man  is  known  and  spoken  of  in 


102  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

the  tribe.  He  is  able  to  entertain  guests,  he  can  be  generous,  he 
can  help  those  that  are  weak,  and  all  his  actions  bring  happiness. 
This  man  is  visited  upon  his  deathbed,  there  are  many  to  mourn  for 
him,  and  he  is  long  remembered." 

In  Indian  aphorisms  high  social  estimation  is  directly  imputed  to 
the  effect  of  habits  voluntarily  acquired.  The  initial  step  to  a  manly 
independence  is  pointed  out  to  the  youth,  who  stands,  as  it  were, 
where  the  ways  divide,  —  one  leading  up  to  social  honor,  the  other 
downward  to  social  disgrace.     He  is  told  :  — 

"You  must  learn  to  make  arrows," 

"  Arrows,"  said  the  old  man,  stopping  to  explain  to  me,  "  are  man's 
most  important  possession  ;  he  must  know  how  to  make  them  so  they 
will  be  straight  and  true,  and  his  quiver  must  always  be  full.  With 
arrows  he  kills  the  game  required  for  food  and  clothing,  and  with 
arrows  he  defends  his  home  and  his  tribe  from  outside  enemies.  A 
man  to  be  a  good  hunter  and  a  good  warrior  must  depend  upon  him- 
self, must  have  things  of  his  own,  and  to  have  them  he  must  be 
industrious.  So  the  young  man,  if  he  would  enter  upon  the  path  of 
honor  and  prosperity,  must  begin  by  learning  how  to  make  arrows." 

Again,  "  If  you  do  not  learn  to  make  arrows,  a  young  man  who  is 
industrious  may  show  you  his  arrows,  and  you  may  be  tempted  to 
steal  from  him." 

And,  "  The  lazy  man  is  apt  to  be  envious,  and  so  be  led  to  take 
what  belongs  to  another,  — a  robe,  a  pair  of  moccasins,  or  a  horse  ; 
andthe  man  who  steals  is  shunned  by  all  people." 

If  the  lazy  escape  this  depth  of  social  disgrace  they  may  fall  into 
a  condition  nearly  as  bad,  for  we  are  told:  "If  you  are  lazy  you 
will  borrow  a  horse  ;  it  may  be  that  you  will  borrow  from  a  man  who 
has  no  position  in  the  tribe,  but  you  will  feel  proud  to  ride  a  horse, 
although  it  is  not  your  own.  You  may  even  borrow  a  bridle,  too. 
The  man  who  borrows  is  disliked  by  those  from  whom  he  borrows, 
whoever  they  may  be.  The  man  who  borrows  falls  into  poverty  and 
dependence,  and  finally  goes  to  a  neighboring  tribe  to  avoid  meet- 
ing his  own  people." 

The  lazy  man  loses  all  sense  of  propriety  and  is  unable  to  estimate 
rightly  the  value  of  such  things  as  he  may  happen  to  possess ;  for 
the 'admonition  satirically  says:  "If  you  are  lazy,  and  by  chance 
have  a  horse  that  is  stalled,  or  blind,  or  disjointed  in  the  hip,  you 
will  think  that  you  possess  property,  that  you  are  well  off  !  " 

An  examination  of  the  Omaha  words  translated  "lazy,"  "ener- 
getic," "thrift,"  or  "  thrifty,"  in  the  sense  of  acquiring  property, 
will  help  to  a  clearer  understanding  of  these  sayings  and  reveal  some 
of  the  workine:s  of  the  Indian  mind. 


The  "  Lazy  Man  "  m  Indian  Lore.  103 

The  word  wa-shkon  is  well  translated  by  our  word  "  energy,"  the 
power  to  act  effectively,  to  bring  about  results,  to  change. things. 
Wa-skkon  is  used  not  only  to  characterize  a  man  of  personal  strength, 
who  by  his  muscular  power  can  overthrow  another,  but  it  is  also 
applied  to  the  putting  forth  of  mental  power  so  as  to  bring  things 
to  pass.  The  priests  in  their  fasts  and  rituals  are  exercising  "  wa- 
shkon  "  in  bringing  the  supernatural  near.  Shkon  is  to  move.  The 
study  of  the  prefix  wa  leads  us  deep  into  the  primitive  mind.  It 
stands  for  the  ego,  the  centre  from  which  man's  observation,  conjec- 
ture, and  thought  ever  radiates.  It  represents  the  directive  force, 
the  power  to  will,  the  ability  to  bring  to  pass,  inherent  in  man's  con- 
sciousness. Wa-shkon  is  therefore  composed  of  two  elements,  —  the 
subjective  zva,  that  stands  for  the  power  to  direct,  to  determine,  and 
the  objective  shkon,  to  move,  to  act,  to  exercise  strength. 

The  energetic  man  is  to  the  Indian  one  who  directs  his  strength. 

"Thrift,"  that  is,  having  the  power  of  accumulating,  of  possess- 
ing wealth,  is  spoken  of  as,  oii-ki-iie  wa-kon-da-gi.  Oti-ne,  he  seeks 
or  searches  ;  ki,  a  reflexive  pronoun,  meaning  for  himself.  Wa-kon- 
da-gi  is  an  adverbial  term,  signifying  that  he  searches  for  himself 
through,  or  because  of,  the  kinship  of  his  own  powers  to  those  of 
wa-kon-da,  that  mysterious  directive  force  that  animates  all  nature. 
The  power  to  do  a  thing  is  wa-kon-da-gi.  The  Omaha  word  wa- 
kon-da  has  within  it  three  elements,  —  the  fundamental  wa,  the  ego 
principal ;  kon,  which  indicates  a  moving,  a  going  forth,  allied  to  the 
idea  of  desire ;  da,  which  has  in  it  the  formulative  element.  The  word 
stands  for  the  power  which  brings  to  pass,  which  moves  in  all  things, 
and  in  that  sense,  for  God.  The  suffix  gi  adds  the  idea  of  like,  or 
akin  to.  Thus  the  idea  of  "  thrift,"  the  accumulation  of  wealth,  is 
expressed  in  the  Indian  tongue  by  a  word  which  indicates  that  the 
man  has  achieved  this  wealth  by  his  own  effort,  searching  for  him- 
self and  exercising  powers  that  are  like  or  akin  to  those  which  bring 
to  pass  all  things  in  nature.  This  word,  however,  should  be  viewed 
in  the  light  of  Indian  ceremonies  and  beliefs  concerning  wa-kon-da, 
all  of  which  have  one  dominating  idea,  that  man  is  ever  dependent 
upon  the  supernatural  to  supplement  his  own  strength. 

The  term  for  "  lazy,"  oii-ki-g  dhi-a-ge,  can  be  resolved  into  oii-dhi- 
a-ge,  he  protests  against  or  refuses  to  do ;  ki,  a.  reflexive  pronoun,  for 
himself ;  gi,  his  own  or  related  to  him.  The  doubling  of  these  pro- 
nouns adds  emphasis  to  the  statement.  The  term,  therefore,  means 
he  refuses  to  do  for  himself  those  things  which  belong  to  him  to  do. 
The  term  really  means  more  than  lazy,  for  it  carries  the  idea  that 
he  who  thus  refuses  to  do,  or  protests  against  doing  those  things  for 
himself  which  it  is  his  duty  to  do,  exercises  his  will,  makes  a  choice, 


104  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

determines  to  so  act,   and  is  not  constrained  by  outward  circum- 
stances. 

From  the  analysis  of  these  words  it  is  evident  that  the  Indian  holds 
the  individual  responsible  for  his  own  actions  and  for  the  habits 
he  permits  himself  to  form.  The  injunction  to  the  youth  to  "make 
arrows  "  embodies  in  terse  form  a  moral  teaching  :  the  necessity  of 
action,  and  that  action  with  purpose,  and  that  purpose  to  embrace 
not  only  the  welfare  of  the  man  himself,  but  that  of  his  kindred  and 
of  his  tribe. 

If  a  youth  does  "not  make  arrows,"  he  will  envy  one  who  has 
made  them,  and  he  will  either  borrow  and  become  a  burden,  or  he 
will  sink  to  the  level  of  the  thief  and  bring  trouble  upon  the  entire 
community. 

These  homely  sayings,  which  contain  such  wise  observations  of 
human  nature  and  such  good  moral  teaching,  are  so  picturesquely 
worded  that  they  cling  to  the  memory  of  the  young ;  they  serve  as 
a  spur  throughout  the  active  years  of  life,  and  they  receive  from 
the  old  the  approval  of  long  experience.  To  us  they  reveal  the 
Omaha  Indian's  estimate  of  the  value,  to  one  who  would  become 
vigorous  in  mind  and  body,  moral  and  independent,  of  acquiring 
what  we  should  denominate  industrious  habits  ;  a  practical  view  of 
life  that  seems  not  to  be  peculiar  to  any  race  or  to  any  age, 

Alice  C.  Fletcher. 
Washington,  D,  C. 


Folk  Materia  Medica.  105 


FOLK   MATERIA   MEDICA.i 

It  has  occurred  to  every  one,  doubtless,  that  in  the  mass  of  super- 
stitious, empirical  beliefs  held  among  the  ignorant  concerning  mate- 
rials useful  as  medicines,  some  small  portion  of  truth  must  be 
present.  Of  course,  among  these  remedies  we  find  some  capable,  as 
far  as  we  can  see,  of  producing  beneficial  results  chiefly  through  the 
effect  on  the  mind  of  the  patient.  We  have  bread  pills  and  colored 
water  still  present  as  valued  aids  to  the  physician  and  also  to  the 
patient.  Still,  we  cannot  suppose  that  the  action  of  all  folk  reme- 
dies can  be  thus  explained.  This  supposition  is  borne  out  by  the 
large  number  of  animal  and  plant  drugs  that  have  come  down  to  us 
from  the  remote  past.  Probably  less  that  two  dozen  out  of  the  num- 
ber now  in  general  use  have  been  introduced  during  the  century  just 
closed.  Since  chemistry  and  the  other  experimental  sciences  now 
contributing  to  a  better  understanding  of  the  properties  of  drugs 
have  been  in  efficient  service  in  this  respect  for  less  than  one  hun- 
dred years,  it  follows  that  the  great  bulk  of  the  recognized  remedies 
of  plant  and  animal  origin  antedate  the  modern  methods  of  investi- 
gation, and  have  come  down  to  us  from  the  folk  medicine  of  former 
centuries  recommended  chiefly  by  their  reputation  for  good  works. 
Thus  the  line  separating  folk  materia  medica  from  that  of  the  modern 
schools  of  medicine  cannot  be  drawn,  the  latter  growing  out  of  the 
former  as  the  tree-trunk  grows  from  its  roots. 

When  one  casts  about  for  a  limit  to  what  may  be  termed  folk 
materia  medica  as  distinguished  from  the  materia  medica  of  the 
schools,  another  relation  soon  becomes  clear.  As  we  trace  the 
development  of  our  present  knowledge  and  practice  in  the  matter 
of  drugs  back  to  its  sources,  we  follow  from  the  earliest  times  to  the 
present  a  gradually  ascending  scale,  marked  by  a  decreasing  empha- 
sis on  the  grosser  and  more  fanciful  aspects,  and  we  see  a  more 
intelligent  and  rational  aspect  more  and  more  clearly  defining  itself. 

Thus  the  beginnings  of  our  present  materia  medica  antedate  the 
most  ancient  papyrus  or  inscription.  It  seems  to  have  had  its  begin- 
nings in  Egypt,  Phoenicia,  and  India.  These  strands  were  woven 
together  by  the  Greeks,  and  collected  by  their  restless  and  untiring 
travellers.  We  may  trace  the  development  down  through  the  Ro- 
mans and  Arabians,  each  time  and  people  contributing  according  to 
its  special  genius.  Hippocrates  and  Dioscorides  among  the  Greeks  ; 
Celsus,  Galen,  and  Pliny  from  the  Roman  period  ;  Avicenna,  Mesue, 
and  Rhazes  among  the  Arabians  —  all  were  for  centuries  names  of 

^  A  paper  read  before  the  Cambridge  and  Boston  Branches  of  the  American 
Folk-Lore  Society. 


1 06  Journal  of  A  merican  Fo Ik-Lore. 

authority.  The  school  of  Salerno  and  the  Benedictine  monks  of 
Monte  Casino,  hard  by,  for  hundreds  of  years  preserved  the  know- 
ledge of  the  art  of  healing  from  becoming  merest  superstition. 

Germany,  under  the  patronage  of  Charlemagne,  and  Venice,  from 
the  vantage  ground  of  her  world-wide  commerce,  took  the  torch  of 
learning  from  the  failing  hand  of  the  Arabian  and  passed  it  over  to 
Europe.  Among  the  important  later  names  follow  Albertus  Magnus 
at  Ratisbon,  Valerius  Cordus,  Gesner,  Brunfels,  Bock,  and  the  other 
so-called  Fathers  of  Botany.  This  group  of  German  physicians  and 
pharmacists  rendered  distinguished  service. 

A  somewhat  later  figure,  well  known  through  Browning,  was  Par- 
acelsus, who  announced  the  doctrine  of  signatures.  This  dogma 
stated  that  every  plant  having  useful  medicinal  properties  bears 
somewhere  about  it  the  likeness  of  the  organ  or  part  of  the  body  upon 
which  it  exerts  a  healing  action.  Traces  of  this  doctrine  may  be 
seen  in  many  of  those  popular  plant  names  which  impute  medicinal 
properties  to  the  species  concerned.  The  hepatica,  with  its  lobed  leaf, 
was  thought  to  be  a  sovereign  remedy  for  liver  complaints.  The 
lungwort,  the  lichen,  Sticta  pnlvionaria,  resembling  the  reticulated 
surface  of  the  lung,  was  long  held  to  be  a  valuable  remedy  for  lung 
troubles.  This  man  had  a  very  original  mind  and  powerful  person- 
ality, and  left  many  other  thoughts  to  influence  later  times.  He 
held  that  illness  and  disease  are  matters  concerning  principally  the 
spirit,  and  he  maintained  that  drugs  influence  health  only  as  they 
act  through  the  organs  of  the  body  on  the  soul  or  spirit.  He  further 
imputed  spiritual  properties  to  drugs  (or  arcana,  as  he  chose  to  call 
them),  and  held  that  the  operation  of  the  drug  back  of  the  physical 
machine  is  essentially  an  action  of  spirit  on  spirit.  Accordingly,  he 
studied  how  he  might  rid  drugs  as  far  as  possible  of  their  bodies,  and 
obtain  their  essences  or  active  principles  separated  from  the  crude 
substance  of  the  herb  or  bark  or  root. 

With  the  later  names  of  Scheele,  the  chemist  who  discovered 
oxygen  simultaneously  with  Priestly,  Caspar  Neumann  of  Berlin, 
Trommsdorf  of  Erfurt,  Sertiirner  of  Paris,  Liebig,  Wohler,  Berg, 
and,  in  our  own  generation,  Fliickiger,  Hanbury,  and  Schmiedeberg, 
we  come  down  to  our  own  times.  Only  highly  civilized  lands,  how- 
ever, exhibit  a  development  of  medical  knowledge  represented  by 
these  later  names.  The  more  ignorant  classes  and  peoples  fall 
short  according  to  the  degree  of  their  ignorance.  In  the  extreme 
case  of  savages  in  many  parts  of  the  earth,  we  find  a  situation 
even  more  primitive  than  that  represented  by  Egypt  in  the  times  of 
the  Ebers  papyrus.  Thus,  the  same  natural  principle  by  which  the 
life  of  any  individual  epitomizes  the  life  history  of  the  race,  from 
its   lowest  stages  of   development   to   the   highest,  applies  to   the 


Folk  Materia  Medica.  '  107 

materia  medica  of  the  earth  at  this  present  time,  illustrating,  as  it 
does,  all  the  various  stages  of  development  through  which  has  come 
down  the  knowledge  possessed  by  the  most  enlightened  moderns. 

In  what  has  been  thus  far  said,  I  have  tried  to  show  that  it  is  dif- 
ficult to  tell  how  far  the  use  of  drugs  as  now  practised  is  a  result 
of  scientific  activity  and  how  far  it  is  an  inheritance  from  the  folk 
remedies  of  former  times.  The  former  state  grades  into  the  latter. 
Since  it  is  hardly  useful  to  further  prosecute  our  search  for  a  well 
defined  limit  to  our  subject,  we  may  waive  the  matter  and  define  folk 
materia  medica  as  that  body  of  substances  which  in  the  popular  belief 
possess  efficacy  as  remedies,  although  no  confirmation  has  been 
offered  by  men  of  science.  In  what  follows  I  shall  show  that 
science  has  often  merely  put  its  official  stamp  on  folk  beliefs  in  pro- 
ducing our  present  materia  medica,  and  raise  the  presumption  that 
it  will  do  so  many  times  more.  The  bushel  of  chaff  has  already 
yielded  much  good  grain,  and  may  yield  still  more. 

Since  a  reasonable  time  limit  would  exclude  any  exhaustive  dis- 
cussion of  the  subject,  I  have  noted  only  a  few  of  the  more  interest- 
ing and  significant  items  of  animal  and  plant  materia  medica. 

It  is  possible  from  descriptions  and  pictures  coming  down  from 
earlier  centuries,  as  seen  in  the  interesting  works  of  Behrendes,  Peters, 
and  others,  to  form  some  idea  of  the  stock  kept  by  drug  dealers  of 
centuries  ago.  The  most  conspicuous  features  were  dried  reptiles, 
bundles  of  herbs  or  simples,  packets  of  various  animal  substances, 
dried  organs  and  excreta.  The  large  part  played  in  primitive  mate- 
ria medica  by  drugs  of  animal  origin  is  very  striking.  In  order  to 
give  an  idea  of  the  items  of  such  a  stock,  I  have  transcribed  some 
of  the  articles  mentioned  in  lists  of  European  origin  dating  back  from 
one  to  two  hundred  years. 

Fats,  from  elk,  lamb,  duck,  wild  duck,  eel,  goose,  wild  boar,  bittern, 
dog,  seal,  goat,  stork,  beaver,  wild-cat,  lion,  leopard,  monkey,  snake, 
he-bear,  she-bear,  etc. 

Marrozv,  from  bones  of  the  lamb,  donkey,  goat,  deer,  horse,  calf. 

Gall,  from  the  hawk,  rabbit,  pickerel,  ox,  bear. 

Liver,  of  the  eel,  deer,  wolf,  otter,  calf. 

Blood,  of  the  deer,  dove,  rabbit,  hog,  and  calf. 

Lungs,  of  the  deer,  bear,  and  fox. 

Teeth,  of  the  wild  boar,  beaver,  hippopotamus,  rabbit,  wolf,  trout. 

Excrevient,  from  various  animals. 

Bones,  from  various  animals. 

Hair,  from  cats,  deer  ;  ram's  wool ;  partridge  feathers. 

Bees,  toads,  crabs,  cuckoos,  incinerated  after  drying. 

Amber,  spiders,  lobster  claws,  horns  of  stag  beetle,  brains  of  spar- 
row and  rabbit ;  shells  of  most  various  mollusks  ;  corals. 


io8  youmdl  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Ants,  lizards,  leeches,  earthworms,  pearl,  musk,  honey,  crabs' 
eyes,  eyes  from  wolf  and  pickerel,  ants'  eggs,  hens'  eggs,  ostrich 
eggs,  cuttle-fish  bone,  dried  serpents,  hoofs,  linen  cloths  steeped  in 
blood. 

An  uncanny  list  we  shall  all  agree  !  It  may  be  interesting  to  men- 
tion a  fact  of  which  I  have  been  informed  by  Professor  Miyoshi,  of 
the  Imperial  University  of  Japan,  that  in  that  country  at  the  present 
time  small  lizards  are  taken  in  an  entire  and  living  condition  for 
digestive  troubles. 

As  materia  medica  developed  in  Europe,  the  tendency  to  make 
use  of  animal  drugs  began  to  decline.  Ten  years  ago  not  more  than 
fifteen  found  much  recognition.  The  most  important  were  ox  gall, 
cod  liver  oil,  pepsin,  lard,  tallow,  and  musk.  Within  the  last  decade, 
however,  there  has  been  a  most  marked  revival  in  the  use  of  animal 
drugs,  and  the  market  now  offers  a  large  number  of  extracts  of  ani- 
mal organs.  Let  me  quote  a  sentence  or  two  from  a  well-known 
pharmaceutical  journal  of  August,  1899:  "Organic  medication 
occupies  an  important  position  in  the  medical  literature  of  the  past 
year.  The  material  adduced  in  its  favor  has  gradually  become  so 
extensive  that  the  reserve  with  which  its  doctrines  were  received  has 
given  way  to  a  general  recognition  of  their  substantiality.  It  remains 
for  the  future,  as  a  scientifically  established  fact,  that  the  specific 
function  of  a  pathologically  changed  or  entirely  suppressed  human 
gland  is  capable  of  restitution  by  the  introduction  of  a  corresponding 
glandular  substance  of  animals."     (Pharm.  Rev.,  Aug.  1899,  p.  336.) 

I  will  mention  some  of  the  best  proved  remedies  derived  from 
animal  organs  and  cite  some  of  the  troubles  for  which  they  are  use- 
ful. 

The  cerebrum  of  different  animals,  dried  or  fresh,  is  a  very  eflfi- 
cient  remedy  for  lockjaw  (tetanus)  and  for  certain  classes  of  ner- 
vous troubles.  It  is  capable  of  rendering  harmless  the  alkaloid 
strychnine,  a  conspicuous  nerve  stimulant,  and  morphine,  an  alkaloid 
equally  marked  as  a  sedative.  The  thyroid  gland  acts  favorably  on 
the  circulation  in  a  number  of  troubles  :  helps  cases  of  goitre,  and 
so  influences  the  nutrition  as  to  reduce  obesity.  The  pituitary  gland 
increases  the  rate  of  the  heart  beat  and  raises  the  blood  pressure. 
It  is  used  when  this  structure  in  the  brain  does  not  function  properly. 
The  spleen,  dried  and  pulverized,  is  useful  in  certain  mental  troubles 
characterized  by  stupor  and  general  weakness.  Extracts  prepared 
from  the  ciliary  body  and  vitreous  body  of  the  eye  are  used  in  a  num- 
ber of  optical  difficulties. 

From  the  examples  cited  and  from  others  not  given  it  appears 
probable  that  all  the  organs  of  the  body,  as  obtained  from  the  com- 
mon  animals,    when    properly   prepared   and    administered,  are  of 


Folk  Materia  Medica.  109 

marked  effectiveness  in  disease,  and  act,  in  general,  according  to  the 
old  popular  notion  that  an  organ  from  an  animal,  used  as  a  remedy, 
strengthens  the  corresponding  organ  of  the  patient.  Thus  a  large 
class  of  the  folk  remedies  just  cited  seem  to  receive  a  sufficient 
vindication  at  the  bar  of  twentieth  century  science.  In  this  par- 
ticularly unpromising  bushel  of  chaff  there  has  been  found  a  large 
measure  of  grain. 

A  number  of  other  classes  of  animal  remedies  remain.  Let  us 
consider  those  consisting  of  the  blood  of  various  animals.  In  a  recent 
summary  on  the  subject  at  least  fifteen  preparations  of  blood  are 
mentioned  as  now  on  the  market.  They  are  prescribed  for  patients 
suffering  from  deficient  blood  supply  and  from  poor  assimilation. 
Arterial  blood  dried  and  powdered  is  sometimes  used  as  a  restora- 
tive, in  continuation  of  ancient  usage. 

Many  folk  remedies  for  skin  troubles  involve  the  external  applica- 
tion of  the  blood  of  various  animals.  An  interesting  collection  of 
such  uses  may  be  seen  in  Mrs.  Bergen's  "Animal  and  Plant  Lore." 

In  Maine,  blood  from  a  cat,  especially  a  black  cat,  is  recommended 
as  a  cure  for  "shingles."  Over  a  wide  area  of  Eastern  United 
States  the  freshly  removed  skin  is  preferred.  In  Cape  Breton,  black 
cat's  blood  is  said  to  be  good  for  ringworm.  Hives  are  believed  to 
be  cured  in  Eastern  Massachusetts  by  the  fresh  skin  of  a  black  cat. 
Sometimes  a  fowl  is  used  instead  of  a  cat. 

As  a  result  of  very  careful  work  by  investigators,  chiefly  European, 
it  has  been  shown  that  animals  are  protected  from  pathogenic  germs 
which  may  enter  the  blood,  by  a  class  of  antiseptic  substances  gen- 
erated or  localized  in  the  blood.  Here  these  germicidal  principles 
meet  and  usually  destroy  the  invaders.  The  nature  of  these  sub- 
stances is  not  well  known.  That  the  blood  of  one  animal  may  be 
poisonous  to  one  of  another  kind  has  been  well  authenticated.  Thus 
eel's  blood  has  somewhat  recently  been  shown  to  contain  a  substance 
classed  among  the  toxalbumins,  which  is  fatally  poisonous  to  rabbits 
when  injected  hypodermically  in  small  quantities.  The  resulting 
symptoms  strongly  suggest  those  following  the  introduction  of  snake 
poison. 

Since  some  of  the  skin  troubles  above  mentioned  in  connection  with 
blood  cures  are  known  to  be  due  to  the  presence  in  the  skin  of  small 
vegetable  parasites,  perhaps  bacterial  or  fungal  in  their  nature,  the 
suppression  of  the  trouble  by  the  use  of  fresh  blood  can  perhaps  be 
accounted  for  by  the  action  on  the  germs  of  the  antiseptic  principles 
contained  in  it.  I  shall  not  try  to  explain  why  the  cat  should  be 
black.  The  use  of  blood  in  curing  some  kinds  of  sore  mouth,  as 
recommended  in  Newfoundland,  may  perhaps  be  accounted  for  in  a 
similar  way. 


no  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

The  study  of  the  action  of  blood  has  shown  a  further  point.  Eel's 
blood,  when  properly  prepared  and  administered,  is  able  to  render 
animals  immune  from  harm  when  later  inoculated  with  snake  venom* 
This  brings  up  an  interesting  point  in  connection  with  the  use  of 
blood  or  of  flesh  of  nezvly  killed  animals  in  treating  snake  bites.  I 
notice  in  Mrs.  Bergen's  valuable  collection  the  statement  that  in 
Illinois,  Michigan,  and  Missouri  the  flesh  of  a  freshly  killed  chicken 
is  regarded  as  capable  of  effecting  a  cure. 

Bones  as  curative  agents  date  back  to  the  earliest  times,  and  are 
still  sometimes  cited  in  books  on  materia  medica.  The  bones  of 
domestic  animals  and  cuttlefish  bones  similarly  used  are  given  as  a 
remedy  for  an  acid  condition  of  the  stomach.  In  the  remedial  pro- 
cess, the  acid  combines  with  the  carbonates  of  the  bones.  Egg- 
shells, the  pearly  portions  of  the  shells  of  most  mollusks  and  corals, 
noted  in  the'  ancient  apothecary  stock,  are  likewise  useful  as  ant- 
acids. 

The  uses  of  fats,  whether  from  marrow  of  bones  or  from  other 
parts,  are  many  and  have  always  been  conceded  to  be  valuable. 

To  inquire  in  detail  into  all  animal  drugs  known  to  folk  materia 
medica  would  take  us  too  far,  but  it  has  been  shown,  I  hope,  that 
a  large  number  of  these  folk  beliefs  really  rest  on  a  basis  of  fact 
which  we  are  coming  more  fully  to  appreciate.  Nevertheless,  I  am 
not  sanguine  enough  to  look  for  any  rational  explanation  of  the  use 
of  hoofs,  or  of  teeth,  or  of  incinerated  cuckoos. 

Let  us  now  turn  our  attention  to  a  consideration  of  some  points 
concerning  remedies  of  vegetable  origin.  Plants  have  always  sup- 
plied a  large  proportion  of  the  medical  substances  used  by  all  peoples 
at  all  times.  At  the  present  time,  this  proportion  is  perhaps  less 
than  ever  in  the  past.  This  is  due  to  the  great  development  of 
organic  chemistry.  It  has  been  found  in  the  laboratory  to  what 
active  principles  plants  owe  their  medical  value,  and  what  is  the  molec- 
ular nature  of  these  active  principles. 

The  growing  ability  of  the  chemist  to  build  up,  synthetically,  mole- 
cules having  a  desired  molecular  structure  has  rendered  it  possible 
to  make  in  the  laboratory  a  large  number  of  substances  having  valu- 
able medicinal  qualities.  It  has  even  become  possible,  within  a  now 
limited  but  ever  widening  range,  to  indicate  from  the  structure  of  the 
molecule  its  physiological  action.  Thus,  as  chemistry  has  increased 
in  efficiency  in  this  direction,  plant  remedies  have  more  and  more 
become  relegated  to  the  list  of  herbs  and  simples.  There  is  no 
immediate  danger,  however,  that  plant  remedies  are  to  be  altogether 
superseded  by  the  products  of  the  laboratory. 

As  we  go  back  to  the  earliest  known  sources  in  the  history  of 
materia  medica,  we  find  prominent  in  the  list  of  plants  used  as  reme- 


Folk  Materia  Medica.  1 1 1 

dies  by  the  people  many  of  those  to-day  recognized  as  statidard  reme- 
dies. Inscriptions  on  temple  walls  in  Egypt,  dated  about  1700  b.  c, 
state  that  sea  voyages  to  parts  of  Africa  and  Arabia  were  made  in 
order  to  get  gum-arabic,  frankincense,  and  myrrh.  Probably  at  an 
equally  early  date  mastic,  cardamoms,  curcuma,  and  fenugreek  were 
used  in  Egypt,  and  coriander,  the  poppy,  and  the  castor-oil  plant  were 
under  cultivation.  The  Hebrews  and  Phoenicians  doubtless  knew 
all  these  products  and  many  more ;  since  aloes,  cinnamon,  saffron, 
olive-oil,  pepper,  and  others  are  added  to  the  list,  on  Old  Testament 
authority. 

At  a  very  ancient  date  camphor  seems  to  have  been  a  very  well- 
known  medicine  among  the  Chinese,  and  menthol  among  the  Jap- 
anese. 

During  the  centuries  of  Greek  and  Roman  predominance,  the  list 
was  much  increased  by  substances  brought  from  the  Orient  and 
other  sources.  Almonds,  squills,  pomegranate  bark,  anise,  fennel, 
nutgall,  savin  tops,  opium,  licorice,  scammony,  tragacanth,  male  fern, 
turpentine,  and  many  other  drugs  were  brought  into  use.  As  these 
nations  declined,  the  Arabians  assumed  the  leadership  in  affairs  of 
learning,  and  in  their  turn  enriched  the  world's  stock  of  remedial 
plant  substances.  Tamarinds,  nux  vomica  seeds  (source  of  strych- 
nine), cubebs,  senna  leaves,  and  rhubarb  were  among  the  number. 

Centuries  passed,  and,  as  new  lands  were  explored  and  the  medical 
traditions  of  new  peoples  were  learned,  additional  drugs  were  brought 
into  use.  The  discovery  of  the  American  continent,  embracing  all 
latitudes  and  conditions,  and  occupied  by  a  rich  and  varied  flora, 
offered  a  new  opportunity  for  hunters  of  drugs  and  spices.  The 
discovery  of  the  sassafras,  with  its  spicy  taste  and  fragrance,  won 
for  its  discoverer  more  immediate  honor  than  was  bestowed  on 
Columbus.  The  cinchona  barks,  ipecacuanha  root,  and  sarsaparilla 
were  among  the  important  drugs. 

During  the  last  twenty  years  the  leaves  of  Erythroxylo7i  coca  (the 
source  of  cocaine),  pilocarpus,  and  jaborandi,  and  the  seeds  of  stro- 
phanthus,  have  taken  their  place  among  recognized  remedies.  Such 
has  been,  in  barest  outline,  the  growth  of  the  knowledge  and  use  of 
plant  drugs. 

But  the  question  may  be  asked.  How  this  is  related  to  folk  materia 
medica }  The  relation  is  the  most  intimate,  as  I  hope  presently  to 
indicate.  Every  people  has  its  own  trusted  remedies,  usually  found, 
in  large  part,  among  the  plants  immediately  about  them.  The  value 
of  these  has  been  tested  and  handed  down  from  generation  to 
generation  as  a  precious  possession.  Certain  members  of  the  tribe 
or  village,  more  or  less  singled  out  by  their  skill  in  healing,  or  by 
their  keen  discrimination  in  identifying  the  useful  herbs,  preserved 


112  Journal  of  American  Polk-Lore. 

this  information,  this  medical  folk-lore.  As  commercial,  scientific, 
or  religious  incentives  led  more  enlightened  individuals  to  go  among 
these  races,  the  medical  properties  of  their  plants  became  matters 
of  great  interest,  and,  in  some  cases,  of  eventually  world-wide  sig- 
nificance. An  instance  will  suffice  to  illustrate  the  process.  In  the 
seventeenth  century  the  wife  of  the  governor  of  one  of  the  Spanish 
colonies  west  of  the  Andes  was  attacked  by  malarial  fever,  and 
seemed  likely  to  die.  The  natives  gave  to  a  Jesuit  missionary,  who 
worked  among  them,  bark  from  a  certain  kind  of  small  tree  growing 
on  the  slopes  of  the  Andes,  and  told  him  to  grind  it  up,  and  give  it 
to  the  countess  at  regular  intervals.  The  directions  for  use  and 
the  bark  were  duly  transmitted  and  tested.  The  countess  re- 
covered and,  being  of  a  philanthropic  disposition,  obtained  a  quantity 
of  the  powdered  bark  and  sent  it  to  Europe  for  use  among  the 
poor.  It  was  known  for  a  long  time  as  the  "  Countess  bark,"  and 
by  its  good  effects  attracted  much  attention  at  Madrid.  In  due 
time  the  plants  were  botanically  investigated  and  named  in  honor 
of  the  house  to  which  the  countess  belonged,  "  Chinchona."  This 
became  abbreviated  to  "Cinchona,"  the  generic  name  usually  applied 
to  these  trees.  In  course  of  time  the  active  principle  was  dis- 
covered by  the  chemists  and  named  *^  quinine.'' 

Jaborandi  leaves,  collected  in  the  Amazon  valley,  useful  in  dropsy, 
uraemia,  and  various  other  troubles,,  first  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
explorers  by  their  use  in  the  hands  of  the  natives  as  a  remedy  for 
snake  bite.  In  fact,  the  native  name  of  the  drug,  of  which  jaborandi 
is  a  corruption,  \s  jaguaratidi,  a  word  indicating  in  the  native  dialect 
this  useful  property.  The  most  conspicuous  action  of  the  drug  is 
seen  in  the  greatly  increased  action  of  the  sweat  glands,  a  feature 
immediately  suggesting  its  usefulness  in  dropsy  and  snake  bite. 

Coca  leaves,  borne  by  a  shrubby  plant  of  the  Bolivian  Andes,  were 
cultivated  by  the  natives  prior  to  the  Spanish  invasion.  The  leaves 
are  chewed  by  the  natives  for  their  peculiar  physiological  action. 
The  sense  of  fatigue  on  long  journeys  or  during  hard  labor  is 
lessened  and  a  sense  of  well-being  imparted.  This  fact  attracted 
the  attention  of  Europeans,  and  the  discovery  of  cocaine  resulted. 
This  drug  has  done  much  to  rob  minor  surgical  operations  of  their 
terror  by  numbing  the  endings  of  sensory  nerves. 

As  we  look  over  the  history  of  the  long  list  of  vegetable  drugs 
now  in  use,  we  see  that  a  previous  recognition  of  unusual  properties 
by  the  people  to  whom  they  were  known  as  medical  agents,  in  very 
many  cases  attracted  the  attention  of  students  of  medicine,  and  led 
to  their  introduction  into  scientific  medicine.  The  form  taken  by  this 
recognition  of  unusual  properties  varied  widely.  Strophanthus,  a 
remedy  now  widely  used  for  certain  heart  troubles,  was  first  brought 


Folk  Materia  Medzca.  1 1 3 

to  the  attention  of  explorers  of  equatorial  Africa  as  a  very  deadly 
arrow  poison,. so  deadly  as  to  paralyze  the  heart  when  but  slightest 
wounds  were  made  by  the  arrows.  Aconite  root,  supplying  the  well- 
known  remedy  of  the  same  name,  furnishes  arrow  poison  for  Malay 
tribes  of  southeastern  Asia  and  certain  Pacific  islands. 

The  calabar  bean,  Phy  so  stigma,  first  attracted  the  attention  of 
explorers  of  the  Niger  valley  through  its  use  in  ordeals.  Only  those 
plants  were  allowed  to  grow  which  were  cultivated  by  the  chief  of 
the  village  for  judicial  purposes.  A  person  accused  of  grave  crime 
was  brought  before  the  chief  and  sentenced  to  eat  the  seeds  of  this 
plant  until  either  vomiting  or  death  ensued.  If  death  resulted,  guilt 
was  regarded  as  certain.  This  deadly  seed  was  brought  to  Europe 
and  tested  in  the  light  of  its  function  in  the  Niger  valley.  As  a 
result  a  new  and  valuable  remedy  for  certain  exaggerated  nervous 
conditions  was  discovered. 

The  use  of  substances  in  connection  with  native  religious  services 
has  led  to  the  discovery  of  new  remedies.  Some  of  the  tribes  of 
Indian  Territory  observe  a  religious  occasion  of  which  the  chief  fea- 
ture is  the  chewing  of  the  so-called  "  mescal  buttons,"  dried  slices  of 
small  cacti  belonging  to  the  genus  Anhalotimm.  These  dried  slices 
are  chewed  until  a  state  of  great  exhilaration  is  reached  not  unlike 
that  following  the  use  of  hasheesh.  The  exhilaration  is  followed  by 
a  period  of  depression  and  sleep.  These  rites  came  to  the  attention 
of  students  of  materia  medica,  and  the  mescal  buttons  were  investi- 
gated. Hospital  tests  showed  that  the  alkaloidal  principle  contained 
in  the  cactus  furnishes  a  valuable  remedy  for  certain  troubles  of  the 
nervous  system. 

In  some  cases  the  hard  conditions  occasioned  by  war  have  forced 
a  people  to  a  study  of  the  resources  of  their  folk  materia  medica.  In 
Revolutionary  days,  when  the  accustomed  supply  of  remedies  from 
the  mother  country  failed,  the  colonists  turned  to  the  native  plants 
in  the  hope  of  substitutes.  The  general  use  of  the  bark  of  the  but- 
ternut as  a  purgative  is  said  to  date  from  that  time. 

The  history  of  Lobelia  iiiflata,  the  Indian  tobacco,  formerly  much 
used  in  regular  practice  as  an  emetic  and  anti-asthmatic,  was  an  unus- 
ually stormy  one.  Oldest  reports  indicate  that  it  was  used  by  Penob- 
scot Indians  and  white  colonists  in  domestic  medicine  as  early  as 
1770.  In  1785  that  all-around  genius.  Rev.  Manasseh  Cutler,  de- 
scribed its  emetic  properties  in  his  accounts  of  "  Indigenous  Vege- 
tables." Thompson,  the  founder  of  the  school  bearing  his  name, 
claimed  to  have  first  used  lobelia,  and  waged  war  on  Cutler,  as  well 
as  on  many  others.  By  dint  of  much  litigation,  by  the  death  of  a 
number  of  patients  from  the  effects  of  lobelia  given  by  Thompson, 
and  by  the  reported  death  of    many  more  from  the  same  cause, 

VOL.  XIV.  —  NO.  53.        8 


114  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

lobelia  was  widely  advertised.  Thus  in  the  early  decades  of  our 
national  history,  the  name  "  lobelia  "  was  the  slogan  in  the  medical 
profession  whereby  a  Thompsonian  was  identified.  It  would  carry 
us  too  far  to  cite  further  instances  in  this  direction. 

In  what  I  have  said,  I  hope  that  one  thing  may  have  been  made 
clear.  The  folk  materia  medica  of  any  time  or  land  need  not  alto- 
gether be  despised  when  looked  at  from  the  practical  standpoint. 
As  slang  phrases  and  barbarisms  introduce  candidates  for  mem- 
bership into  philological  polite  society,  so  the  medical  lore  of  the 
people  does  contain,  'and  has  always  contained,  elements  capable  of 
adaptation  and  use  in  skilled  hands.  It  is  the  crude  stuff  in  which 
much  of  value  lies  hidden.  For  the  student  of  folk-lore,  quite  apart 
from  utilitarian  considerations,  it  is  in  itself  a  sufficient  reason  for 
study. 

■  .       .     Rodney  H.  True. 

Cambridge,  Mass. 


Some  Traditional  Misconceptions  of  Law.  1 1 5 


SOME   TRADITIONAL   MISCONCEPTIONS   OF   LAW. 

We  are  somewhat  accustomed  to  regard  ourselves  as  being  free 
from  the  superstitions  and  prejudices  of  our  forefathers,  yet  it  is 
probable  that  the  present  generation  has  inherited  a  number  of  these, 
besides  generating  quite  as  many  misconceptions  of  fact  as  any  that 
have  preceded  it. 

Common  errors  of  beliefs,  especially  among  a  rural  population,  are 
largely  traditional,  and  therefore  peculiarly  tenacious. 

Country-folk,  however,  do  "not  maintain  a  monopoly  in  this  regard, 
for  town-dwellers,  especially  in  the  very  large  cities,  usually  possess 
quite  as  many  misconceptions.  Perhaps  owing  to  their  more  strenu- 
ous conditions  of  life,  they  are  given  to  opinions  in  matters  legal. 
In  no  case  is  this  more  marked  than  in  London,  where  some  very 
crude  superstitions  of  the  last  century  still  exist  as  to  what  is  or  is 
not  lawful. 

It  is  probable  that,  though  some  of  these  are  happily  quite  extinct, 
others  may  be  still  current  in  this  country,  and  may  possibly  be 
derived  from  the  city  of  London. 

It  was  at  one  time  commonly  believed  that  it  was  penal  to  open  a 
coal-mine  near  the  city,  a  very  questionable  venture  in  any  case. 
The  belief  may  have  grown  out  of  a  traditional  recollection  of  the 
prohibition,  as  a  pubhc  nuisance,  upon  its  first  introduction  as  a  fuel, 
of  the  use  of  coal  in  London,  by  King  Edward  the  First. 

Similarly  an  idea  prevailed  during  the  last  century  that  it  was  ille- 
gal to  plant  a  vineyard,  or  to  establish  a  sawmill  near  London,  thus 
ascribing  to  the  operation  of  imaginary  statutes  the  general  decad- 
ence of  the  vine  and  growing  scarcity  of  timber  at  that  period.  A 
common  saying  went  that  a  crow  must  not  be  killed  within  five  miles, 
of  London,  ^ by  which  title,  no  doubt,  the  common  rook  was  in- 
tended, as  the  genuine  carrion  crow  is  rarely  seen  in  south  England. 
Perhaps  the  suggestion  was'  semi-sarcastic,  in  allusion  to  the  incapa- 
bility of  cockney  sportsmen. 

It  was  and  is  still  supposed  to  be  unlawful  to  shoot  with  a  wind- 
gun,  or,  as  we  now  call  it,  an  air-rifle.  This  may  have  been  an  ex- 
tremely ancient  idea,  as  air-guns  have  been  known  since  a  century 
before  the  commencement  of  the  Christian  era,  when  the  principle 
was  invented  by  Ctesebius  of  Alexandria,  who,  however,  neglected 
to  take  out  a  patent,  so  that  when  the  idea  was  reinvented  by  Outer 
in  Germany  in  the  seventeenth  century,  he  was  considered  a  most 
original  genius.  No  doubt  the  popular  idea  of  their  prohibition  arose 
from  a  very  proper  appreciation  of  their  possible  misuse  and  their 
adaptability  for  secret  assassination.  . 


ii6  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

An  equally  practical  idea  is  that  the  use  of  a  dark  lanthorn  at 
night  is  illegal,  a  belief  probably  based  on  the  likelihood  of  being 
taken  for  some  evil-doer,  as  such  an  appurtenance  was  and  is  usually 
part  of  the  stock  in  trade  of  any  well-appointed  member  of  the  bur- 
gling profession.  A  watchful  police  would  now,  like  the  race  of 
watchmen  who  preceded  them,  interrogate  any  doubtful-looking 
character  with  a  bull's-eye  lantern,  and  the  carrying  of  a  ladder  after 
dark  is  now  considered  equally  suspicious. 

Old-time  credulity  could  scarce  proceed  further  than  in  the  com- 
mon notion  of  a  statute  which  would,  if  required,  compel  the  owners 
of  asses  to  crop  their  ears  lest  their  length  should  frighten  horses 
upon  the  road,  yet  such  was  the  belief.  I  have  met  with  this  con- 
ception in  the  modern  form  of  an  idea  that  bicycles  had  no  legal 
rights,  and  that  riders  were  liable,  if  horses  were  frightened  thereby. 
The  superior  right  of  foot  passengers  to  the  roadway  is  in  Eng- 
land a  well-founded  belief,  since  the  law  has  so  been  interpreted, 
and  herein  may  be  found  the  basis  of  the  solicitude  and  care  of  foot 
traffic  at  the  busy  crossings  in  London  so  generally  admired. 

If  such  ideas  prevailed  during  the  last  century  in  regard  to  the 
current  regulations  of  society,  the  vulgar  opinions  of  common  law 
would  scarcely  be  of  a  higher  character.  One  very  prevalent  belief, 
existing  even  until  recent  years,  when  the  property  of  married 
women  was  placed  on  a  basis  independent  of  that  of  their  husbands, 
was  that  a  man's  taking  his  wife  from  the  hands  of  the  priest,  clothed 
only  in  her  shift,  "would  exempt  him  from  liability  for  her  debts  or. 
engagements."  Cases  actually  occurred  of  this  nature.  One  such 
is  entered  in  that  curious  record  of  marriages  performed  in  the 
purlieus  of  the  Fleet  prison,  the  so-called  "  liberty  of  the  Fleet,"  by 
disfrocked  clergymen  and  others  who  assumed  that  semi-sacred 
character.  In  that  particular  instance  the  woman  came  across 
from  Ludgate,  a  respectable  locality,  in  her  scanty  garb. 

Another  is  thus. related  in  the  "Whitehall  Evening  Post"  of  Sat- 
urday afternoon,  June  30,  1792:  "A  correspondent  of  Bolton,  Lan- 
cashire, informs  us  that  a  few  weeks  ago  a  woman  appeared  at  the 
altar  divested  of  every  article  of  clothing,  except  a  shift  (and  the 
which  she  had  borrowed)  in  order  to  be  married.  It  appears  she 
took  her  lawyer's  opinion,  how  to  avoid  paying  a  former  husband's 
debts  ;  he  advised  her  to  appear  as  above.  The  minister  refusing 
to  officiate  while  she  was  in  her  chemise,  she  thus  addressed  her  in- 
tended spouse  :  '  Woot  marry  me  neau  .-*  tha  hcears  what  th'  parson 
says.'  '  Whoi  (said  the  man)  saut  things  ar  as  the  ar,  theaw  moight 
as  weel  get  beaunt ;  (that  is  get  out  of  it)  an  I  '11  e'en  ta  thee  for 
better  or  wo.'  " 

The  notions  of  the  vul^rar  on  legal  matters  were  sometimes  based 


Some  Traditional  Misconceptions  of  Law.  117 

on  slight  historical  grounds,  such  as  in  the  common  assertion  of 
would-be  reformers,  that  there  was  no  land-tax  previous  to  the  acces- 
sion of  William  the  Third.  While  land-taxes  were  levied  in  England 
in  the  year  990,  if  this,  the  Saxon  system,  be  excluded  from  the 
subject,  the  common  error  would  have  historical  foundation  in  the 
redistribution  or  settlement  of  land  taxation  in  the  above  king's 
reign. 

The  threat  of  the  pains  of  the  "crown-office"  on  the  most  trifling 
injury  was  as  common  as  the  modern  threat  of  the  terrors  of  the 
police,  or  the  expression,  "  I  '11  have  the  law  of  ye,"  for  every  trifling 
disagreement,  while  many  an  unfeeling  creditor  believed,  and,  I  have 
heard,  still  believes,  that  he  could,  at  the  worst,  realize  something 
upon  the  body  of  his  debtor  after  his  decease,  if  he  failed  to  deprive 
him  of  liberty  and  property  during  his  lifetime. 

Common  misconception  still  has  it  that  King  John  signed  Magna 
Charta ;  and  it  may  be  assumed  that  a  large  number  of  people  still 
retain  the  idea  that  the  sovereign  actually  signs  the  death  warrant 
for  the  execution  of  a  criminal,  and  thus  the  personal  interference  of 
the  iponarch  with  the  course  of  the  law  is  frequently  sought  over 
the  head  of  the  Home  Secretary. 

Finally,  some  poetic,  if  not  historical  license  might  be  pleaded  for 
that  dramatic  belief  that  the  corpse  of  a  murdered  person  would 
bleed  in  the  presence  of  the  murderer.  Thus  spoke  Anne  Neville  of 
Warwick  by  Shakespeare's  mouth,  as  the  bearers  set  down  the  coffin 
of  the  murdered  Henry  in  presence  of  Gloucester  :  — 

"  If  thou  delight  to  view  thy  heinous  deeds, 
Behold  this  pattern  of  thy  butcheries. 
O  gentlemen,  see,  see  !  dead  Henry's  wounds 
Open  their  congeal'd  mouths  and  bleed  afresh. 
Blush,  blush,  thou  lump  of  foul  deformity  ; 
For  't  is  thy  presence  that  exhales  this  blood 
From  cold  and  empty  veins,  where  no  blood  dwells ; 
Thy  deed,  inhuman  and  unnatural. 
Provokes  this  deluge  most  unnatural. 
O  God,  which  this  blood  mad'st,  revenge  his  death  !  " 

Reginald  Pelham  Bolton. 


ii8  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

RECORD   OF   AMERICAN   FOLK-LORE. 

NORTH    AMERICA. 

Algonkian.  Micmac.  At  pages  190-194  of  the  "Bulletin of  the 
Free  Museum  of  Science  and  Art"  (vol.  ii.  No.  3,  January,  1900), 
Philadelphia,  Dr.  A.  S.  Gatschet  describes  two  "  circular  split  fans, 
one  white  with  yellow  splints,  and  the  other  green  with  drab,"  ob- 
tained from  the  chief  of  the  "  Western  Counties  Indians  of  Nova 
Scotia,"  also  a  set  of  implements  for  the  Micmac  dice-game,  altes- 
/«'-^«,  obtained  from  the  same  source.  The  Micmac  terms  relating 
to  fans  and  the  materials  of  which  they  are  made  are  given,  the 
game  described,  and  the  Micmac  names  of  the  implements,  terms  of 
the  game,  etc.,  recorded.  The  dice,  the  bowl,  and  the  counting-sticks 
ar.e  figured  in  the  text. —  Mr.  J.  T.  Clark's  little  book,  "  Rand  and  the 
Micmacs  "  (Charlottetown,  P.  E.  J.,  1899,  pp.  xiii.-j-  81),  contains  some 
information  about  mission-work  from  the  diary  of  the  late  Dr.  S.  T. 
Rand,  also  a  brief  chapter  on  Micmac  mythology,  compiled  from  his 
observations.  —  Ampaho  and  Chcyoine.  In  the  "  Southern  Work- 
man "  (Hampton,  Va.)  for  December,  1900  (vol.  xxix.  pp.  721-723),  Mr. 
Frank  K.  Rogers  gives  a  brief  account  of  "  The  Rain-Dance  of  the 
Arapahoes  and  Cheyennes,"  as  performed  on  the  reservation  near 
El  Reno,  Oklahoma.  The  influence  of  white  surroundings  and  civ- 
ilization is  very  noticeable,  — the  bass  drum  was  borrowed  from  the 
Arapaho  school  band,  some  of  the  younger  participants  smoked  cigar- 
ettes, and  in  the  feast  that  followed  the  dance  several  boxes  of 
"  Uneeda  biscuits"  were  consumed.  Of  the  braves  who  took  part  in 
the  dance,  "  most  were  nearly  naked,  with  bodies  and  faces  painted, 
and  with  anklets  of  old-fashioned  round  sleigh-bells  strapped  loosely 
around  the  legs  just  below  the  knee."  —  Ojibiua.  In  the  "  South- 
ern Workman"  for  January,  1901  (vol.  xxx.  pp.  771-776),  Mabel  H. 
Barrows  gives  a  brief  illustrated  account  of  "  '  Hiawatha '  among  the 
Ojibway  Indians,"  the  subject  of  the  article  being  the  "pantomimic 
tableau  "  — rather  a  reminiscence  of  the  former  life  of  these  Indians 
than  a  real  adaptation  of  Longfellow's  work  —  performed  by  the 
Indians  of  Garden  River,-  Ontario,  for  the  poet's  family.  Of  little 
Hiawatha  we  are  told  that  "  in  learning  to  shoot  with  his  Httle  bow 
and  arrow  he  would  hit  the  mark  every  time."  Minnehaha  and 
Hiawatha  were  particularly  interesting.  It  is  planned  to  have  these 
tableaux  repeated  by  the  Indians  every  summer. 

Athapascan.  Navaho.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (N.  S., 
vol.  i.  pp.  638-642)  for  October-December,  1900,  Dr.  Washington 
Matthews  writes  about  "A  Two-Faced  Navaho  Blanket."  The  two- 
faced  blanket  (of  which  an  excellent  plate  accompanies  the  article)  is 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  119 

regarded  by  the  author  as  "  a  remarkable  instance  of  their  aptness  in 
learning,  and,  added  thereto,  an  example  of  their  inventive  advance- 
ment." In  the  last  300  years  the  Navahoes  "  have  become  a  race  of 
expert  loom-weavers,  and  they  have  accomplished  this  without  coercipn 
or  any  such  formal  methods  of  instruction  as  we  employ;  they  have 
picked  it  up  "  (p.  638).  They  have  far  outstripped  the  Pueblo  Indians, 
from  whom  they  have  taken  up  the  art.  There  seems  every  reason  to 
believe  that  the  double  or  reversible  weaving  is  of  Navaho  invention ; 
for  although  the  modern  golf -cloth  somewhat  resembles  it,  the  two- 
faced  blanket  is  siii  generis,  no  European  or  American  having  yet 
invented  a  loom  for  producing  such  a  fabric.  Nor  do  the  Navahoes 
know  of  the  two-faced,  hand-made  baskets  of  certain  Indians  of  the 
Pacific  coast.  The  Navaho  loom,  too,  "is  an  aboriginal  invention 
which  has  not  been  modified  since  pre-Columbian  days."  The  recent- 
ness  of  the  invention  appears  from  the  fact  that  "it  was  not  until 
about  the  year  1893  that  the  oldest  trader  in  the  Navaho  land  saw  a 
two-faced  blanket."  It  is  quite  probable  that  the  inventor  of  the 
process  was  a  Navaho  woman,  and  the  discovery  was  made  between 
1884  and  1893.  —  Apache.  The  third  and  fourth  sections  of  the  "  Be- 
navides's  Memorial,  1630,"  translated  by  Mrs.  E.  E.  Ayer,  edited  and 
annotated  by  Professor  F.  W.  Hodge  and  C,  F.  Lummis,  in  "The 
Land  of  Sunshine"  (vol.  xiii.  pp.  435-444)  for  December,  1900,  and 
January,  1901  (vol.  xiv.  pp.  39-52)  treats  largely  of  the  Apaches,  and 
pages  442-444  contain  valuable- notes  by  Professor  Hodge  on  the 
names  of  the  various  Apache  tribes  and  their  origins.  The  name 
Apache  is  a  Yuman  term  signifying  "  fighting  men  ; "  the  Mescaleros 
get  their  name  from  their  custom  of  eating  mescal  bread  ;  the  Llan- 
eros  are  the  "plainsmen  ;"  the  CJdricahna  are  so  called  "from  their 
former  mountain  home  {tsihl,  'mountain,'  kawa,  'great')  in  south- 
eastern Arizona  ;  the  Pinalefios  are  the"  pinery  people  ;"  the  Coyote- 
ros  are  said  to  have  formerly  lived  partly  on  coyotes,  hence  the  name. 
—  Atna.  In  the  "  American  Antiquarian  "  (vol.  xxiii.  pp.  137-139)  for 
March-April,  1901,  Miss  H.  Newell  Wardle  publishes  some  "Notes 
on  the  Designation  Atna."  The  author  concludes  that  "there  are 
two  tribes  known  as  Atnah,  one  to  the  northwest,  the  other  in  the 
southwest,  a  Tinne  and  a  non-Tinne  people."  She  also  thinks  that 
the  essential  part  of  the  appellation  of  the  northern  Atna  is  some 
form  oi gdelfnn,  a  stem  which  seems  to  signify  "glacier." 

CoAHUiA.  Professor  D.  P.  Barrows's  article  on  "The  Desert  of 
the  Colorado,"  which  appears  in  "The  Land  of  Sunshine"  (vol.  xiii. 
pp.  312-322)  for  November,  1900,  has  some  items  of  interest  con- 
cerning the  Coahuia  Indians.  The  explanations  of  a  number  of 
Coahuia  place-names  are  given.  The  author  considers  that  Fiske  in 
his  "Discovery  of  America"  has  done  the  Indians  of  this  region  an 


I20  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

injustice  by  thinking  them  incapable  of  the  invention  of  a  well,  for 
the  Coahuias  have  been  well-diggers  for  centuries,  their  occupation 
of  the  country  being  dependent  on  the  discovery  of  this  art.  The 
following  passage  may  be  reproduced  here  :  "  In  the  lower  part  of 
the  valley  water  can  usually  be  found  at  a  depth  of  from  12  to  15 
feet.  The  Indians  dig  a  series  of  pits  about  3  feet  deep,  one  within 
another,  forming  terraces  downward,  and  a  path  winds  along  one 
side  down  to  the  water's  edge,  by  which  the  woman  can  descend 
with  olla  on  her  head  and  dip  her  painted  vessel  full.  The  Coahuia 
name  for  these  wells  is  rather  pretty,  te-ma-ka-wo-mal.  Temal  means 
the  earth,  and  ka-wo-vial  is  an  olla  or  water  jar.  It  seems  to  be  the 
same  metonomy  that  in  New  Mexico  has  led  to  calling  a  pothole  in 
a  rock  a  tinaj'a"  (p.  320).  The  Coahuia  name  for  the  village  of 
Martinez  (as  the  old  Spaniards  called  the  site)  is  So-kut  men-yil,  "  two 
words  meaning  'deer'  and  'moonlight,'  so  called  because  of  frequent 
ceremonial  deer  hunts  that  long  ago  took  place  there." — In  the 
issue  of  "The  Land  of  Sunshine"  for  February,  1901,  Miss  Frances 
Anthony  writes  (pp.  I2i-i'25)  of  "An  Indian  Well,"  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Colorado  Desert.  Both  the  author  and  the  editor  of  the 
magazine  consider  that  western  aboriginal  workmanship  in  stone 
implements  is  in  no  wise  inferior,  but  rather  superior  to  eastern  abo- 
riginal workmanship,  where  a  fair  comparison  is  made.  At  this 
Indian  well  many  valuable  specimens  were  found,  —  arrowheads, 
metates  and  mullers,  fragments  of  pottery,  etc. 

Eskimo.  In  the  "Archivio  p.  1.  Studio  d.  Trad.  Pop."  (vol.  xix. 
pp.  108-111)  for  January-March,  1900,  there  is  an  article  on  "  Usi  e 
costumi  degli  Esquimesi,"  containing  general  items  of  customs  and 
usages,  gathered  from  various  writers,  but  without  specific  refer- 
ences. 

Iroquoian.  Hurous.  In  the  "Transactions  of  the  Ottawa  Lit- 
erary and  Scientific  Society"  (No.  2,  1899-1900,  pp.  69-92,  with 
map),  M.  Leon  Gerin  publishes  a  general  account  of  "The  Hurons 
of  Lorette."  The  topics  discussed  include  :  Labor,  property,  family, 
etc.  The  effects  of  white  influence  on  the  mode  of  living,  industries, 
etc.,  of  the  Hurons  have  been  very  great.  Says  the  author;  "Com- 
petition put  a  stop  to  the  manufacture  of  toboggans  and  lacrosses ; 
but  a  new  industry,  fancy  basket-making,  taken  from  the  Montagnais 
and  Abenakis,  some  ten  or  fifteen  years  ago,  was  introduced ;  and 
considerable  impetus  was  given  to  the  making  of  snowshoes  and 
moccasins  and  to  the  making  of  hides."  The  only  industry  which 
these  Indians  have  kept  to  themselves  is  snowshoe  making  ("not 
more  than  two  French  Canadians  being  trained  in  the  art "),  How 
far  white  influence  has  really  gone  with  the  Hurons  of  Lorette  may 
be  judged  from  the  fact  related  on  page  Sy  that  one  of  the  old  men 


Record  of  American  Fa  Ik- Lore.  1 2 1 

actually  argued  with  the  author  the  case  for  man,  not  woman,  as  the 
race-maker,  — ,the  very  opposite  of  the  ancient  Iroquois  theory.  At 
Caughnawaga  things  have  not  gone  nearly  so  far.  The  French- 
Canadian  wives  of  many  of  these  Indians  have  been  an  important 
factor  in  some  of  the  transformations.  Of  the  children  at  Caughna- 
waga the  author  says  :  "  The  lively  chatter  they  are  carrying  on  in 
their  native  dialect  is  unexpectedly  interrupted  now  and  then  by  some 
popular  American  or  English  tune." 

KuLANAPAN.  In  the  "  American  Anthropologist  "  (N.  S.,  vol.  ii.pp. 
775,  ^^6)  for  October-December,  1900,  Mr.  J.  W.  Hudson  describes 
the  "Preparation  of  Acorn  Meal  by  Pomo  Indians."  These  Indians 
make  bread  from  any  of  the  light  varieties  of  acorns,  but  the  breads 
known  as  the  niici  (from  the  Querciis  agrifolia)  and  the  tsiipa  (from 
the  Qiiercus  densiflord)  are  esteemed  the  best.  The  red  ceremonial 
yeast  or  mdsil  {xtd  earth  in  solution)  gives  the  meal  a  dark  red  cast, 
while  the  7nakd'  (or  tarweed  meal)  turns  it  almost  black. 

Otomi.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (N.  S.,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
722-740)  for  October-December,  1900,  appears  a  translation  by  F.  F. 
Hilder  of  an  article  'by  Dr.  Nicolas  Leon  on  "  A  Mazahua  Cat- 
.echism  in  Testera-Amerind  Hieroglyphics."  Pages  730-740  are 
devoted  to  "an  exact  and  complete  reproduction  of  the  orginal  man- 
uscript" of  II  leaves.  The  MS.  contains  the  following:  Tpdojiel 
Cristiano ;  Pater,  Ave,  and  Credo;  Salve  Regina;  Decalogue  and 
Commandments  of  the  Church  ;  Sacraments  and  articles  of  Religion  ; 
Works  of  Mercy ;  Confession  ;  Declarations  of  the  Nombres  senal 
del  Cristiafto,  of  the  Creed,  the  Decalogue,  arid  the  Sacraments,  — 
all  in  questions  and  answers.  The  paper  of  the  MS.  is  "relatively 
modern,"  and  the  document  in  question  dates  probably  from  circa 
1 77 1.  In  this  MS.  the  hieroglyphs  are  of  what  the  authors  term  the 
"Testera-Amerind"  sort,  the  nature  of  which  can  be  understood 
from  the  following  :  "  Father  Jacob  de  Testera,  having  become  impa- 
tient at  his  inability  to  instruct  the  natives,  in  consequence  of  his 
ignorance  of  their  language,  availed  himself  of  paintings  on  linen, 
which  represented  the  substance  of  the  Catholic  doctrine ;  and, 
spreading  them  before  their  eyes,  he  caused  an  intelligent  native, 
who  had  been  instructed  by  him,  to  explain  them,  interpreting  what 
he  had  said."  This  device  of  the  missionary  seems  to  have  been 
suggested  to  him  by  "the  Indians  themselves,  "  who  previously  had 
used  an  analogous  didactic  method."  The  Otomi  Indians  (the  Ma- 
zahua is  of  this  linguistic  stock)  are  very  conservative.  "  For  them 
the  ages  have  passed  in  vain,  because  they  have  not  lost  the  racial 
type,  the  peculiar  language,  nor  their  aboriginal  customs  ;  the  dawn 
of  the  twentieth  century  finds  them  almost  identical  with  their  ances- 
tors of  the  sixteenth  century."     They  have  resisted  the  Latin  alpha- 


122    .  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

bet  to  such  an  extent  that  "  even  to-day  the  Testera-Amerind  writing 
is  in  use  among  them."  This  mixture  of  Indian  and  white  ingenuity- 
is  of  great  psychological  and  folklorical  interest.  Some  of  the  hiero- 
glyphs are  as  follows:  Ame7i  =  2i  bird's  wing;  a  sin  by  word=he3.d 
of  a  coyote  with  tongue  hanging  out;  from  between -2i  wing  and  a 
half  moon  ;  and=2i  hand  pointing  or  signalling  in  a  horizontal  posi- 
tion ;  r/^r«rt'/=  parallel  lines  ;  all-2i.  heap  of  human  heads.  Here  and 
there  above  some  of  the  hieroglyphs  are  Mazahua  words  in  Latin 
script.  This  "catechisme  en  images"  is  a  valuable  addition  to  our 
knowledge  of  the  products  of  Indian-white  contact  in  Mexico.  The 
Mazahuas,  according  to  Peiiafiel,  number  5577,  of  whom  all  but  255 
are  in  the  State  of  Michoacan.  The  Otomis  proper  count  161, 2or, 
and  the  Fame  2729  souls.     They  seem  to  be  still  a  flourishing  stock. 

Pueblos.  The  second  section  of  the  translation  of  "  Benavides's 
Memorial,  1630,"  by  Mrs.  E.  E.  Ayer,  annotated  by  Professor  F.  W. 
Hodge,  and  edited,  with  notes,  by  C.  F.  Lummis,  which  appears  in 
"The  Land  of  Sunshine"  (vol.  xiii.  pp.  345-358)  for  November, 
1900,  is  concerned  with  the  Pueblos  Indians,  —  Piros,  Tiguas,  Oueres, 
Tanos,  Zunis,  etc.  The  text  and  the  notes  contain  valuable  items 
of  information  about  the  past  and  present  condition  of  the  Indians, 
of  the  region  in  question. 

PujUNAN.  To  "  Science  "  (N.  S.,  vol.  xiii.  pp.  274,  275)  for  Febru- 
ary 15,  1901,  Dr.  Roland  B.  Dixon  contributes  a  note  on  "The 
Musical  Bow  in  California."  He  describes  the  kdwatone  pafida,  a 
sacred  bow  occurring  (rarely  at  present)  among  the  Maidu  Indians 
of  northern  California.  Its  use  "  is  restricted  to  the  medicine-men 
or  shamans,  and  other  persons  are  rarely  allowed  to  see  and  never 
allowed  to  touch  the  instrument."  Even  the  medicine-men  use  it 
"only  in  communicating  with  and  praying  to  the  kiikini  or  spirits," 
and  its  manufacture  "  is  accompanied  by  ceremonial  observances, 
including  the  rubbing  of  the  bow  with  human  blood."  These  and 
other  reasons  point  to  native  origin  and  militate  against  the  theory 
of  extra-American  origin; 

Sahaptian.  To  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (N.  S.,  vol.  ii. 
pp.  779,  780)  for  October-December,  1900,  Mrs.  R.  S;  Shackelford  con- 
tributes a  brief  note  on  the  "  Legend  of  the  Klickitat  Basket."  The 
first  weaver,  a  woman,  had  in  vain,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Shade, 
tried  to  make  a  water-tight  basket.  As  she  sat  despairing  by  the  side 
of  the  lake  and  looked  into  its  depths,  "the  pattern  was  revealed  to 
her  in  the  refracted  lines  she  saw,"  and,  returning  to  the  forest,  she 
soon  accomplished  her  task.  This  story  is  recorded  from  Lummi 
Island,  Bellingham  Bay,  Washington.  Few  Indians  to-day,  \ye  are 
told,  "  can  weave  a  perfect  pattern  and  a  perfect  basket." 

Seri.     The  monograph  of  Professor  W  J  McGee,  "The  Seri  In- 


Record  of  American  Folk-L.ore.  123 

dians,"  which  occupies  pages  1-344  of  "  The  Seventeenth  Annual 
Report  of  the  Bureau  of  American. Ethnology,"  is  a  comprehensive 
account  of  one  of  the  most  primitive  of  all  known  tribes.  These 
Indians  inhabit  the  island  of  Tiburon  in  the  Gulf  of  California,  and  a 
portion  of  the  mainland  of  Sofiora  adjoining.  Since  this  noteworthy- 
contribution  to  American  ethnology  is  reviewed  more  at  length  else- 
where in  this  Journal,  it  is  here  necessary  only  to  call  attention  to 
the  rich  store  of  materials  it  contains  for  the  student  of  primitive 
man  in  all  aspects  of  his  life.  Among  the  topics  treated,  which  are 
more  or  less  of  a  folk-lore  nature,  are  the  following  :  Symbolism  and 
decoration,  face-painting,  food-getting,  habitations,  dress,  war,  clans 
and  totems,  chiefship,  adoption,  marriage,  mortuary  customs,  etc.. 
The  mythology  of  the  Seri  is  briefly  noted  thus  (p.  11)  :  "The  Seri 
Indians  appear  to  recognize  a  wide  variety  of  mystical  potencies  and 
a  number  of  Zoic  deities,  all  of  rather  limited  powers.  The  Pelican, 
Turtle,  Moon,  and  Sun  seem  to  lead  their  thearchy." 

SiouAN.  Otnaha.  In  the  "  Southern  Workman  "  (vol.  xxix.  1900, 
pp.  554-556),  Francis  La  Flesche  writes  of  "The  Laughing  Bird, 
the  Wren,"  telling  the  Omaha  story  of  how  the  wren  defeated  the 
eaglcj  and  got  its  name  of  the  "  laughing  bird,"  kihahaja.  —  In  the 
same  periodical  for  February,  1901  (vol.  xxx.  pp.  106-109),  Mr,  La 
Flesche  tells  "The  Story  of  a  Vision,  a  tale  of  Indian  boy  life." — In 
connection  with  these  and  other  articles  of  the  author  should  be 
read  his  interesting  book  "The  Middle  Five"  (Boston,  1900),  a  story 
of  his  schoolboy  life,  an  American  Indian's  account  of  his  education 
under  white  auspices.  —  In  the  "  Southern  Workman"  for  March, 
1901  (vol.  XXX;  pp.  156-159),  F.  D.  Gleason  describes  "Omaha  Buri- 
als "  in  eastern  Nebraska.  The  "grave-house"  is  a  peculiarity  of  the 
Omaha  cemetery.  Among  other  things  to  make  it  less  gloomy,  the 
Indians  will  "cover  the  earth-walls  or  sides  with  white  cotton  cloth, 
hang  pictures  there,  and  place  the  knife,  gun,  and  other  personal 
property  in  the  grave,"  In  one  case  "the  grave  was  adorned,  by  a 
life-size  crayon  portrait  of  a  brother  of  the  departed."  In  the  Omaha 
cemetery  we  see  .the  influence  of  contact  with  the  white  race  crop- 
ping out  in  many  curious  ways. 

Uto-Aztecan.  Utes.  In  "  The  Land  of  Sunshine  "  (vol.  xiv.  pp. 
130-134)  for  February,  i90i,Mr.  L.  M.  Burns  publishes  the  first  part 
of  "  *  Digger  '  Indian  Legends."  The  central  figure  of  the  Digger 
Indians  of  Scott  Valley  in  northern  California  (a  tribe  never  a 
large  one,  and  rapidly  becoming  extinct)  is  Quatuk,  the  Coyote,  to 
whom  the  Indians  owe  all  they  know  of  the  next  world,  according  to. 
one  legend.  The  story  of  his  death  is  "The  Indian  Version  of  Brer 
Rabbit  and  Tar  Baby."  The  present  article  records  the  legends, 
"  Why  the  Animals  are  Warm-blooded,"  "  The  Stealing  of  the  Fire." 


124       •  yournal  of  America7i  Folk-Lore. 

The  Indian  theory  of  medicine  is  also  r^siimed.  The  fire-stealing 
story  is  the  familiar  one  of  animal  cooperation  under  the  leadership 
of  the  Coyote  with  the  addition,  that  "  the  family  of  pains,  whose 
duty  it  was  to  guard  the  eternal  fire,"  out  of  revenge  for  the  act, 
"took  up  their  abode  in  the  bodies  of  the  animals  that  had  assisted 
in  the  theft,  where  they  have  existed  ever  since,  torturing  men  and 
beasts  in  the  thousands  of  ways  that  their  malice  has  devised."  In 
the  first  story  the  cold-blooded  animals  are  those  who  failed  to  get 
any  of  the  fragments  or  dust  of  the  hot  rock  (once  the  only  thing 
the  animals  had  to  warm  themselves  with)  which  the  lynx  smashed 
to  pieces  when  he  hurled  it  at  the  Coyote.  Of  the  drake  the  tale 
informs  us  that  he  "  caught  up  one  piece  and  ran  away  with  it  under 
his  arm,  where  it  is  easily  proved  he  still  carries  it ;  for  is  he  not,  like 
all  fowls,  warmer  under  his  left  wing  than  his  right }  "  —  In  the  same 
periodical  (vol,  xiv.  pp.  13-19)  for  January,  under  the  title  "  Lo's 
Turkish  Bath,"  Miss  Idah  M.  Strobridge  writes  of  the  "  Sweat- 
house"  of  the  Piute  Indians. 

Moki.  In  a  very  interesting  paper  in  the  "American  Anthro- 
pologist "  (N.  S.,  vol.  ii.  pp.  690-707)  for  October-December,  1900, 
Dr.  J.  Walter  Fewkes  discusses  "  Property-Right  in  Eagles  among 
the  Hopi."  After  a  brief  account  of  the  turkey  and  the  parrot  (both 
which  birds  seem  to  have  been  domesticated  by  these  Indians),  the 
author  treats  of :  Ownership  of  eagle  nests  affected  by  clan  migra- 
tions, ancient  eagle  hunts,  prayers  for  the  increase  of  eagles,  the 
Hopi  domesticated  dog,  other  domesticated  animals.  Dr.  Fewkes's 
chief  conclusions  are:  i.  When  "discovered"  by  the  whites,  the 
Hopi  were  in  an  early  stage  of  the  development  of  Zooculture,  the 
nature  of  which  may  be  seen  in  the  relations  between  the  people  and 
their  eagles.  2.  Birds  were  among  the  first  animals  to  which  pro- 
perty-right attached  among  the  Hopi,  and  of  these  the  more  impor- 
tant were  the  eagle,  the  turkey,  and  the  parrot.  These  birds  seem 
to  have  been  "used  for  religious  purposes  rather  than  as  food."  The 
parrot  and  turkey  were  probably  kept  in  the  pueblos,  while  the  eagle 
was  "allowed  to  remain  in  its  feral  condition,  and  captured  only  as 
needed."  Unlike  other  wild  animals,  "eagles  and  eaglets,  with  their 
nests,  were  the  property  of  the  clans,"  and  "  ownership  of  eagles 
descended  through  the  clan  in  the  maternal  line."  Moreover,  "the 
present  geographical  distribution  of  eagle  nests  is  directly  connected 
with  clan  migration."  When  the  eagle  is  captured,  the  killing  and 
ceremonial  burial  take  place,  —  "  survivals  of  an  ancient  custom, 
probably  paralleled  in  the  case  of  the  parrot  and  the  turkey."  The 
domestic  dog  of  the  Hopi,  according  to  Professor  Fewkes,  "was  a 
pet  rather  than  a  beast  of  burden,"  and  "  the  good  qualities  of  this  pet 
were  recognized  and  recounted  in  their  legends."     The  details  of  the 


Record  of  American  Folk- Lore.  125 

eagle  hunt,  past  and  present,  are  very  interesting.  For.  the  eagles 
there  is  a  special  prayer-stick  "  carved  of  wood,  ovoid  in  form,  and 
painted  white,  with  spots  in  imitation  of  eagle  eggs."  There  are  sev- 
eral shrines,  too,  in  which  are  deposited  these  artificial  eggs. 

Mexican.  In  the  "  Ethnologisches  Notizblatt  "  (vol.  ii.  1901,  pp. 
66-76,  Dr.  K.  T.  Preuss  publishes  an  article,  illustrated  with  43  figures 
in  the  text,  on  "  Der  Aff e  in  der  mexikanischen  Mythologie."  Besides 
figuring  in  religious  pictures,  etc.,  the  monkey  appears  frequently  on 
pottery,  and  clay  objects  of  various  sorts  simulate  in  whole  or  in  part 
the  form  of  this  creature.  There  are  monkey  pipes,  rattles,  etc. 
The  monkey,  too,  is  one  of  the  day  signs  in  the  Mexican  calendar. 
The  monkey  also  appears  in  connection  with  the  dance,  music,  and 
pulque.  Other  specimens  indicate  some  relation  between  the  mon- 
key (with  his  patron  Macuilxochitl)  and  the  fertility  of  the  earth. 
The  appearances  of  the  monkey  together  with  death  are  not  very 
rare  in  Mexican  mythologie  art.  The  monkey,  too,  has  some  asso- 
ciation with  Quetzalcoatl,  while  in  one  case  a  monkey  represents 
Tezcatlipoca.  —  In  "The  Catholic  University  Bulletin"  (vol.  vii. 
pp.  252-254)  for  April,  1901,  Mr.  T.  J.  Shahan  writes  about  "An- 
other Mexican  Codex  :  Codice  Rios,  Vaticano  3738."  This  Codex 
named  from  F.  Pietro  de  los  Rios,  who  is  quoted  in  1 592  as  having 
something  to  do  with  it,  was  first  printed  in  Lord  Kingsborough's 
"  Antiquities  of  Mexico,"  but  not  with  any  perfection.  The  pre- 
sent reproduction  is  by  the  photochromographic  process.  The 
Codex  may  be  a  copy  of  a  copy.  This  makes  the  sixth  valuable  pub- 
lication of  Mexican  manuscripts  made  possible  through  the  generosity 
of  the  Due  de  Loubat  since  1895. 

CENTRAL    AMERICA. 

Mayan.  Maya.  In  the  "  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie  "  (vol.  xxxii. 
1900,  pp.  215-221)  Dr.  E.  Forstermann  discusses  "  Drei  Maya-Hiero- 
glyphen."  Starting  from  the  basis  that  the  Maya  manuscripts  and 
monuments  of  a  calendar  nature  must  refer  in  places  to  "good"  and 
"bad"  days,  lucky  and  unlucky  times,  he  finds  from  examination 
of  the  manuscript  that  of  two  frequently  occurring  signs  (reproduced 
in  the  text),  one  stands  for  each  of  the  ideas  in  question.  A  third 
sign  Dr.  Forstermann  interprets  as  indicative  of  "fasting."  The 
occurrence  of  these  signs  in  the  codices  is  discussed.  There  seems 
to  be  some  close  relation  between  the  "luck  "  sign  and  the  day  sign 
oc  (dog),  as  also  between  the  "unlucky"  sign  and  w^«  (eagle). 
—  Quiche.  In  the  "  Verhandlungen  der  Berliner  Gesellschaft  fiir 
Anthropologic"  (1900,  pp.  352-354)  Dr.  Hermann  Prowe  gives  a 
brief  account  of  "  Altindianische  Medicin  der  Quiche  (Guatemala)." 
T^^Ahcun,  doctor,  or  "  wiseman,"  of  the  Quiches,  gets  his  name  from 


126  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

ah,  expressive  of  male  activity,  and. cun,  "hidden"  (also  vulva) ;  and 
although  their  ideas  and  procedure  are  largely  based  upon  oral  and 
pictographic  or  hieroglyphic  transmission  of  knowledge  from  past 
ages,  some  foreign  elements  have  drifted  in  here  and  there  from  the 
priests  and  other  whites.  The  Quiche  text  of  a  manuscript,  the  Popol 
Vnh  (formerly  but  imperfectly  translated  by  Jiminez  in  1680  and 
published  by  Scherzer  in  1856),  was  published  by  the  Abbe  Brasseur 
de  Bourbourg  in  1861.  A  careful  translation  of  pages  72-74  of  the 
Paris  edition  shows  this  passage  to  be  "a  brief  pathology."  The  dis- 
ease called  chiiganal  (a  word  not  known  to  the  Indians  of  to-day),  the 
author  considers  to  be  ankylostomiasis,  of  which  one  symptom  is 
geophagy  ("earth  eating"),  of  which  the  god  Cabrakan,  or  "Two 
Legs"  (earthquake  deity),"  is  said  to  have  died.  Toothache  and  primi- 
tive dental  surgery  are  indicated  on  page  40,  and  in  other  places 
hypnotic  phenomena  are  in  question.  To-day,  Dr.  Prowe  tells  us, 
hysteria  is  very  common  among  the  Quiche.  The  fact  that  in  his- 
toric times  a  Ouich6  king  was  nicknamed  Cotuha,  i.  e.,  "sweat  bath," 
is  worth  noting. 

*"'•  SOUTH    AMERICA. 

Araucanian.  Comte  Henri  de  la  Vaulx's  "  Voyage  en  Patagonie  " 
(Paris,  1901,  pp.  284),  besides  traveller's  notes,  zoological  data,  etc., 
contains  many  pages  of  interesting  matter  about  the  Araucanians, 
etc.  (implements,  habits,  and  customs,  musical  instruments).  The 
national  musical  instrument  is  the  rdli,  a  primitive  sort  of  drum. 
Others  worth  mentioning  are  the  pifilka,  a  whistle  made  from  a 
feather  of  the  condor,  and  the  troutotika,  a  large  flute.  This  book 
is  briefly  reviewed  by  Professor  Mantegazza  in  the  "  Archivio  per 
r  Antropologia,"  vol.  xxx.  1900,  p.  190. 

CALCHAQuf.     In  the  "Boletin  del  Instituto  Geografico  "  (vol.  xx.) 
Adan    Quiroga  writes  (with   many  illustrations   from    monuments, 
vases,  etc.)  of  the  "  Huayrapuca,"  or  "mother  of  the  wind,"  repre-- 
sented   by   a  meander.     Huayrapuca  figures  in  the  myths  of  the 
Antos  of  Anconquija. 

GuARAxf.  The  etymology  of  the  country  and  river  name  Paraguay 
is  discussed  by  R.  Endlish,  whose  article,  "  Zur  Etymologic  des 
Wortcs  'Paraguay,'  "appears  in  "Globus"  (vol.  Ixxvii.  1900,  pp.  191- 
193).  The  author's  conclusion  is  that  Paraguay  is  derived  "  from 
Paragud,  the  name  of  an  ancient  chief,"  the  signification  of  which  is, 
in  Guarani,  "a  circle  of  many  colors."  —  In  the  "Archivio  p.  1.  Stu- 
dio d.  Trad.  Pop."  (vol.  xix.  1900,  pp.  18-24)  Angela  Nardo  Sibele 
concludes  her  study  of  the  folk-lore  of  San  Paulo  with  an  alphabeti- 
cal list  of  "  Alcune  parole  usate  dalle  popolazione  mista  italiana  e 
negra  nelle  'fazende'  di  S.  Paulo  ncl  Brasile."     A  number  of  the 


.  Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  127 

words,  like  capoera  ("virgin  forest"),  suairiu  (a  species  of  serpent) 
are  of  aboriginal  origin. 

Patagonia.  In  the  "  National  Geographical  Magazine  "  (vol.  xii, 
pp.  12-22)  for  1901,  Mr.  J,  B.  Hatcher  writes  about  "The  Indian 
Tribes  of  Southern  Patagonia,  Tierra  del  Fuego,  and  the  adjoining 
islands."  The  Tehuelches,  Onas  of  the  Plains,  Yahgans,  Alikulufs, 
etc.,  are  briefly  treated  of.  —  According  to  Professor  Paolo,  Mante- 
gazza  (Archivio  per  1'  Antropologia,  vol.  xxx.  p.  187)  that  part  of 
D.  Lino  Carbajal's  voluminous  "La  Patagonia"  (the  fourth  volume 
appeared  in  1 899-1900),  which  deals  with  the  aborigines  of  the  coun- 
try, is  the  least  satisfactory  portion  of  the  work. 

PayaguX.  In  the  "  Ethnologisches  Notizblatt "  (vol.  ii.  1901, 
pp.  60-65)  Dr.  Karl  von  den  Sfeinen  writes  of  "  Der  Paradiesgarten 
als  Schnitzmotiv  der  Payagua-Indianer."  The  Payaguas,  whom 
Brinton  ranks,  by  language,  as  a  distinct  stock,  lived  in  the  last  half 
of  the  eighteenth  century  on  the  Paraguay  River  near  Asuncion, 
where  a  remnant  of  them  still  survives.  They  were  very  skillful  canoe- 
men,  and  had  the  reputation  of  terrible  river-pirates,  being  feared  by 
all  the  neighboring  tribes.  The  Museum  fur  Volkerkunde  in  Berlin 
possesses  three  "  medicine-pipes  "  and  one  ordinary  tobacco  pipe  from 
the  Payaguas,  the  carvings  on  which  are  the  subject  of  Dr.  von  den 
Steinen's  article.  The  carvings  represent,  in  more  or  less  curious 
fashion,  the  "  Garden  of  Eden,"  and  must  be  taken  as  examples,  of 
the  influence  of  Christian  doctrine  upon  native  art.  The  tree  of  the 
Garden,  thp  serpent,  the  Deity,  Adam,  Eve,  the  cherubim,  Jesus, 
certain  animals  and  insects,  appear'  in  the  various  carvings  in  a  man- 
ner deserving  of  careful  study.  The  carvings  on  one  of  the  pipes 
represent  the  taking  of  the  fruit,  while  those  on  another  are  a  ruder 
and  more  degenerate  rendition  of  the  Garden  and  the  animals  ;  on  a 
third  pipe  is-  represented  the  creation  of  Eve,  while  on  a  fourth  a 
huge  serpent  occupies  the  foreground  of  the  garden,  which  contains 
only  a  few  trees  and  a  few  animals.  The  most  remarkable  things 
about  these  carvings  are  the  representation  of  the  Deity  as  a  "  medi- 
cine-man" (attitude  and  detdil  rnake  this  unmistakable),  of  Adam  as 
the  Devil  with  a  spike-tail,  and  of  the  cherubim  with  the  flaming 
sword  as  a  tailed  human  figure,  with  a  shepherd's  staff  in  the  right 
hand,  and  a  long  zigzagged  left  arm.  Jesus,  as  is  customary  with 
Catholic  Indians,  is  represented  with  a  rich  feather  diadem.  Alto- 
gether these  carvings  are  among  the  most  interesting  specimens  we 
possess  of  post-Columbian  aboriginal  art. 

Peruvian.  In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  American  Association  for 
the  Advancement  of  Science"  (vol.  xlix.  1900,  pp.  320,  321),  Mr. 
Stansbury  Hagar  publishes  a  brief  abstract  of  a  paper  on  "  The 
Peruvian   Star-Chart    of  Salcamayhua,"  which  he   considers  to  be 


128  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

pre-Columbian  and  to  embody  symbolic  astronomical  ideas  of  the 
ancient  Peruvians.  A  series  of  articles  on  the  last  general  topic 
is  promised. 

GENERAL. 

Basketry.  To  the  **  American  Anthropologist  "  (N.  S.,  vol.  ii. 
pp.  771-773),  for  October-December,  1900,  Professor  O.  T.  Mason 
contributes  a  note  on  "Woven  Basketry  :  A  Study  in  Distribution." 
The  conclusion  reached  is  that  "  no  twined  weaving  was  ever  done 
in  America  south  of  the  present  boundary  of  the  United  States." 
There  appears  to  be  no  specimen  in  the  United  States  National 
Museum  from  Central  or  South  America,  and  "  in  the  codices,  as  well 
as  in  the  beautifully  illustrated  books  of  Stubel,  Reiss,  and  Uhle,  not 
one  example  contains  this  compound  weft." 

Faith.  Mr.  A.  E.  Jenks's  article  on  "  Faith  as  a  Factor  in  the  Eco- 
nomic Life  of  the  Amerind,"  in  the  "American  Anthropologist" 
(N.  S.,  vol.  ii.  pp.  676-689)  for  October-December,  1900,  presents 
some  "  facts,  selected  from  a  great  body  of  similar  evidence,  tending  to 
show  that  "  faith  or  belief  —  sometimes  social,  sometimes  incipiently 
political,  but  at  most  times  superstitious — is  the  great  stumbling- 
block  which  everywhere  lay  in  the  pathway  of  the  primitive  Ameri- 
can leading  toward  economic  manhood  ;  and  they  also  show  that, 
no  matter  what  may  be  the  final  or  present-day  measure  of  value, 
there  was  a  time  when  superstitious  faiths  or  beliefs  raised  and 
lowered  values  at  the  beck  and  nod  of  mere  fancy  "  (p.  689).  The 
beliefs  discussed  by  the  author  are  those  relating  to  production, 
distribution,  and  consumption.  Mr.  Jenks  exaggerates  perhaps  the 
sexual  labor  division  among  the  Indian  tribes  of  America.  The  fail- 
ure of  the  Menomini  of  Wisconsin  to  cultivate  "wild  rice"  is  due 
to  the  import  of  one  of  their  religious  myths,  while  the  idea  that 
the  bear  has  a  spirit  in  him  keeps  the  Crows  from  killing  that  ani- 
mal. Of  importance,  also,  is  the  belief  that  after  the  owner's  death 
"property  must  be  abandoned,  or  killed,  or  burned,  or  broken,  or 
otherwise  injured,  or  deposited  with  the'corpse." 

Linguistics.  In  the  "Bulletin  "  (vol  ii.  pp.  202-234)  of  the  Free 
Museum  of  Science  and  Art  (University  of  Pennsylvania,  Depart- 
ment of  Archaeology,  and  Palaeontology)  for  May,  1900,  is  published, 
from  the  manuscript  of  the  late  Dr.  Daniel  G.  Brinton,  the  "  Cata- 
logue of  the  Berendt  Linguistic  Collection,"  now  in  the  Library  of 
the  Free  Museum.  There  are  altogether  183  titles,  of  which  98  are 
concerned  with  the  Mayan  group  of  languages,  2  with  Chinantec, 
1 1  with  Zoque-Mixe,  6  with  Zapotec,  i  with  Huave,  6  with  Chiapa- 
necan,  3  with  Popoluca-Chontal,  14  with  languages  of  Honduras,  10 
with  Nicaraguan  languages,  13  with  languages  of  Costa  Rica,  and 


Record  of  A  merica  n  Folk-L  ore.  1 2  9 

1 5  with  the  languages  of  Panama  and  Darien.  This  collection  is  rich 
in  manuscripts  and  of  inestimable  value  to  students  of  Mexican  and 
Central  American  tongues. 

Traps.  To  the  "  American  Anthropologist  "  (N.  S.,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
657-675)  for  October-December,  1900,  Professor  O.  T.  Mason  con- 
tributes an  interesting  and  valuable  essay  on  "  Traps  of  the  Ame- 
rinds \i,  e.  American  Indians] :  A  Study  in  Psychology  and  Inven- 
tion." Among  other  things  are  described :  Pen,  cage,  pit,  door 
traps  ;  mesh,  set-hook,  noose,  clutch  traps  ;  weight,  point,  edge  traps, 
—  as  found  among  the  hunting  and  fishing  tribes  of  North  America. 
One  of  the  most  ingenious  devices  is  the  Eskimo  fox  net.  A  fact 
worth  noting  is  that  "  no  picture  of  a  fishhook  is  seen  in  any  Mexi- 
can or  Mayan  codex,  and  von  den  Steinen  notes  the  entire  absence 
of  fishhooks  from  large  places  on  the  afifluents  of  the  Amazon  " 
(p.  668).  The.procedure  of  the  Tarahumari  of  northern  Mexico  is 
repeated  in  the  history  of  the  civilized  individual  of  the  white  race  : 
"  They  catch  blackbirds  by  tying  corn  on  a  snare  of  pita  fiber  hidden 
under  the  ground ;  the  bird  swallows  the  kernel,  which  becomes  tog- 
gled in  its  esophagus,  and  cannot  eject  it."  While  fall-traps  are 
common  in  North  America,  Professor  Mason  observes  that  he  has 
"  no  reference  to  a  fall-trap  in  Middle  America  or  in  South  Amer- 
ica." An  interesting  point  brought  out  by  the  author  is  that  "the 
demands  of  trade,  first  native  and  then  European,  provoked  the 
inventive  faculty  immensely  in  such  areas,  for  instance,  as  the  Hud- 
son Bay  Territory." 

A.F.  C.  and  I.  C.  C. 

VOL.  xiv.  —  NO.  53.       9 


130  journal  of  A merica7i  Folk-Lore. 


NOTES   AND    QUERIES. 

Gushing  Memorial  Volume,  —  Asa  fitting  memorial  of  the  late  Frank 
Hamilton  Gushing,  it  is  proposed  by  his  friends  to  "  have  published,  by  a 
prominent  New  York  house,  a  handsome  illustrated  volume  containing 
more  than  thirty  folk-tales  which  were  recorded  and  translated  by  Mr. 
Gushing  during  his  long  and  intimate  association  with  the  Zuhi  tribe  in  New 
Mexico."  The  work  will  be  entitled  "  Zuni  Folk-Tales,"  and  will  have  an 
introduction  by  Major  J.  W.  Powell,  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology, 
Washington,  D.  G.  The  Gommittee  of  Publication  is  as  follows  :  Major 
J.  W.  Powell,  Miss  Alice  G.  Fletcher,  Dr.  Franz  Boas,  Mr.  Stewart  Gulin, 
Dr.  G.  A.  Dorsey,  Professor  W.  H.  Holmes,  and  Professor  F.  W,  Hodge 
(Secretary).  The  printing  of  the  volume  will  be  begun  as  soon  as  advance 
orders  sufficient  in  number  to  guarantee  the  cost  of  production  have  been 
received.  The  number  of  copies  to  be  printed  will  depend  on  the  sub- 
scriptions. The  subscription  to  the  volume  is  $3.50,  and  applications 
should  be  addressed  to  F.  W.  Hodge,  Washington,  D.  G.,  the  Secretary  of 
the  Publication  Gommittee.  It  is  hoped  those  interested  in  the  labors  of 
Mr.  Gushing  and  in  the  advancement  of  the  study  of  the  folk-lore  of  the 
American  aborigines  will  rise  to  the  occasion  and  further  this  excellent 
object. 

Translation. —  The  article  of  Dr.  Washington  Matthews  which  appeared 
in  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  for  January-March,  1899  (vol.  xii. 
pp.  1-9),  with  the  title,  "  The  Study  of  Ethics  among  the  Lower  Races," 
has  had  the  honor  of  being  translated  into  French.  It  occupies  pages  140- 
148  of  the  February  (1901)  issue  of  ''L'Humanite  Nouvelle," — the  well- 
known  Parisian  scientific-literary  periodical,  edited  by  A.  Hamon  and  V.  fi. 
Michelet. 

Weather  Lore.  —  In  the  Philosophical  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Soci- 
ety for  July-August,  1708  (vol.  xxvi.  pp.  143-167),  is  an  interesting  resume 
by  Edward  Lhuyd  of  a  book  by  J.  J.  Scheuchzer  entitled,  '•  OYPE2I4>OITH2 
Helveticus,  sive  Itinera  Alpina  Tria,  etc."  (Lond.,  MDGGVIII.),  which 
contains  some  quaint  information  concerning  the  weather  and  kindred 
phenomena.     The  following  proverbial  expressions  are  worth  noting  :  — 

The  pleasant  weather  of  Engelberg;  winter  thirteen  months,  and  all  the  rest 
of  the  year  summer. 

In  Rhinwald  the  year  has  three  months  of  exceedingly  cold  weather,  and  nine 
winter. 

These  Alpine  proverbs  have  their  analogues  in  some  of  the  American  say- 
ings respecting  the  weather  in  Maine,  the  Dakotas,  parts  of  Canada,  etc. 

Chinese  and  German. —  In  Professor  Headland's  book  of  "Chinese 
Mother  Goose  Rhymes,"  there  is  given  on  page 46  the  following:  — 


Notes  and  Queries.  131 

MIXED. 

Just  outside  my  door  I  hear  some  one  say, 

A  man  bit  a  dog  in  a  dangerous  way ; 

Such  a  message  I  ne'er  for  a  moment  could  stand, 

So  I  took  up  the  door  and  I  opened  my  hand. 

I  snatched  up  the  dog  I  should  say  double-quick, 

And  threw  him  with  all  of  my  force  at  a  brick ; 

The  brick —  I'm  afraid  you  will  not  understand  — 

I  found  in  a  moment  had  bitten  my  hand  ; 

I  mounted  a  chair,  on  a  horse  I  was  borne, 

I  blew  on  a  drum,  and  I  beat  on  a  horn. 

A  German  counterpart  of  these  rhymes  of  things  the  wrong  way  about  is 
to  be  found  in  Boesch's  "  Kinderleben  in  der  deutschen  Vergangenheit." 
At  pages  72,  73  of  this  work  is  reproduced,  from  an  engraving  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  the  illustrated  jest-rhyme  for  children  entitled  **  Ein  newer 
Kiinckelbrielf -^ Die  widersinnige  Weldt  genandt."     This   "poem"  runs 

thus : — 

Ein  dorff  in  einen  Baiiren  sass, 

Der  gerne  leffel  mit  milch  ass 

Sampt  einem  grossen  Wecke. 

Vier  haiiser  hat  sein  Ecke 

Vier  Wagen  spandt  er  fiir  sein  pferdt, 

Sein  Kiich  stundt  mitten  in  dem  herd, 

Vol  stadel  war  sein  Hewe, 

Sein  ho£E  lag  in  dem  Strewe, 

Sein  stall  stundt  mitten  in  dem  Ross, 

Sein  offen  in  das  brod  er  schoss, 

Auss  kess  macht  er  gutt  Milche, 

Von  Juppen  war  sein  Zwilche, 

Er  schlug  die  haw  auss  der  gruben, 

Und  Feldtacker  auss  den  Ruben, 

Mit  garben  Troscht  er  Flegel, 

Auff  der  spitz  stellt  sein  Kegel. 

It  may  be  rendered  into  English  thus  :  — 

There  sat  a  village  in  a  peasant 

Who  liked  to  eat  spoons  with  milk, 

Together  with  a  great  roll  (of  bread). 

Four  houses  had  his  corner  ; 

Four  wagons  hitched  he  to  his  horse  ; 

His  kitchen  stood  in  the  middle  of  the  hearth; 

His  hay  was  full  of  barn ; 

His  yard  lay  in  the  straw ; 

His  stable  was  in  the  midst  of  his  horse  ; 

He  shot  his  oven  into  the  bread  ; 

Out  of  cheese  made  he  good  milk  ; 

His  ticking  was  of  jackets  ; 

He  made  a  hoe  with  a  pit, 

And  a  field  out  of  turnips. 

He  threshed  flails  with  sheafs. 

And  set  his  skittles  on  the  points. 

The  coincidence  in  motif  is  as  striking  as  the  diversity  in  elaboration. 


132  y ournal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

FoLK-LoRE  IN  Literature.  —  In  "  Modern  Language  Notes  "  (vol.  xvi. 
pp.  89-105,  130-142)  for  February  and  March,  1901,  Professor  John  A. 
Walz  publishes  a  very  interesting  article  on  "  The  Folk-Lore  Elements  in 
Hauptmann's  '  Die  versunkene  Glocke,' "  in  which  he  points  out  to  how 
large  an  extent  this  "  fairy  play  "  goes  back  to  popular  traditions  and  folk- 
thought.  Among  the  characters  and  personages  of  the  play  that  smack 
strongly  of  the  folk  are  :  Die  alte  Wittichen,  the  Nickehnajin^  the  Waldschrat, 
Rautendelein.  The  character  of  the  first  "  is,  even  in  minute  details,  based 
upon  German  folk-lore,"  Hauptmann  having  "combined  different  tra- 
ditions about  the  Biischgrossniutter  or  Buschweibcheti,  the  Waldfrau  and 
the  witches."  The  character  of  the  Nickelmaiin  finds  its  counterpart  in  the 
Wassermafm  of  popular  traditions,  even  to  certain  minor  details.  The 
Waldschrat,  "  though  in  the  main  an  antique  satyr  [Goethe's  influence  is 
perceptible  here],  has  an  admixture  of  German  blood."  ^Yi&xizxa^  Rauten- 
delein was  not  invented,  as  some  have  thought,  by  Hauptmann,  but  occurs, 
as  Professor  Walz  notes,  in  the  title  of  ScJwn  Ulrich  imd  Rautetidclein,  the 
Silesian  version  of  the  well-known  ballad  Schon  Ulrich  und  Roth-Amichen, 
—  in  her  character  too,  the  poet  "  follows  popular  tradition  even  in  little 
details."  Taking  up  act  by  act  and  scene  by  scene.  Professor  Walz  shows 
the  "  marked  influence  of  popular  poetry  upon  language  and  subject-mat- 
ter." Not  only,  then,  the  name  of  the  play  itself  comes  from  olden  legend, 
but  many  of  the  characters,  the  scenes  in  which  they  appear,  the  words  they 
speak,  etc.,  are  fairly  rife  with  folk-thought.  Professor  Walz  is  of  opinion 
that  "  on  the  whole,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  poet  is  far  more  indebted  to 
German  folk-lore  than  to  all  the  works  of  literature  combined."  Of  the 
author's  sources  of  information  he  tells  us  :  "  To  get  the  milieu  for  his  sprites, 
he  made  a  systematic  study  of  folk-lore,  German  folk-lore  in  particular. 
An  inexhaustible  mine  of  folk-lore  is  furnished  by  the  works  of  the  two 
Grimms,  and  to  these  works  Hauptmann  must  have  turned  first  of  all, 
especially  to  Jacob  Grimm's  German  Mythology  and  to  the  Kindermarchen. 
There  are  other  rich  storehouses  of  German  folk-lore  with  which  the  poet 
must  have  familiarized  himself.  He  may  of  course  also  have  utilized  per- 
sonal recollections  of  popular  tales  and  traditions  heard  in  Silesia  and  else- 
where." With  such  lore  he  naturally  used  time  and  again  the  poet's  license. 
Hauptmann's  great  play  may  thus  be  looked  upon,  in  large  measure,  as  a 
draft  by  the  poet  on  the  lore  of  the  folk.  It  is  curious  to  find  Professor 
Walz  expressing  the  following  opinion  concerning  the  appeal  of  the  play  to 
the  American  public :  "  One  of  the  main  reasons  why  the  play  proved 
almost  a  failure  on  the  American  stage  is  the  fact  that  to  the  average 
American  audience  fairy-lore  in  such  quantity  is  unintelligible  and  bewil- 
dering." 

Use  of  Plants  by  Children. — This  topic  has  been  touched  upon  by 
Mrs.  F.  D.  Bergen  in  her  "  Animal  and  Plant  Lore,"  and  by  the  editor  of  this 
Journal  in  his  recent  volume  on  "  The  Child."  A  later  and  more  special 
treatment  of  the  subject  is  the  article  on  "  Die  Verwendung  der  Pflanzen 
durch  die  Kinder  in  Deutschbohmen  und  Niederosterreich,"  which  appears 


Notes  and  Queries.  133 

in  the  first  number  for  1901  of  the  "Zeitschrift  des  Vereins  fiir  Volkskunde  " 
(vol.  xi.  pp.  49-94)  as  a  joint  production  of  E.  K.  Bliimml  and  A.  J.  Rott. 
The  first  of  these  authors  had  already,  in  collaboration  with  F.  Hofer,  pub- 
lished in  the  "Zeitschrift  fiir  osterreichische  Volkskunde"  (vol.  v.  pp.  132- 
135)  a  brief  article  dealing  with  plants  in  children's  games  in  Lower  Aus- 
tria. The  article  of  Bliimml  and  Rott  lists  alphabetically  (with  indication 
of  uses,  folk-names,  etc.),  106  species  of  trees,  shrubs,  plants,  flowers,  etc., 
of  which  some  use  is  made  by  children  (in  German  Bohemia  and  Lower 
Austria)  in  their  games,  amusements,  nascent  industries  and  arts,  or  as 
food,  ornaments,  weapons,  and  the  like.  It  may  be  worth  while  to  give 
here  in  English  the  list  of  these  plants  and  their  chief  employments  :  — 

1.  "Acacia"  {Robi7iia  pseudacacid).    Thorns  used  as  nails  and  for  sticking 

leaves  together. 

2.  Apple  {Pyrus  mains).    Seeds  "  flipped."    Peeling,  after  being  carefully 

removed,  thrown  over  the  head  backwards  to  spell  out  the  beloved's 
name.  Cut  in  two,  to  indicate,  by  the  number  of  seeds  cut  into,  how 
long  one  has  to  live.  The  apple  itself  is  divided  into  two  halves  by 
a  zigzag  cut  to  make  a  "  snuff-box." 

3.  Arnica  {A.  mojitana).     Flowers  (gathered  on  St.  John's  Eve)  set  in  the 

wind  to  protect  from  lightning.     See  No.  43. 

4.  Barley  {Hordeum  vulgare).    An  ear  of  barley  is  stuck  in  the  sleeve  and 

is  pushed  up  or  crawls  up,  with  the  movement  of  the  arm. 

5.  Bean  {Phaseohis  vulgaris).     Used  in  guessing  games  ("odd  or  even," 

e.  g.)  and  the  like. 

6.  Beech  {Fagiis  sylvaticd).     Nuts  eaten.     Rotten  phosphorescent  wood 

put  in  dark  places  to  frighten  people. 

7.  Birch  {Betula  alba).     Trunk  bored  and  the  exuding  sap  drunk. 

8.  Bird-cherry  {Pniniis  Padus).     Branches  (cut  a  few  weeks  before  and 

placed  in  water  to  make  them  sprout)  used  with  "palms"  on  Palm 
Sunday. 

9.  Bitter  cress  {Cardamine  amard).     Eaten. 

10.  Bitter-sweet  {Solatium  dulcafnara).     Stalk  chewed. 

11.  Bladder-senna  {Cohitea  arborescens).     Fruits  used  to  crack. 

12.  Bleeding-heart  {Dielytra  spectabilis).    The  two  large  petals  are  removed 

and  a  human  figure  (a  dancer)  is  left. 

13.  Bulrush  {Typha  latifolia).     The  "  clubs  "  are  smoked. 

14.  Burdock  {Lappa  officinalis).     The  flower-heads  are  used  for  throwing 

at  one  another.  Also  for  baskets,  carpets,  etc.  The  leaves  are  used 
as  "  umbrellas." 

15.  Butter-bur  {Petasites  officinalis).    The  large  leaves  serve  for  umbrellas. 

16.  Buttercup  {Ranunculus  sp.)      The   flowers,   like    those   of  the   marsh 

marigold,  are  held  close  under  the  chin  "to  see  how  much  butter  one 
has  eaten  ; "  the  amount  of  yellow  left  on  the  chin  indicates  the 
amount  of  butter  eaten,  —  also  how  fat  one  is. 

17.  Calamus  {Acorus  Calamus).    The  tender  inner  leaves  and  roots  eaten. 

18.  Caraway  {Anthricus  sylvestris).     Stalks  used   to  make  w^histles,  blow- 

pipes, and  for  blowing  into  water  to  make  it  bubble.  See  Nos.  84, 
:oo. 


134  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

19.  Carline  thistle  {Carlina  acaulis).     Part  of  the  flower  is  eaten. 

20.  Cat's  foot  {Gnaphaiium  dicecuni).     Much  used  for  bouquets. 

21.  Celandine  {Chelidoniiim  niajus).    Sap  used  to  drive  away  warts  (espe- 

cially on  the  fingers).     See  No.  90. 

22.  Cherry  {Prunus  ccrasus,  P.  aviuni).    Fruit  used  for  ear -ornaments.    The 

stones  are  used  for  "  filipping."  The  "gum"  is  "spun"  and  then 
eaten.     See  No.  74. 

23.  Clover  {Trifoliujii ^pratense).     Flowers  are  sucked. 

24.  Club  moss  {Lycopodhan  clavatum).     Used  to  make  wreaths,  carpets, 

etc.     The  spores  are  thrown  into  the  fire,  "  to  light  up." 

25.  Corn-cockle  {Agrosteffwia githagd).    By  compressing  the  calyx  the  petals 

turn  and  a  "  clock  "  is  formed.  The  seeds  are  eaten,  although  said 
to  be  poisonous. 

26.  Cornflower  {Centaurea  cyanus).     Used  for  bouquets  and  wreaths. 

27.  Covi-hexxy  {Vacciniufn  vitis  idcea.).     Twigs  used  to  put  with  "palms" 

on  Palm  Sunday. 

28.  Cranesbill  {Erodium  cicutariuni).     The  fruits  are  clock-hands. 

29.  Curled  mint  (yMentha  crispd).     Put  into  books,  and  taken  to  church. 

See  No.  106. 

30.  Daisy  {Bellis perennis).     The  flowers  are  threaded  on  strings  to  make 

springtime  wreaths ;  flowers  and  stems  are  woven  into  wreaths.  The 
flowers  are  also  used  as  oracles,  being  pulled  to  pieces.     See  No.  69. 

31.  Dandelion  {Taraxacum  officinale).    Stems  set  end  in  end  to  make  chains 

of  rings  (a  favorite  device  of  girls).  Also  used  to  make  a  noise  by 
blowing  through  them.  The  plant  with  its  crown  of  seeds  is  blown 
at  with  the  mouth  as  a  sort  of  oracle.  The  seeds  remaining  tell  what 
time  it  is,  etc.,  and  one  is  said  to  have  as  many  sins  as  there  are 
seeds  sticking  to  his  clothing  after  having  blown  at  a  dandelion.  The 
number  of  times  one  has  to  blow  to  get  rid  of  all  seeds  on  the  dande- 
lion indicates  what  hour  it  is.  The  hollow  stem  is  also  used  to  blow 
in  water  to  make  it  bubble.     Spirals  are  made  out  of  the  stem. 

32.  Dead  nettle  {Lamiiim  sp.).     Flowers  sucked  and  the  stalk  cut  up  to 

make  wreaths. 

33.  Elder  {Sambuciis  nigra).     Syringes  (for  spraying  water)  are  made  out 

of  the  wood,  also  pop-guns  and  pipes  (in  which  certain  leaves,  rose, 
strawberry,  etc.,  are  smoked).  From  the  pith,  by  sticking  a  peg  into 
it,  "  tumblers  "  are  made.     See  Nos.  76,  104. 

34.  Ergot  {Claviccps purpurea).     Sometimes  eaten. 

35.  Fern  {Polypodium  rulgare).     The  sweet  rhizome  is  chewed. 

36.  Field  rush  {Luzula  campestris).     Used  for  bouquets  in  early  spring. 

37.  Fir  {Picea  vulgaris,  Abies  excelsa).     The  wood  is  used  for  carving  vari- 

ous objects,  —  arrows,  guns,  water-wheels,  etc.  Also  stilt-poles  and 
objects  for  use  in  certain  games.  The  resin  found  on  the  bark  is 
chewed  to  make  the  teeth  white,  and  it  is  also  used,  after  being 
softened  in  warm  water,  to  fashion  the  forms  of  various  animals. 

38.  Fool's  parsley  {^thusa  cynapiuni).     A  stalk  with  the  sheath  serves  as 

a  pistol. 


Notes  and  Queries.  135 

39.  Forget-me-not  {Myosotis  pahistris).     Used  for  bouquets  and  wreaths. 

40.  Foxglove  {Digitalis  sp.).     The  flowers  are  stuck  on  the  ends  of  the 

fingers. 

41.  Fox-tail  {Alopecunis  pratensis).     After  the  spiculae  have  been  rubbed 

off,  the  flower  stalk  is  used  for  twisting  the  hair. 

42.  Germander  speedwell  {Veronica  chamczdrys).     Must   not  be  plucked 

near  a  house,  or  lightning  will  strike,  —  plucking  it  causes  a  thunder: 
storm.     See  No.  3. 

43.  Goat's-beard  {Tragopogoti pratense).    Stalks  chewed  on  account  of  their 

sweet  taste,  and  the  juicy  thalami  are  eaten  as  artichokes. 

44.  Gooseberry  {Ribes grossularia).     Twigs  used  to  put  with  "palms"  on 

Palm  Sunday. 
41^.  Grass.     Stalks  used  to  bind  nosegays  and  bunches  of  flowers  together. 
Also  used  to  stick  into   the  abdomen  of  horseflies,  who  are  then 
let  go. 

46.  Harebell  {Campanula  rotundifolid).     Flowers  used  to  pop  or  clap. 

47.  Hawthorn  {Cratcsgus  oxyacantha).     The  fruit  is  eaten. 

48.  Hazel  {Coryliis  avelland).    Nut-shell  used  as  pipe.    Of  the  wood  fishing- 

rods  and  walking-sticks  are  made. 

49.  Horsechestnut   {/Esculus  hippocastaman).     Fruits  used  in  games,  as 

spinning-wheels,  etc.  Also  thrown  into  the  fire  to  make  them  crackle. 
The  hollowed-out  chestnuts  serve  as  pipes  to  smoke  from.  The  leaves 
are  smoked.  The  ribs  are  laid  bare  as  a  test  of  skill.  See  Nos. 
66,  99. 

50.  Laburnum  {Cytisus  laburnum).     The  sweet  juice  is  sucked  out  of  the 

flower-stalk. 

51.  Lady's  mantle  {Alchemilla  vulgaris).     The  leaves   represent  peasant 

women. 

52.  Larch  {Larix  decidua,  L.  Europea).     The  long  thin  twigs  are  used  by 

boys  to  wreathe  about  their  hats. 

53.  Lichen  {Usnea  barbata).     Used  as  a  beard. 

54.  Lilac  (Syringa  vulgaris).     The  flowers  are  piled  on  the  thumb-joint. 

Also  stuck  into  one  another  and  pressed  in  books.  The  leaves  are 
made  with  pine  and  fir  needles  into  bands  and  wreaths,  —  they  are 
used  also  to  pop  or  clap  and  whistle  with  (the  leaf  is  held  with  both 
hands  in  front  of  the  mouth,  and  blown  upon).  In  the  sap  time 
(spring)  whistles  are  made  by  beating  off  the  bark. 

55.  Mallow  {Afalva  sp).     Fruit  eaten,  also  used  in  games. 

56.  Maple  {Acer platinoides,  A.  pseicdoplatafius.)     The  fruits  (green  or  ripe) 

are  split  and  set  on  the  nose.  The  dry  fruits  are  thrown  up  into  the 
air  so  that  they  keep  turning  continually  in  falling,  hence  they  are 
called  "  butterflies."     Baskets  are  made  of  the  leaves. 

57.  Marsh  marigold  {Caltha  palustris).     Used  for  bouquets.     See  Nos.  16, 

68. 

58.  Meadow  saffron  {Colchicum  autumnale).     Seed  capsules  used  as  boats. 

59.  Monkshood  {Aco7iitum  napellus).     By  bending  out  the  two  small  petals 

"  the  coach  and  little  horses  "  are  made. 


J 


6  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


60.  Moss  {Muscus  sp.).     Put  in  the  windows  over  winter  by  poor  people, 

and  the  children  place  on  it  berries  of  various  sorts. 

61.  Mountain   ash  {Sorbus  acudaria).     The   fruits   are   strung  together  to 

make  necklaces  and  bracelets,  also  eaten  (when  frozen).  From  the 
wood  whistles  and  buzzers  are  made,  and  in  order  that  the  bark 
may  come  off  better,  it  is  beaten,  which  action  is  accompanied  by 
short  songs  or  sayings,  of  which  a  large  number  are  on  record. 

62.  Mullein  {Verbascum  sp).     The  leaves  are  smoked. 

63.  Narcissus  {N.  poeticus).     Children  are  fond  of  taking  it  to  church. 

64.  Nettle  (yUrtica  4mca,  U.  urens).     Bad  boys  put  it  into  bouquets  and 

bunches  of  flowers,  so  that  those  who  smell  at  them  may  be  stung. 
Bad  boys  also  use  it  to  strike  others  in  the  face. 

65.  Nodding  thistle  {Cardmis  nutatis).     Bad  boys  strike  other  children  with 

the  flower-heads,  or  tie  them  to  a  string  and  whirl  them  about  to  strike 
other  children. 

66.  Oak  {Qiierciis  sp).    Acorns  and  cups  used  in  games,  the  latter  especially 

by  girls  in  cooking.  The  hollowed-out  acorns  are  used  to  smoke  dry 
leaves  in.  The  leaves  are  made  into  wreaths  with  fir  and  pine  nee- 
dles.    The  dry  leaf-ribs  are  put  into  books,  etc.     See  Nos.  49,  99. 

67.  Oats  {Avena  sativa).     Children  pelt  one  another  with  the  stripped-off 

spicule.  As  many  as  the  latter  stick  to  him,  so  many  children  will 
the  pelted  individual  have,  or  so  many  sins  has  he. 

68.  Orange  lily  {Lilium  bulbiferuni).     The  pollen  is  rubbed  on  the  nose  to 

make  it  yellow.     See  Nos.  16,  57. 

69.  Oxeye  daisy  {Chrysanthemum  Icucanfhemufn).     Used  as  an  oracle,  the 

flower  being  pulled  to  pieces  to  some  saying  or  rhyme,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  discovering  if  one  is  loved  or  not,  how  much  one  is  loved, 
what  one  is,  or  is  going  to  be.  The  rhymes  and  sayings  used  are 
largely  variants  of  our  "  He  loves  me,  loves  me  not,"  "  Rich  man, 
poor  man,  beggar-man,  thief,"  etc.    See  No.  30. 

70.  Pea  {Fisum  sativum).     Put  into  split  stick  and  hurled  away. 

71.  Peony  {PcBOfiia  officinalis).     After  the  petals  have  been  pulled  ofif  one 

sees  "  Hahnchen  und  Hennchen,"  the  little  cock  and  hen.  The  petals 
are  used  to  whistle  and  to  pop  or  clap,  and  also  laid  away  in  books. 

72.  Pine  {Finus  sylvestris).     From  the  bark,  boats,  animal-forms,  etc.,  are 

carved, 

73.  Plantain  {Flantago  sp,).    The  leaves  are  torn  from  the  stalk,  and  from 

the  number  of  "  strings  "  adhering  one  knows  how  many  girls  a  boy 
is  in  love  with,  or  the  number  of  lies  one  has  told  during  the  day. 
94.  Plum  {Frunus  domcsticd).     The  malformations  of  the  fruit  are  eaten. 
The  resin,  after  being  spun  into  fine  threads,  is  eaten.     By  sticking 
little  pegs  into  the  fruit,  forms  of  animals  are  made.     See  No.  22. 

75.  Poppy  {Fapaver  somniferurn).     The  stigmata  of  the  capsules  are  used 

in  games. 

76.  Potato  {Solatium  tuberosum).     Out  of  the  sliced  potatoes  ammunition 

for  quill  pop-guns  is  made.     Out  of  them  also  spinning-wheels  and 
"  bats  "  are  made,  the  latter  consisting  of  potatoes  hurled  into  the 


Notes  and  Queries.  137 

air  after  feathers  have  been  stuck  into  them.  The  ''  berries  "  are 
stuck  on  the  ends  of  sharp  wooden  sticks  and  hurled  to  considerable 
distances.     The  dry  leaves  are  smoked  in  elder  pipes.     See  No.  -i^-i)- 

77.  Puff-ball  {Lycoperdon  bovistd).    The  ball  is  crushed  ;  if  any  one  gets  the 

dust  in  his  eye,  it  is  supposed  to  make  him  blind. 

78.  Y\iiXVL\^V\n{Cucurbita  pepo).     The  shells  are  used  to  make  "  masks  "  and 

"  lanterns."     See  No.  97. 

79.  Quaking  grass  {Briza  media).     Used  to  flap  and  shake, 

80.  Reed  {Phragmites  conummis).     Used  to  sing  into  or  make  noises  with. 

81.  Reed  {Arundo  donax).     Used  for  arrows  and  for  pipe-stems. 

82.  Rose  {Rosa  sp.).      The  leaves  are  used  to  smoke. 

83.  Rush  (/uncus  sp.).     Used  for  weaving  hats,  baskets,  seats,  etc.     The 

pith  is  used  also  to  make  wreaths. 

84.  Rye  {Secale  cereale).     Stalks  used  to  whistle  with,  to  drink  with,  and  to 

make  soap  bubbles.  Also  to  blow  in  the  water  to  make  it  bubble. 
The  leaves  are  used  to  make  noises  with  the  mouth,  whistle,  etc 
See  Nos.  100,  18. 

85.  Service  (Sorbusaria).     Fruits  are  eaten. 

86.  Sloe  {Fru7ius  spinoza).     Fruits  are  eaten. 

87.  Sorrel  (Rumex  acetosa).     Eaten,     See  No.  88. 

88.  Spotted  persicaria  {Polygon ium  persicaria).    This  is  given  by  one  child 

to  another  to  chew  as  being  better  than  sorrel,  and  if  he  tries  it  he 
is  laughed  at.    See  No.  87. 

89.  Spindle-tree  {Euonytnus  Europaus').     Wreaths  are  made  by  stringing 

the  fruits. 

90.  Spurge  {Euphorbia  sp.).    Juice  is  said  to  drive  away  warts.    See  No.  21. 

91.  Spurge  laurel  {Daphne  mezereum).     Whoever  smells  at   the  blossoms 

gets  a  big  nose. 

92.  Star  of  Bethlehem  {Omithogalum  umbel/ata).    The  blossoms  are  eaten. 

93.  Strawberry  {Fragaria  vesca).  'The  fruits  are  stuck  on  hair-grass.     In 

picking,  any  berry  that  drops  belongs  to  the  "poor  souls,"  and  is  not 
picked  up.  In  some  places  when  the  berry-picking  children  pass  a 
cross  or  a  chapel  each  offers  up  three  berries.     See  No.  loi. 

94.  Sunflower  {Helianthus  annuus).     The  fruits  are  eaten. 

95.  Thistle  {Carduus  sp.,  Cirsium  sp.).    "  The  thorns  "  are  used  to  "  write  " 

with  on  leaves  and  to  mark  them  in  various  ways. 

96.  Truffle  {Elaphomyces  granulatus).     Pipes  are  made  by  boring  out  dry 

spores, 

97.  Turnip  {Brassica  Tiapus,  var.  esculenta).     By  hollowing  it  out  and  cut- 

ing  a  face  in  it  a  "  mask  "  is  made  in  which  a  light  is  placed  after 
dark.     See  No.  78. 

98.  Vine  {Vitis  vini/era).     The  leaves  are  smoked.     The  fresh,  green,  and 

juicy  shoots  are  sucked  on  account  of  their  sour  taste. 

99.  Walnut  {Juglans  regia).     From  the  shells  little  "goblins"  are  made. 

The  leaves  are  smoked.  The  leaves  are  stripped  so  as  to  preserve  the 
edge  of  the  leaf  and  the  ribs,  something  regarded  as  quite  an  art. 

100.  Wheat  {Triticum  vulgare).    From  two  stalks  woven  together  a  \vreath 


138  Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

for  the  hat  is  made.     The  stalks  are  also  used  for  the  same  purposes 
as  those  of  rye.    See  Nos.  18,  84. 
loi.  Whortleberry  {Vaccminm  myrtillus).      The  fruits  are  stuck  on  hair- 
grass.     See  No.  93. 

102.  Wild  cabbage  {Brassica  oleracea,  var.  capitatd).     From  the  stalks  water 

buckets  and  trumpets  are  made.     The  leaf-stalks  furnish  "  cows." 

103.  Wild  rose  {Rosacafiina).     The  fruit  (deprived  of  the  seeds)  is  eaten, 
especially  in  winter  (when  frozen).     The  leaves  are  smoked. 

104.  WiWow  {Saiix  sp.).     The  branches  are  used  to  put  with  "palms"  on 

Palm  Sunday,  and  after  consecration  the  buds  are  sometimes  swal- 
lowed. From  the  wood  whistles,  etc.,  are  made ;  also  bows  and 
arrows  and  a  sort  of  sled.  Into  a  piece  of  willow  split  at  the  end  a 
stone  is  placed,  and  the  stick  then  put  into  the  water  to  float.  See 
No.  33. 

105.  Wood  sorrel  {Oxalis  aceioselld).     Eaten. 

106.  Wormwood  {Artemisia  abrotamati).      Put  into  books,  and  carried  to 

church.      See  No.  29. 
This  list  is  by  no  means  exhaustive,  but  it  indicates  a  variety  of  use  that 
is  interesting  enough.     A  complete  list  for  English-speaking  America  is 
a  desideratum  which  ought  not  to  be  long  in  forthcoming. 

A.  F.  C. 

Ethnographic  Views  taken  in  Ireland.  —  In  vol.  xiii.  p.  291,  have 
been  printed  paragraphs  relating  to  primitive  superstitions  still  current  in 
France  relating  to  fairy  wells.  By  the  kindness  of  a  member  of  the  Ameri- 
can Folk-Lore  Society,  I  have  received  a  beautiful  illustration  of  an  Irish 
holy  well,  in  the  form  of  a  photograph  taken  by  Mr.  R.  Welch,  of  Belfast. 
Mr.  Welch,  who  makes  a  specialty  of  geological  views,  publishes  also  an 
ethnographic  series,  containing,  as  shown  by  his  latest  catalogue,  more 
than  seventy  scenes  dealing  with  local  superstitions  and  survivals  belonging 
to  the  country  about  Belfast ;  these  include  cabins,  farmhouses,  vehicles, 
coracles  of  canvas  and  skin,  field  work,  and  industries  of  men  and  women, 
such  as  cutting  turf,  spinning,  embroidering,  etc.  Also  presented  are  holy 
wells,  primitive  graveyards,  cursing  and  praying  stones  (including  the  holy 
stone  of  Glencolumbkill,  sent  to  America  and  subsequently  returned  to  its 
place  in  the  sixth  century  oratory  of  Donegal),  dance-masks  of  straw,  still 
used  in  dances  on  the  west  coast,  and  the  like.  The  prices  are :  for  per- 
manent platino  prints,  8  by  6  in.,  single  copies,  one  shilling  and  three 
pence,  by  the  dozen,  one  shilling.  I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  recommend 
these  views,  which  ought  to  find  acceptance  with  American  Irishmen,  or 
any  Americans  interested  in  Ireland.  The  address  is  R.  Welch,  49  Lons- 
dale Street,  Belfast,  Ireland. 

W.  W.  Newell. 

Dakota  Legend  of  the  Head  of  Gold.  —  In  vol.  xiii.  p.  294  (Oc- 
tober-December, 1900),  this  legend  is  reprinted  as  extracted  from  the 
"  Dakota  Grammar,"  attributed  to  Mr.  J.  Owen  Dorsey.    With  regard  to  the 


Notes  and  Queries,  139 

collection  of  this  tale  a  statement  has  been  received  from  Mr.  H.  E.  War- 
ner, of  Washington,  D.  C,  who  wishes  it  to  be  understood  that  the  original 
publisher  was  Mr.  Stephen  R.  Riggs,  well  known  as  a  missionary  to  the 
tribe,  the  tale  having  been  printed  in  the  "  lapi  Oyae,"  a  little  paper  partly 
in  Dakota  and  partly  in  English,  in  numbers  for  December,  1878,  and  Jan- 
uary, 1879.  When,  before  the  death  of  Dr.  Riggs,  it  was  in  contemplation 
to  issue  a  second  edition  of  his  Dakota  Dictionary,  published  by  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution,  it  was  proposed  to  include  this  and  seven  other  tales  in 
the  second  volume ;  such  publication,  however,  was  not  accomplished  until 
ten  years  after  Dr.  Riggs's  death  in  1883,  when  the  work  appeared  as 
edited  by  J.  Owen  Dorsey,  who  did  not,  however,  make  any  alteration  in  the 
matter  of  the  book.  Of  course  it  was  not  the  intention  of  Mr.  Dorsey  to 
deprive  Dr.  Riggs  of  any  part  of  the  credit  due  him  as  collector.  Mr.  War- 
ner adds  that  through  his  wife,  a  daughter  of  Dr.  Riggs,  he  had  known  the 
story,  and  in  part  made  a  metrical  rendering,  such  version  being  published 
in  the  "  Century.  Magazine,"  October,  1884,  under  the  title  "The  Red 
Horse ; "  and  also  that  he  had  used  it  in  an  article  on  "  The  Magic  Flight 
in  Folk-Lore,"  appearing  in  "  Scribner's  Magazine,"  June,  1887.  Mr.  War- 
ner has  in  manuscript,  also,  other  tales,  including  a  complete  version  of 
"  The  Blood  Clot  Boy,"  which  he  was  fortunately  able  to  complete  from 
the  recitation  of  David  Zaphyr,  a  Brule.  At  one  time  Dr.  Riggs  had  pro- 
posed to  use  the  stories  in  connection  with  studies  of  Mr.  Warner,  who, 
however,  at  the  time  determined  not  to  carry  out  such  project. 

W.   W.  Newell: 

Fragments  of  Two  American  Ballads.  —  I  inclose  two  stanzas  of  a 
song  of  which  I  have  always  wished  I  could  know  the  whole.  Lord  Lou- 
don, you  remember,  was  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  British  forces  in 
America,  during  the  campaign  of  1756-7.  His  indecision  was  supposed  to 
have  caused  the  failure  of  the  British,  and  the  colonists  were  bitterly  dis- 
appointed at  his  delaying  the  proposed  expedition  against  Louisburg.  I 
suppose  it  is  to  him  that  the  song  refers. 

The  other  needs  no  explanation  ;  I  do  not  know  but  that  it  is  complete 
save  and  except  the  last  half  of  the  first  stanza. 

I  cannot  tell  which  I  admire  the  more,  —  the  moral  reflection  of  the  last 
stanza,  or  its  closing  rhyme.  I  believe  the  song  was  very  popular  at  the 
time  to  which  it  refers.  Yours  truly, 

Pamela  Mc Arthur  Cole. 

Lord  Loudon. 

Lord  Loudon  he  wrote  to  his  gracious  king, 

Desiring  of  his  Majesty 
To  send  him  some  men  from  the  Highland  hills 

And  send  them  over  speedily. 

"  Send  me  some  of  your  good  old  clans. 

Send  me  some  of  your  Campbells  or  your  Grants; 
For  those  are  the  men  that  are  trained  up  in  war, 
Such  warlike  souls  Lord  Loudon  wants." 


1 40  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


Bonaparte  at  St.  Helena. 

Bonaparte  he  's  awa'  from  his  wars  and  his  fighting; 
He  is  gone  to  the  place  that  he  takes  no  delight  in  ; 


No  more  at  St.  Cloud's  he  '11  go  forth  in  his  splendor, 
Or  go  forth  with  his  crowds  like  the  great  Alexander; 
He  can  look  at  the  moon,  on  the  great  Mount  Diana, 
When  forlorn  and  alone  on  the  isle  of  St.  Helena. 

Louisa  she  sits  in  her  bower  broken-hearted. 

And  she  weeps  when  she  thinks  of  her  hero  departed; 

No  one  to  console,  —  even  those  that  wait  on  her, 

And  she  weeps  when  she  thinks  of  the  isle  of  St.  Helena. 

Ye  men  of  great  wealth,  O  beware  of  ambition,  — 
Lest  some  degree  of  state  should  change  your  condition  ; 
Be  steadfast  in  time,  for  what 's  to  come  you  don't  know, 
Perhaps  your  days  may  end  on  the  isle  of  St.  Helena. 

Abigail  Snow  :  A  Colonial  Literary  Ballad.  —  The  heroine  of  this 
song,  Abigail  Snow,  was  born  in  the  East  Parish  of  Bridgewater  (now  the 
town  of  East  Bridgewater),  in  1727.  She  was  a  daughter  of  James  Snow. 
She  was  twice  married,  in  1746  to  John  Egerton,  in  1780  to  Jonathan  Beal. 

The  writer  was  Dr.  Josiah  Thurston  of  Rehoboth,  who  is  said  to  have 
been  not  only  a  physician,  but  a  fashionable  wig-maker. 

My  brother-in-law,  the  late  William  Allen,  Esq.,  of  East  Bridgewater,  was 
an  enthusiastic  collector  of  all  that  related  to  the  history  of  his  native  town. 
He  took  this  song  from  the  recitation  of  a  lady  who  died  at  an  advanced 
age  in  1853. 

Pamela  McArthur  Cole. 

East  Bridgewater,  Mass. 

AiBiGAiL  Snow. 

I  have  travelled  o'er  hills  and  high  mountains, 
Through  meadows  all  clothed  in  green; 

I  have  walked  by  the  side  of  still  fountains, 
And  many  fair  maids  have  I  seen. 

And  with  them  found  very  good  quarters-^— 

They  often  showed  favors  to  me ; 
There  is  one  in  the  town  of  Bridgewater 

Which  exceeds  all  that  ever  I  see. 


She  's  fairer  than  King  David's  Tamar, 
Or  the  beautiful  daughters  of  Job. 


Notes  and  Queries.  141 

For  seven  long  years  have  I  sought  her, 

My  love  it  most  gently  did  glow, 
In  the  East  of  Bridgewater  I  found  her, 

And  her  name  it  was  Abigail  Snow. 

Such  love  from  my  bosom  is  glowing, 

My  tongue  it  can  never  express ; 
Such  streams  of  affection  are  flowing. 

It 's  for  you  I  am  often  distressed. 

To  keep  all  my  spirits  in  motion, 

Good  reason  doth  seem  to  advise 
For  to  cross  the  proud  waves  of  the  ocean, 

Where  dangerous  storms  do  arise,  — 

Where  men  great  wonders  surveying 

When  they  have  a  prosperous  gale. 
Behold  the  leviathan  playing, 

And  ships  that  most  pleasant  do  sail. 

Oh,  pity  my  doleful  condition 

And  now  take  a  walk  by  the  shore. 
And  see  your  own  true  love  a-swimming 

Where  dangerous  billows  do  roar. 

Oh,  be  not  the  worse  of  all  women,  •. 

And  prove  to  me  cruel  no  more ; 
Get  into  the  boat  of  compassion, 

And  lead  your  true  love  to  the  shore. 

How  can  I  leave  my  own  nation 

And  country  in  which  I  was  born? 
My  friends  will  make  great  lamentation, 

And  for  me  most  bitterly  mourn. 

How  can  my  fair  one  despise  me 

And  slight  me  because  I  am  poor  1 
I  swear  by  the  gods  of  Pharaoh 

You  will  ne'er  find  a  true  lover  more. 

You  are  the  girl  I  admire 

Above  all  that  dwell  in  this  land  ; 
Your  favor  I  greatly  desire, 

Oh  grant  me  your  heart  and  your  ha^d. 

Don't  let  your  heart  be  so  narrow 

Since  we  dwell  in  fair  Venus'  grove  ; 
Your  heart  it  is  harder  than  Pharaoh 

Or  else  you  would  grant  me  your  love. 

Let  me  now  gently  reprove  you 

For  being  so  cruel  to  me ; 
If  ever  I  cease  to  love  you 

I  will  tell  you  what  things  you  shall  see. 


142  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

The  streams  shall  flow  back  to  the  fountains, 
And  the  wine  like  the  rivers  shall  flow, 

The  valleys  leap  over  the  mountains, 

And  the  rocks  they  shall  melt  like  the  snow. 

I  will  leave  the  rough  plains  of  Bridgewater 
And  travel  through  mud  and  through  mire, 

And  to  the  smooth  plain  of  Rehoboth 
Again  I  do  hope  to  retire. 


LOCAL  MEETINGS   AND   OTHER   NOTICES. 

Boston.  — April,  1901,  The  Boston  Branch  held  its  last  meeting  of  the 
season  Friday  evening,  April  26,  at  8  o'clock,  at  the  residence  of  Mr.  O.  B. 
Cole,  551  Boylston  Street.  Pres.  F.  W.  Putnam  presided,  and  the  annual 
reports  of  the  secretary  and  treasurer  were  read.  The  nominating  com- 
mittee then  presented  its  report,  and  after  balloting  the  following  officers 
were  declared  elected :  President,  Prof.  F.  W.  Putnam  ;  First  Vice-Presi- 
dent, Mr.  W.  W.  Newell ;  Second  Vice-President,  Dr.  R.  B,  Dixon ;  Coun- 
cil, Dr.  E.  F.  Pope,  Mrs.  O.  B.  Cole,  Mrs.  Lee  Hoffman,  Mrs.  G.  W.  Vaillant, 
Mr.  Ashton  Willard,  Mr.  F.  V.  Balch. 

The  reports  of  the  branch  showed  that  in  membership  it  had  held  its 
own,  as  the  gain  in  numbers  had  exactly  equalled  the  number  lost  by  resig- 
nation. The  report  of  the  treasurer  showed  a  small  balance  after  payment 
of  all  expenses,  and  that  in  addition  §15  had  been  raised  by  special  con- 
tributions of  members  towards  the  purchase  of  a  phonograph,  the  Peabody 
Museum  having  contributed  the  remainder  of  the  $30  needed  for  the 
purpose.  The  phonograph  has  been  used  in  notating  the  cylinders  of 
"  Pastores,"  the  miracle  play  collected  in  Mexico  by  Captain  Bourke. 

At  the  close  of  the  business  meeting  the  members  listened  to  an  address 
on  "The  Music  of  the  North  American  Indians"  by  Mr.  Arthur  Farwell, 
lecturer  on  music  at  Cornell  University.  The  very  interesting  lecture  was 
illustrated  by  aid  of  the  piano,  and  was  followed  by  an  informal  discussion. 

Helen  Leah  Reed.,  Secretary. 

Cambridge,  Mass.  —  Harvard  Folk-Lore  Club.     During  the  season  of 
1900-1901,  the  following  topics  have  been  treated  before  the  club  :  — 
Dr.  F.  N.  Robinson       .     .     .     Druidism. 
Mr.  H.  H.  Kidder    ....     Chippewa  Tales. 
Mr.  F.  S.  Arnold      ....     Variations  of  Vagrancy. 

Mr.  Leo  Wiener Mediaeval  Gypsies. 

Prof.  C.  H.  Toy The    Primitive    Religion    of    the 

Australians. 
Mr.  T.  Michelson     ....     The    Primitive    Religion   of    the 

Indo-Aryans. 
Mr.  H.  W.  Prescott ....     The  Worship  of  Zeus. 


Bibliographical  Notes.  143 

Prof.  Clifford  H.  Moore     .     .     The    Primitive   Religion    of    the 

Romans. 

Dr.  John  Orne The  Ancient  Religicn  and  Super- 
stitions of  the  Arabs. 

Prof.  G.  L.  Kittredge    .     .     .     The  Religion  of  Odin. 

Prof.  D.  G.  Lyon      ....     The  Adventures  of  Gilgamesh,  an 

ancient  Babylonian  Hero. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES. 

BOOKS. 

The  Origins  of  Art.  A  Psychological  and  Sociological  Study.  By  Yrjo 
HiRN.  London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  1900.  Pp.  xi,  331. 
The  author  of  this  volume  is  lecturer  on  Esthetics  and  Modern  Litera- 
ture at  the  University  of  Finland  (Helsingfors),  and,  as  was  the  case  with 
his  friend  and  colleague  Westermarck,  he  has  chosen  to  compose  it  in  Eng- 
lish, for  which  many  readers  will  doubtless  be  duly  grateful.  About  half 
the  book  is  psychological  and  sociological  rather  than  folkloristic,  dealing 
with  the  essence  and  the  theory  of  art  rather  than  with  its  popular  expres- 
sion, but  the  chapters  on  Art  and  Information  (pp.  149-163),  Historical 
Art  (pp.  164-185),  Art  and  Sexual  Selection  (pp.  203-213),  The  Origins  of 
Self-Decoration  (pp.  214-227),  Erotic  Art  (pp.  228-248),  Art  and  Work 
(pp.  249-260),  Art  and  War  (pp.  261-278),  Art  and  Magic  (pp.  278-297), 
amply  justify  its  consideration  in  these  pages.  A  list  of  works  referred  to, 
numbering  some  560,  and  indexes  of  authors  and  subjects,  add  to  the  value 
of  this  interesting  essay. 

Among  the  "  powerful  non-assthetic  factors  "  favoring  the  origin  and  de- 
velopment of  art-forms,  the  author  gives  prominence  to  information,  his- 
tory, sexual  life,  work,  war,  and  magic.  With  primitive  peoples  "  every 
one  of  the  lower  art-forms  —  the  dance,  the  pantomime,  and  even  the 
ornamental  —  has  been  of  great  importance  as  a  means  of  interchanging 
thoughts "  (p.  149).  As  conventional  language  grew  in  strength  and 
power  of  expression,  "  pantomimic  display,  which  involves  an  unnecessary 
waste  of  force  and  time,  was  doomed  to  disappearance."  The  net  result  of 
education  has  been  to  confine  the  language  of  the  body  within  ever-narrow- 
ing limits.  Indeed,  with  a  considerable  portion  of  civilized  humanity,  a 
part  of  the  face  only  is  now  the  arena  of  pantomime,  though  pathological 
or  atavistic  phenomena,  sympathetic  ignorance,  etc.,  often  widen  consider- 
ably the  field  of  expression.  The  political  meetings  of  the  Maori  of  New 
Zealand  to-day  illustrate  the  survival  of  what  was  once  almost  a  universal 
dramatic  accompaniment  of  the  art  of  the  orator.  The  way  in  which  the 
Indians  of  Central  Brazil, _/?^^  von  den  Steinen,  help  themselves  out  with 
drawing  on  the  sand,  when  gesture-speech  proves  insufficient,  suggests  that 
we  may  "find  in  these  transferred  gestures  the  origin  of  pictorial  art" 
(p.  156).    Upon  this  theory,  glimpsed  by  Rafinesque  and  Mallery,  Professor 


144  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Hirn  does  not  insist,  contenting  himself  with  the  remark  that  "a  kind  of 
extempore  design,  almost  as  spontaneous  and  fugitive  as  the  dramatic  art, 
appears  together  with  the  mimic  and  poetic  representations."  The  "  Com- 
ing from  Town  "  dramas  of  the  Macusi  children  of  Guiana,  the  Corrob- 
borees  of  the  Queensland  aborigines,  and  the  countless  mimicries  of  inci- 
dents in  travel,  hunting,  and  war,  to  say  nothing  of  the  events  of  home  life, 
indicate  how  commonly,  among  the  lower  races  of  man,  art  has  served  for 
information.  An  interesting  point  to  which  the  author  calls  attention  is 
the  recentness  of  the  events  to  which  the  pantomimes  and  dances  of  the 
lower  savages  refer,  —  in  this  the  primitive  would  seem  to  differ  from  the 
civilized  art,  which  perpetuates  things  of  a  very  remote  past.  One  cannot, 
however,  quite  agree  with  him  on  this  head  and  attribute  to  accident  rather 
than  design  the  occasional  existence  of  true  commemorative  art  among 
savage  and  barbarous  peoples.  The  primitive  mind  is  not  so  absolutely 
confined  to  "  the  immediate  present,"  as  Dr.  Hirn  thinks.  The  same  may 
be  said,  perhaps,  of  his  discussion  of  pictorial  art,  where  the  "  vague  and 
indistinct  character  "  of  certain  primitive  images  is  emphasized.  As  to  the 
factor  of  sex,  the  author  seems  largely  in  sympathy  with  Westermarck, 
holding  that  "  at  a  stage  of  development  where  nudity  is  the  normal  state, 
veiling  must  necessarily  suggest  the  same  emotions  as  unveiling  in  a  civil- 
ized society  "  (p.  205).  The  age  of  puberty  is  very  often  the  period  of 
"  dressing  "  with  primitive  tribes.  In  this  connection  the  following  passage 
is  of  considerable  significance  :  "  And  it  may  even  now  be  observed  among 
living  tribes  of  man  to  how  great  a  degree  antipathy  to  every  detail  in  the 
outward  appearance  of  foreigners  precludes  union  between  members  of 
different  tribes.  The  national  and  parochial  dresses  of  modern  peasants 
no  doubt  exercise  a  great  influence  on  the  love-life  of  the  respective  boys 
and  girls  "  (p.  211).  When  asked  by  Ahlqvist  why  his  people  never  took 
wives  from  among  the  girls  of  Ayramii,  a  Savakot  youth  (both  Savakot  and 
Ayramaiset  are  in  eastern  Finland)  replied  :  "  As  these  Ayrama  girls  have 
such  horrid  dresses,  our  boys  do  not  dare  to  approach  them."  And  much 
more  could  be  said  on  this  topic.  The  superstitious  factor  in  the  origin  of 
clothing  and  of  self-decoration  is  also  of  no  little  importance.  Fear  of  im- 
pregnation by  wind,  sunlight,  and  moonlight,  water,  etc.,  has  doubtless  in- 
fluenced women  in  the  way  of  covering.  With  not  a  few  primitive  peoples 
clothing  is  put  on,  not  from  a  sense  of  modesty,  but  to  avoid  the  "  magic 
influence  "  of  another  man's  nakedness.  Imitation  of  .trophies  of  war  and 
of  the  chase,  and  imitation  of  the  scars  of  battle  have  furnished  many  orna- 
ments, while  "  by  symbolical  representation  sights  and  events  have  often 
been  recorded  on  the  body,  this  most  primitive  of  all  commonplace-books  " 
(p.  223).  It  would  be  well  if  thoroughgoing  studies  were  made  of  such 
phenomena  as  the  development  of  bodily  painting  from  an  original  plaster- 
ing or  greasing  against  insect-bites  or  inclemencies  of  the  weather,  noted 
by  von  den  Steinen  among  the  Indians  of  the  Xingii  in  Brazil.  Art  as  an 
aid  to  the  individual's  ownership  of  himself  is  also  important,  no  less  than 
art  as  a  means  of  marking  the  property  of  others.  The  exact  interpretation 
of  eroticism  and  seeming  obscenity  in  primitive  art  is  not  always  forthcom- 


Bibliographical  Notes.  145 

ing,  but  the  author  leans  against  the  strict  Darwinian  theory  here.  Of  the 
Chukmas  of  southeastern  India  we  are  told  that  "  they  never  allow  any 
songs  but  those  of  a  religious  character  to  be  sung  in  their  villages."  The 
reason  given  is,  "  Our  girls  would  be  demoralized,  if  boys  were  allowed  to 
sing  freely."  Out  in  the  jungle,  the  Chukmas  "  allow  their  poetry  greater 
license."  More  proof  is  required  for  the  statement  (p.  248):  "As  the 
same  cause,  /.  e.  an  art  and  a  social  life  which  are  full  of  erotic  suggestions, 
operates  in  many  savage  tribes,  it  may  perhaps  account  to  some  extent  for 
the  fact,  recently  commented  upon  by  Kidd,  that,  notwithstanding  the  mar- 
vellous teachableness  of  primitive  children,  savages  always  prove  inferior 
to  white  men  after  the  attainment  of  puberty."  With  Groos,  the  author 
recognizes  the  close  connection,  especially  among  primitive  peoples,  "be- 
tween play,  or  art,  and  the  serious  occupations  of  life,"  —  the  games  of 
children,  as  well  as  the  dances  and  pantomimes  of  the  full-grown,  "  almost 
everywhere  corresponding  to  the  prevailing  activities  in  the  various  com- 
munities "  (p.  251).  With  Biicher,  too,  he  emphasizes  the  great  evolution- 
istic  importance  of  "  work-poems,"  songs  of  exhortation,  excitational  dances, 
and  other  employments  of  art  as  a  stimulant  to  labor.  That  "  the  slow- 
ness and  the  insensibility  of  the  Guarani  are,  however,  as  appears  from 
Mr.  Rengger's  description,  exceptional  and  pathological,"  may  well  be 
doubted,  especially  after  Dr.  McGee's  account  of  the  alternation  of  activity 
and  inactivity  among  the  Seris.  Besides,  Renngger  wrote  in  1830.  The 
regular  cooperation  so  useful  in  fighting  "  is  effectually  promoted  by  rhyth- 
mical music  ; "  indeed,  "  war,  as  the  hardest  form  of  the  struggle  for  life,  has 
needed,  more  than  any  other  kind  of  work,  the  support  which  esthetic 
stimulation  affords  to  practical  activities."  But  the  military  type  of  art-life 
has  always  been  "  circumscribed  within  the  narrow  bounds  of  tribal  sym- 
pathy." Dr.  Hirn  calls  attention  to  a  fact  of  great  interest,  when  he  ob- 
serves (p.  277)  :  "Such  a  sympathetic  interest  in  the  picturesque  qualities 
of  the  human  and  animal  body  as  that  which  characterizes  the  art  of  the 
prehistoric  European  cave-dwellers,  the  Bushmen,  and  the  Eskimo,  does 
not  seem  compatible  with  the  customs  of  war."  The  importance  of  magic 
in  connection  with  primitive  art  can  hardly  be  exaggerated,  and,  as  the 
author  remarks,  "  there  is  practically  no  limit  to  the  effects  which  primitive 
man  claims  to  produce  by  magical  imitation."  The  bibliography  of  Dr. 
Hirn  is  so  full  that  one  wonders  a  little  that  he  has  not  included  the  articles 
of  Popoff  on  the  origin  of  painting  (Rev.  Scientif.  vol.  xlvi.  pp.  399-403) 
and  Mongeolle  on  the  evolution  of  ornament  (Rev.  d'Anthrop.  vol.  viii.  pp. 
79-98),  in  which  the  magical  origin  of  certain  art-forms  is  broached.  The 
role  of  art  in  medicine  is  worthy  of  special  treatment  in  an  exhaustive 
essay.  Dr.  Hirn's  general  philosophical  position  is  indicated  in  the  fol- 
lowing sentences  (p.  301) :  "  Art  never  ceases  to  inform,  never  ceases  to 
please,  never  ceases  to  stimulate,  never  loses  something  of  a  magical  effi- 
cacy. But  while  acknowledging  the  importance  of  all  these  purposes,  we 
have,  on  the  other  hand,  to  maintain  the  view  which  was  set  out  in  the  psy- 
chological chapters  of  the  opening  —  that  it  is  only  by  assuming  an  inde- 
pendent art-impulse  [based  upon  feeling]  that  we  can  explain  the  essential 
VOL.  XIV.  —  NO.  53.         10 


146  Journal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

character  of  art."     The  "Origins  of  Art"  is  beyond  a  doubt  one  of  the 
best  discussions  of  primitive  esthetics  we  have  had  for  a  long  time. 

Alexander  F.  Chamberlain. 

Melanges  Traditionnistes  publics  par  Paul  Sebillot  et  Julien  Vinson. 

Tome  Premier.     Paul  Sebillot  :   Les  Coquillages  de  Mer.     Paris  : 

J.  Maisonneuve,  1900.     Pp.  v,  in. 

This  little  volume  on  shellfish  and  sea-shells  is  the  first  of  a  series 
of  brief  monographs  on  divers  subjects  from  the  wide  field  of  folk-lore. 
Chapter  I.  (pp,  1-35)  is  devoted  to  living  shellfish  ;  Chapter  II.  (pp.  37-103), 
recast  from  an  essay  published  in  1886  in  the  "Revue  d'Ethnographie," 
treats  of  shells ;  and  the  few  pages  of  Chapter  III.  refer  to  the  role  of  shells 
and  shellfish  in  tale  and  legend.  According  to  M.  Se'billot,  the  forms  of 
shellfish  are  so  suggestive,  in  the  folk-mind,  of  phallic  ideas,  that  "  a  col- 
lection of  KpuTTTaSta  alone  could  contain  many  of  their  popular  names  and 
appellations "  (p.  2).  The  use  of  sea-shells  as  clothing  is  interesting  in 
this  connection.  One  of  the  tritest  of  the  proverbs  about  shellfish  is,  "  The 
fish  belies  his  shell,"  said  of  a  man  whose  physique  overshadows  his  intel- 
lect. Less  gracious  is  the  Breton  saying,  "  Softer  is  a  bed  of  shells  than  the 
bottom  of  a  woman's  heart."  A  remarkable  superstition  of  fishermen  along 
the  Channel  is  that  a  kind  of  limpet  *'  is  the  eye  of  some  one  who  has  been 
drowned,  which,  at  the  end  of  the  world,  will  grow  wings,  and  fly  away  to 
take  its  place  in  the  head  to  which  it  belongs."  Not  a  little  folk-lore 
centres  around  the  idea  that  shellfish  are  good  weather-indicators.  One 
is  hardly  surprised  to  find  that  by  some  of  the  natives  of  the  South  Sea 
Islands  the  beautiful  colors  of  sea-shells  are  attributed  to  the  personal  inter- 
vention of  the  gods.  The  very  brief  account  (pp.  92-95)  of  the  use  of  sea- 
shells  in  children's  games,  ancient  and  modern,  deserves  expansion.  Even 
as  late  as  1884,  oyster-shell  ashes  had  some  vogue  in  folk-medicine  at 
Nantes.  In  case  the  author  revises  his  monograph,  reference  might  be 
made  with  profit  to  W.  von  Buelow's  article  on  "  Sea-shells  in  the  Life  of 
the  Natives  of  Samoa,"  published  in  the  "  Internationales  Archiv  fiir  Ethno- 
graphic "  for  1900,  and  to  Cushing's  study  of  "  Primitive  Copper  Working," 
in  the  "  American  Anthropologist  "  for  1894,  in  which  last  paper  the  imita- 
tion of  shell  ornaments  and  figures  in  copper  is  dwelt  upon.  There  exists 
material  for  a  much  larger  treatise  than  the  interesting  one  M.  Sebillot  has 
compiled  in  this  instance. 

A.  F.  C. 

BiRLioTH^QUE  Du  Glaneur  Breton.  Tomc  Premier.  Paul  Si^billot  : 
CoNTES  des  Landes  et  des  Gr^ves.  Rennes  :  Hyacinthe  Cailli^re, 
MDCCCC.     Pp.  xi  +  306. 

This  is  a  collection  of  forty-one  tales  of  the  kind  "  qui  peuvent  honnete- 
ment  s'tfcrire,"  of  which  all  but  one  are  from  that  region  of  the  C6tes-du-Nord 
where  French  is  spoken.  The  tales  were  almost  all  gathered  subsequently 
to  1SS2,  and  are  in  large  measure  not  included  in  M.  Scbillot's  previous  col- 
lections of  folk-tales  from  Brittany.     Many  of  the  stories,  like  The  Magic 


Bibliographical  Notes.  147 

Ship,  The  Lion's  Bride,  The  One-Eyed  Giant,  The  Four  Gifts,  The  Man 
who  sold  his  Skin  to  the  Devil,  The  Fairy's  Godchild,  William  the  Wolf 
and  Peter  the  Fox,  etc.,  easily  suggest  analogues  in  other  lands,  while  some 
of  the  rest  are  more  notably  local.  The  fairy  atmosphere  of  several  of 
the  tales  is  naive  enough,  and  in  others  the  imagination  really  runs  riot. 
In  the  tale  of  Pere  Decampe  (p.  10),  the  hero  sees  a  little  green  nanny- 
goat  walking  about  on  the  balcony  of  a  castle  suspended  in  air  by  chains 
of  gold.  This  goat,  which  is  cmtnorphosee,  turns  out  to  be  the  daughter  of 
the  king  of  the  Golden  Mountains,  and  is  demorphosee  by  De'campe.  The 
end  of  this  story  is  of  a  piece  with  the  rest  of  it.  Many  of  the  local 
legends  of  Brittany  have  to  do  with  caverns  under  the  cliffs  (here  the  queen 
of  the  fairies  lives,  p.  42)  on  the  seashore.  At  page  77  appears  the  inex- 
haustible purse  in  the  possession  of  a  fisherman  who  obtained  it  from  the 
king  of  the  fish,  whose  city  he  had  visited.  From  the  tale  of  "  The  Sor- 
cerer's Daughter  "  (p.  95)  we  learn  that  in  Upper  Brittany  Sarasin  (Sara- 
cen) is  often  s)-nonymous  with  "  ogre  or  powerful  sorcerer."  At  page  240 
pousser  occurs  with  the  meaning  "  to  give  an  education  to."  The  story  of 
the  man  who  had  Death  godmother  of  his  child,  because  she  was  more  truly 
just  than  God  (who  lets  the  poor  but  honest  die,  and  lets  the  scapegraces  live), 
St.  John  (who  is  in  league  with  le  bon  Dieu),  St.  Peter  (who  is  readier  to  swing 
open  the  door  of  heaven  to  the  rich  with  many  masses  than  to  the  poor  who 
have  nothing  to  get  prayers  with)  is  characteristic.  Death  is  just  because 
she  takes  alike  the  rich  and  the  poor,  the  young  and  the  old.  In  the  next 
following  tale  (p.  249)  Death  is  personified  as  a  man.  The  tale  of  "Death 
and  the  Goodman  "  (p.  254)  should  be  compared  with  the  famous  Irish 
story  which  tells  how  St.  Patrick  locked  up  the  Devil  in  a  box,  but  in  this 
case  the  man  lets  Death  out  upon  promise  of  a  century  of  life.  Pages  259- 
304  consist  of  facetious  and  tricksy  stories,  of  which  "  La  Mort  du  Bon 
Dieu  "  is  one  of  the  best.  From  this  attractive  volume  one  gets  a  good 
idea  of  certain  aspects  of  the  Breton  folk-mind. 

A.F.  C. 

Heimatklange  aus  deutschen  Gauen  ausgewahlt  von  O.  Dahnhardt. 

I.  Aus  Marsch  und  Heide.     Mit  Buchschmuck  von  Robert   Engels. 

Leipzig:  B.  G.  Teubner,  1901.     Pp.  xix-|- 170. 

This  little  book  is  a  collection  of  ninety-four  pieces  of  verse  and  prose 
in  the  Low  German  dialects  of  Schleswig-Holstein,  the  Hansa  Cities 
and  Oldenburg,  Hannover,  Mecklenburg,  Pomerania,  northern  Saxony, 
Brandenburg,  West  Prussia,  East  Prussia,  Brunswick,  Westphalia  and  the 
North  Rhenish  country,  by  a  great  variety  of  writers,  of  whom  some,  like 
Klaus  Groth  and  Fritz  Reuter,  have  a  reputation  far  beyond  the  narrow  bor- 
ders of  their  own  land,  while  others  are  of  local  fame.  Dr.  Dahnhardt, 
who  is  the  author  of  several  interesting  and  valuable  essays  on  German 
folk-lore,  has  compiled  the  present  volume  of  "  Home  Notes  from  Marsh 
and  Heath,"  in  order  to  give  in  the  language  of  the  Low  German  folk,  a 
true  account  of  their  life,  thoughts,  and  actions,  in  their  unity  and  their 
diversity.     All  sorts  of  topics  are  broached,  and  the  treatment  runs  all  the 


148  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

way  from  solemnity  to  jest,  from  dream  to  reality  (the  reviewer,  for  one,  is 
glad  to  find  Groth's  "  Matten  Has"  at  p.  29;  and,  at  p.  169,  Storck's 
"  Wenn't  Kermes  ess").  On  pages  52-56  an  old  friend  appears  in  Schro- 
der's "  Wettlopen  twischen  den  Hasen  un  Swinegel,"  the  race  between  the 
hare  and  the  hedgehog.  The  rarer  and  more  difficult  words  in  the  text  are 
explained  in  copious  foot-notes,  a  list  of  works  used  is  given  (pp.  xviii,  xix), 
and  the  introduction  deals  in  general  fashion  with  the  folk  of  marsh  and 
heath.  The  reading  of  a  volume  like  this  will  give  us  an  excellent  idea  of 
the  "  folk  as  they  are,"  while  the  closeness  of  the  dialects  in  which  the 
poems  and  prose  pieces  are  written,  to  modern  English,  adds  something  to 
the  pleasure  of  perusal. 

A.  F.  C. 

Stand  und  Beruf  im  Volksmund.  Eine  Sammlung  von  Sprichwortern 
und  Sprichwortlichen  Redensarten.  Herausgegeben  von  Rudolf  Eck- 
ART.  Gottingen,  Verlag  von  Franz  Wunder.  1900.  Pp.  vi-|- 7-152. 
The  author  of  this  little  book  is  well  known  through  his  writings  on  Ger- 
man (especially  Low  German)  poetry  and  folk-literature.  Of  the  3560 
proverbs  and  folk-sayings  here  presented,  398  refer  to  royalty  and  the 
nobility,  238  to  officialdom  and  business,  398  to  medicine  and  law,  860  to 
artists,  the  learned  professions,  the  clergy,  and  teachers,  166  to  the  military, 
1068  to  the  working-classes,  and  432  to  domestic  affairs.  A  list  of  author- 
ities is  given  (pp.  243-248).  The  exceeding  brevity  of  folk-wit  at  times  is 
seen  in  some  of  these  proverbs  and  proverbial  expressions  :  Hofamt  ver- 
dammt.  Adel  —  Tadel.  Kaufmann  —  Glaubmann.  Advokaten  —  Schad- 
vokaten.  Malervolk — Hadevolk.  Bussvater  —  Busenvater.  Jesuwiter  — 
Jesuwider.  Moncherei  —  Schweinerei.  Leichenpredigt  —  Liigenpredigt. 
Bauer  —  Lauer.  Jagdrecht  —  Teufelsrecht.  Ehe  —  wehe.  Ehelos  —  ehr- 
los.  Frau  —  au  !  Muttermal  —  Liebesmal.  Of  all  classes  of  the  com- 
munity the  monks  seem  to  have  been  lashed  most  by  the  German  folk- 
tongue,  the  mother  to  have  fared  the  best.  Some  of  the  most  striking 
proverbs  in  this  collection  are  as  follows :  A  prince  is  as  rare  in  heaven  as 
a  stag  in  a  poor  man's  kitchen.  At  court  a  bolt  often  comes  from  the  blue. 
Better  brought  up  great  than  born  great.  It  is  politics  to  talk  like  an  angel 
and  mean  like  the  devil.  Company  is  beggary.  No  doctor  is  better  than 
three.  When  the  doctor  comes  the  toothache  has  gone.  Good  lawyers  are 
bad  neighbors.  If  the  beard  made  the  philosopher,  the  he-goat  would  be 
in  the  ranks.  Great  scholars  are  rarely  great  saints.  God  in  Heaven  is 
not  safe  from  Jesuits.  One  teacher  is  better  than  two  books.  Schoolmas- 
ters are  seldom  rich.  Ninety-nine  schoolmasters,  a  hundred  fools,  say  the 
peasants  of  the  Black  Forest.  Soldiers  are  the  devil's  playfellows.  One 
peasant  and  eleven  oxen  are  thirteen  head  of  cattle.  Baker  and  brewer 
cannot  sit  on  one  place.  He  lies  like  a  printer.  The  host  is  the  best  who 
drinks  more  than  the  guests.  The  best  hunter  often  comes  home  empty- 
handed.  The  miller  and  his  donkey  do  not  always  think  the  same.  Even 
a  good  fisherman  loses  an  eel.  The  blacksmith  hammers  even  in  dreams. 
The  shoemaker  goes  to  church,  to  pray  God  to  let  sheep  die.     When  par- 


Bibliographical  Notes,  1 49 

ents  sleep,  children  dream,  Adam's  rib  is  worse  than  the  "grip."  Mar- 
riage comes  after  love,  like  smoke  after  flame.  The  first  wife  is  the  maid, 
the  second  the  mistress.  The  stepmother's  child  is  fed  twice.  Hungry 
children  don't  play.     A  mother's  tears  are  real  tears. 

On  the  whole,  this  selection  gives  a  very  good  idea  of  the  richness  of 
Teutonic  folk-thought  about  the  activities  of  life,  and  makes  very  interesting 
reading. 

.  A.  F.  a 

Eaglehawk  and  Crow.  A  Study  of  the  Australian  Aborigines,  including 
an  Inquiry  into  their  Origin  and  a  Survey  of  Australian  Languages.  By 
John  Mathew,  AI.  A.,  B.  D.  London:  David  Nutt,  1899.  Pp.xvi-|- 
288. 

This  is  a  rather  venturesome,  though  withal  a  very  interesting  volume. 
The  thirteen  chapters  have  the  following  headings  :  The  Origin  of  the  Aus- 
tralian Race  ;  The  Indigenes  of  Australia,  Papuan  ;  The  Dravidian  Ele- 
ment ;  The  Malay  Element ;  Distribution  (of  the  population) ;  Physical 
Characters  of  the  Australians  ;  Dwellings,  Clothing,  Implements,  Food ; 
Government ;  Laws,  Institutions ;  Marriage,  Man-Making,  ^Mutilations, 
Burial  Customs  j  Art,  Corroborees ;  Sorcery,  Superstitions,  Religion;  Aus- 
tralian Languages;  Outlines  of  Grammar.  Pages  208-272  are  taken  up  by 
a  comparative  table  of  fifty-two  word-lists,  of  which  three  are  from  the 
New  Hebrides,  two  from  Torres  Strait,  and  five  from  Tasmania.  The 
comparative  table  is  preceded  by  a  distribution-map  and  a  list  of  authori- 
ties.    A  good  index  completes  the  book. 

"Eaglehawk  and  Crow"  is  the  expansion  of  an  essay  written  in  1889, 
since  which  time  the  author  has  been  a  constant  student  of  the  Australian 
aborigines,  while  during  his  youth  he  was  for  a  period  of  some  seven  years 
of  station  life  in  intimate  touch  with  the  Kabi  tribe  of  Queensland.  Hence 
his  opinions  on  many  of  the  questions  concerning  the  aborigines,  their 
condition,  capacities,  etc.,  are  entitled  to  great  respect.  But  in  the  fields 
of  ethnolog}^  and  comparative  philology  he  does  not  appear  to  such  advan- 
tage. The  need  for  continued  and  thoroughly  scientific  study  of  the  na- 
tives is  apparent  from  the  opinion  expresssd  by  the  author  (p.  92) :  "  It 
seems  very  probable  that,  in  Victoria  and  New  South  Wales  at  least,  there 
will  not  be  a  single  pure  aboriginal  surviving,  fifty  years  hence."  The 
influence  of  white  colonists  upon  native  customs  and  practices,  in  a  direct 
and  indirect  way,  has  been  considerable,  and  Mr.  Mathew  thinks  that  "  all 
over  Australia  circumcision  would  probably  have  prevailed  in  time  but  for 
British  settlement  "  (p.  120).  In  the  description  of  the  "  man-making  " 
ceremonies,  the  following  item  deserves  emphasis  (p.  118)  :  "  Various  par- 
ties of  blacks  congregate  at  one  spot,  each  party  having  several  candidates 
for  initiation.  One  party  takes  the  boys  out  of  one  camp,  the  men  there 
take  boys  out  of  the  next,  and  so  forth.  The  boys  are  never  taken  out  for 
initiation  by  their  own  friends."  The  "message-sticks"  of  the  Australian 
natives,  according  to  Mr.  Mathew,  "  are  imitations  of  the  old  Malay  prac- 
tice, prevailing  at  least  in  Sumatra,  of  writing  upon  bamboo  and  rattan 


I  JO  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

canes  "  (p.  125).  The  rite  of  circumcision  he  attributes  also  to  Sumatran 
immigrants.  A  good  deal  of  Australian  art  he  would  trace  to  the  same 
source,  especially  certain  rock-paintings  reproduced  in  figures  1-4.  Con- 
sidering how  little  we  really  know  about  Grey's  pictures,  the  author's  con- 
clusion seems  somewhat  far-fetched,  that  "  there  has  been  an  attempt  to 
present  pictorial  fragments  of  Hindu  mythology  in  the  confused  form  which 
has  been  developed  by  naturalization  in  Sumatra "  (p.  135).  As  other 
investigators  have  reported  of  other  peoples,  Mr.  Mathew  remarks  that 
"  the  greatest  bane  of  aboriginal  life  is  sorcery,"  but  the  devout  Christian 
is  sometimes  apt  to  magnify  these  things.  From  the  fact  that  the  eagle- 
hawk  and  the  crow  figure  so  prominently  in  the  mythology,  tribal  nomen- 
clature,  etc.,  of  the  Australian  aborigines,  the  author  evolves  the  theory 
that  "  the  eaglehawk  and  crow  represent  two  distinct  races  of  men  which 
once  contested  for  the  possession  of  Australia,  —  the  taller,  more  powerful, 
and  more  fierce  '  eaglehawk  '  race  [Dravidian]  overcoming  and  in  places 
exterminating  the  weaker,  more  scantily  equipped  sable  '  crows  '  "  [Papuan]. 
Hence  the  name  of  the  book.  In  Australia,  according  to  Mr.  Mathew,  the 
order  of  races  has  been  Papuan,  Dravidian,  Malay,  whose  coming  and 
influence  may  in  some  fashion  be  compared  with  those  of  the  Celt,  Saxon, 
and  Norman  in  Britain.  The  Tasmanians,  now  completely  extinct,  were 
"  the  lineal  descendants  of  the  primitive  Australian  race."  On  the  whole, 
one  feels  that  the  author  might  have  made  a  better  book,  and  cherishes 
the  hope  that  he  will. 

A.  F.  a 

Collection  de  Voyages  illustres.  Comte  Henri  de  la  Vaulx.  Voyage 
EN  Patagonie.  Ouvrage"  contenant  quarante  illustrations  d'apres  les 
photographies  de  I'auteur,  et  une  carte  hors  texte.  Pre'face  de  M.  Jose 
Maria  de  He'redia,  de  I'Acade'mie  Frangaise.  Paris  :  Hachette  et  Cie., 
1901.     Pp,  xvi  -f-  280. 

An  interesting  account  of  travels  in  Patagonia  (including  Tierra  del 
Fuego),  in  1896-1897,  the  author  having  been  commissioned  by  the  Minister 
of  Public  Instruction  to  make  anthropological  and  ethnographic  researches 
in  those  parts  of  the  globe.  In  making  a  collection  of  crania  and  skele- 
tons of  the  Patagonian  Indians  Comte  de  la  Vaulx  noted  that  the  bones 
were  painted  red,  the  custom  being  to  exhume  the  remains  some  years  after 
burial  and  re-inter  them  after  having  painted  them  (p.  21).  From  the  dis- 
covery of  calcined  bones  at  Coui,  in  the  arid  plains  south  of  the  Rio  Negro, 
it  appears  that  the  Indians  once  were  accustomed  to  burn  to  death  a  sor- 
cerer {kalkoie),  or  any  one  who  bewitched  {wdkcufcii)  his  neighbor  (p.  78). 
About  the  Araucanian  Indians,  with  whom  he  came  specially  into  contact, 
the  author  has  recorded  many  facts  of  value  to  the  folk-lorist.  With  them, 
the  daughter  cannot  speak  to  her  mother  in  the  presence  of  her  husband, 
nor  must  mother-in-law  and  son-in-law  look  at  each  other  (p.  97).  "  Music 
of  the  toldos  "  is  the  name  given  by  the  Indians  to  the  curious  noise  made 
by  the  wind  whistling  about  the  guanaco-skins  of  which  the  tents  are  made 
(p.  1 01).     The  religious  festival  of  the  Indians  is  called  kamarouko^  and 


Bibliographical  Notes,  1 5 1 

some  of  them  offered,  for  the  consideration  of  a  few  horses  and  a  little 
cane-sugar  brandy,  to  organize  one  in  honor  of  the  author  and  for  the  suc- 
cess of  his  voyage  in  the  south  (p.  103).  When  the  count  arrived  at  the 
camping  place  of  Saihue'que,  near  the  headwaters  of  the  Chubut,  that  chief 
received  him  with  songs  by  the  women  of  the  tribe,  an  ancient  custom  ; 
and  the  fact  that  he  ate  a  morsel  of  the  caroutiar,  or  national  dish  of  sheep- 
entrails,  made  him  at  once  a  favorite  (p.  124).  The  description  of  the 
/^a;««/'^/^/^£7,  celebrated  in  his  honor  (pp.  131-147)  is  both  interesting  and 
entertaining.  The  kaniarotiko  is  a  combination  of  prayer,  butchery,  and 
dance,  some  of  the  most  outre  features  of  which  have  been  suppressed  by 
the  Argentine  government.  According  to  the  old  Indian  rite  the  conduc- 
tors of  the  ceremony  had  to  be  virgins  (rarer  to-day  than  of  old,  perhaps). 
The  end  of  the  festival  to-day  is  sexual  orgie,  to  whose  brutality  alcohol  has 
largely  conduced.  Formerly  (the  government  has  now  forbidden  the  prac- 
tice) one  of  the  acts  in  the  kamarouko  consisted  in  "  taking  the  still  palpi- 
tating heart  from'  the  breast  of  the  mare  [a  sacrifice  for  the  occasion],  scat- 
tering blood  three  times  toward  Geunetchen.,  the  divinity  invoked  [perhaps 
the  sun  originally],  and,  after  putting  the  heart  back  in  its  place,  throwing 
the  entire  animal  into  the  water  or  the  fire"  (p.  140).  In  the  kamaroicko, 
the  rali,  koultroun,  or  wasa,  the  national  musical  instrument  of  the  Arau- 
canians,  a  primitive  drum,  the  pifilka,  a  whistle  made  from  the  quill  of  the 
condor,  and  the  trotitoitka,  a  huge  reed  flute,  appear.  Near  the  camp  of 
Saihueque  were  noticed  some  red  and  white  hieroglyphs  on  the  rocks,  whose 
signification  the  Indians  could  not  (or  would  not)  reveal,  — ^"of  these  photo- 
graphs were  taken.  Similar  inscriptions  were  noted  near  camping  places 
on  the  Rio  Negro  (p.  127).  Among  the  Tehuelches,  a  noteworthy  event  or 
institution  is  the  wouelleydi  or  great  guanaco  hunt,  during  which  "the 
Indians  are  no  longer  men,  but  tigers  killing  for  the  pleasure  of  killing  " 
(p.  166).  The  kupuloue,  or  bamboo  cradle  for  attaching  behind  the  saddle 
on  horseback,  in  which  the  infant  often  spends  months  of  its  life,  is  sui 
gejieris  (p.  169).  The  Tehuelche  festivities  in  honor  of  the  count  were  as 
curious  as  the  Araucanian.  The  game  of  loncotoum  is  played  by  two 
Indians  who  seize  hold  of  each  other's  long  hair  and  keep  pulling  until  one, 
overcome  by  the  pain  of  the  struggle,  lets  go  (p.  180).  While  the  author 
was  at  the  camping  place  of  Choiquenilahue',  the  Indians  celebrated  the 
attainment  of  puberty  by  an  Indian  girl,  —  this  ceremonial,  called  huecoun- 
rouca,  being  the  great  secular  festivity  of  the  Patagonians  (pp.  218-230). 
The  effects  of  alcohol  in  brutalizing  the  Indian  are  even  more  visible  here. 
This  volume,  as  will  be  seen,  contains  much  more  than  the  ordinary  travel- 
book  of  its  kind. 

A.  F.  C. 

Stringtown   on    the   Pike  :    A   Tale  of  Northernmost   Kentucky.     By 
John   Uri   Lloyd.     Author  of    "  Etidorhpa,"  etc.     With  illustrations. 
New  York:  Dodd,  Mead  &  Co.     1901.     Pp.  vii,  414. 
In  this  story  Mr.  Lloyd,  a  member  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Societ}', 

has  conscientiously  undertaken  to  describe  the  social  conditions,  manner  of 


152  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

feeling,  and  dialect  existing  forty  years  ago  in  Northern  Kentucky,  a  sec- 
tion scarcely  known  in  literature,  but  with  which  he  has  from  birth  been 
familiar.  It  is  the  folk-lore  abounding  in  the  fiction  which  it  falls  within 
our  province  to  consider.  The  tale  opens  with  the  imagined  appearance 
of  ghostly  figures  popularly  supposed  to  haunt  a  hollow  in  which  an  Indian 
maiden  had  been  tomahawked,  and  where  her  spirit  is  believed  to  present 
itself  at  sunset,  and  cast  a  shadow  made  by  the  body  and  outstretched 
arms.  An  old  negro  is  introduced  as  learned  in  prophetic  art,  and  under- 
taking to  predict  every  event  by  the  aid  of  "  signs."  As  methods  of  his 
divination  are  given  the  reading  of  marks  or  "  tracks  "  in  ashes,  on  which 
are  also  laid  straws  representing  named  persons,  and  yielding  indications 
from  combustion ;  we  are  told  that  forthcoming  events  are  read  in  the 
water  of  a  spring  (p.  187).  Among  omens  are  mentioned  the  following:  to 
have  a  chicken  or  other  animal  die  in  the  hand  is  a  very  fatal  sign ;  the 
transplanter  of  a  cedar-tree  will  die  whenever  the  lower  limbs  grow  to  the 
length  of  his  coffin  ;  to  marry  on  the  last  day  of  the  year  is  dangerous. 
Negro  dances  are  introduced,  but  without  melodies ;  also  tales,  relating 
the  contest  of  the  turkey  and  duck  as  to  which  shall  first  see  the  rising 
sun,  and  why  the  honey-bee  sucks  red  clover.  In  Kentucky  survived  a 
curious  legal  procedure,  in  virtue  of  which  a  prisoner  under  sentence  of 
felony  could  claim  the  "  Right  of  clergy,"  and  escape  with  burning  in  the 
hand;  this  plea  was  abolished  by  the  legislature  in  1847.  The  narrative 
supplies  a  piece  of  barbarous  chivalry ;  the  feud  of  two  families  is  ended 
by  the  last  survivors  of  each  shooting  each  other  in  the  court-room,  after 
the  representative  of  one  has  vainly  endeavored  to  obtain  the  release  of 
his  enemy,  a  youth  under  sentence  of  death,  whose  place  he  even  offers  to 
take,  on  the  ground  that  it  would  be  dishonorable  to  have  his  hereditary 
foe  killed  except  by  his  own  hand. 

Mr.  Lloyd  has  separately  printed  a  brief  glossary  intended  to  show  his 
method  of  dealing  with  this  feature  of  his  book,  on  which  he  has  bestowed 
much  pains.  As  regards  the  Southern  gentleman,  he  makes  no  change 
save  in  the  letter  r ;  \\\^  patois  of  the  negro  added  idiomatic  contractions 
and  corruptions  to  linguistic  change  ;  Mr.  Lloyd  seems  to  think  that  rules 
are  not  absolute.  Thus  the  final  /  and  d  after  a  consonant  are  dropped, 
as  temp'  for  tempt,  7vM  for  wind  \  but  also  chist  for  chest,  and  aiii't,  wotCt, 
couldn't,  but  on  the  other  hand  doa7i'  for  don't.  The  difficult  questions 
regarding  negro  dialect  can  only  be  decided  after  long  investigation  by 
professional  philologists.  The  attention  devoted  to  this  part  of  the  subject 
affords  a  gratifying  evidence  of  increasing  interest  in  the  field,  and  local 
studies  of  this  sort  will  be  welcome.  Concerning  the  more  important  part 
of  tlie  author's  task,  the  exhibition  of  provincial  character,  we  cannot  here 
treat.  The  isolated  and  narrow  but  tragic  lives  of  the  people  with  whom 
this  tale  deals  offer  a  field  to  the  novelist,  and  appear  in  Mr.  Lloyd's 
description. 

W.  W.  Newell. 


THE   JOURNAL  OF     ' 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE. 

Vol.  XIV.  — JULY-SEPTEMBER,  1901.— No.  LIV. 


THE   GOOD    HUNTER   AND   THE   IROQUOIS   MEDI- 
CINE. 

In  the  "Jesuit  Relation"  for  1636  is  an  account  of  the  Huron 
feasts,  and  one  of  these  lacks  clearness.  "  The  Ononhara  is  for  the 
madmen.  .  .  .  They  refer  the  origin  to  a  certain  interview  of  the 
wolves  and  the  owl,  where  this  nocturnal  animal  predicted  to  them 
the  coming  of  Ontarraoiira,  that  is,  a  beast  which  approaches  the 
lion  by  the  tail  (retire  au  Lyon  par  la  queue),  which  Ontarraoura 
revived,  they  say,  a  certain  good  hunter,  a  great  friend  of  the  wolves, 
in  the  midst  of  a  good  feast ;  whence  they  conclude  that  the  feasts 
are  capable  of  healing  the  sick,  since  they  even  give  life  to  the 
dead." 

It  was  easy  for  me  to  see  that  this  beast  was  the  panther,  an  ani- 
mal little  known  to  the  Hurons  or  the  missionaries,  but  which  has 
been  widely  named  the  mountain  lion.  The  Onondagas  still  call  it 
Ske7i-tah-ses-go' -nah,  "  Long  Tail."  Its  nocturnal  habits,  and  even 
its  cry,  often  mistaken  for  that  of  the  panther,  might  have  associated 
the  owl  with  it  in  tales  of  the  forest,  but  what  was  the  story  of  the 
good  hunter  .''  In  answering  this  question  I  have  nothing  very  ori- 
ginal to  offer,  but  will  transcribe  two  accounts  very  nearly  as  I  find 
them.  In  neither  of  these  does  the  panther  figure,  but  the  death  of 
the  good  hunter,  the  gathering  of  birds  and  beasts,  his  revival,  and 
the  gift  of  the  great  medicine,  are  prominent  features.  In  the  lapse 
of  two  centuries  and  a  half,  and  in  its  relation  by  another  people,  it 
has  become  slightly  changed,  but  the  story  is  probably  essentially 
that  of  the  ancient  Hurons  and  their  kindred. 

The  oldest  version  of  this  may  be  found  in  Doty's  "  History  of 
Livingston  County,  New  York,"  as  it  was  given  long  ago  by  an  old 
Seneca,  to  Mr.  Horsford,  their  missionary. 

"  In  ancient  times  a  war  broke  out  between  two  tribes.  On  the 
one  side  the  forces  were  jointly  led  by  a  great  warrior  and  a  noted 
hunter.  The  latter  had  killed  much  game  for  the  skins,  the  remains 
being  left  for  beasts  and  birds  of  prey.     The  battle  was  going  against 


154  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

his  side,  and  he  saw  that  to  save  his  own  life  he  must  quit  the  field. 
As  he  turned,  the  body  of  a  great  tree  lay  across  his  path.  He  came 
up  to  it,  when  a  heavy  blow  felled  him.  On  recovering  he  found, 
strangely  enough,  that  he  could  as  easily  pass  through  as  over  the 
obstruction.  Reaching  home,  his  friends  would  not  talk  with  him  ; 
indeed  they  seemed  quite  unaware  of  his  presence.  It  now  occurred 
to  him  that  he,  too,  had  been  killed,  and  was  present  in  spirit  only, 
human  eyes  not  seeing  him.  He  returned  to  the  place  of  conflict, 
and  there,  sure  enough,  lay  his  mortal  part  quite  dead,  and  its  scalp 
gone.  A  pigeon-hawk,  flying  by,  recognized  the  disembodied  hunter, 
and  gratefully  offered  to  restore  his  scalp  ;  so,  stretching  away  in  its 
flight  to  the  retiring  victors,  he  plucked  it  from  the  bloody  pole. 
The  other  birds  had,  meantime,  prepared  a  medicine  which  soon 
united  the  scalp  to  the  head,  when  bears  and  wolves  gathered  around 
and  joined  in  the  dance.  The  hunter  got  well  and  lived  many  years, 
his  experience  strengthening  their  religious  faith,  and  teaching  them 
how  to  use  the  remedies  so  strangely  acquired,  which,  to  this  day, 
are  among  the  most  efficacious  known  to  the  Indians." 

In  1 88 1,  Elias  Johnson,  a  Tuscarora  chief,  published  the  "  Legends, 
Traditions,  and  Laws  of  the  Six  Nations,"  in  which  the  story  has  an 
ampler  form.  Of  this  I  will  give  a  summary.  The  good  hunter  ap- 
pears as  before,  as  one  noted  for  kindness  and  generosity  to  all,  even 
beasts  and  birds.  Though  a  hunter,  he  was  considered  the  protector 
of  these.  On  one  occasion  he  went  out  with  a  war  party.  The 
battle  was  furious,  and  in  the  most  desperate  struggle  he  was  struck 
down,  scalped,  and  left  for  dead. 

A  fox  came  along  when  the  conflict  was  over,  and  recognized  this 
friend  of  bird  and  beast  lying  lifeless  on  the  field.  Shocked  by  the 
sight,  he  raised  the  death  lament,  and  called  all  the  beasts  together. 
Their  cries  were  heard  in  the  forest ;  they  came  by  hundreds  to  the 
spot  and  tried  to  revive  their  friend.  Vain  were  all  their  efforts, 
and  he  remained  lifeless.  As  they  sat  down  on  their  haunches  to 
hold  a  council,  they  raised  their  heads,  and  a  dolorous  cry  rent  the 
air.  Then  the  bear  was  called  to  speak,  as  being  the  nearest  relative 
and  best  friend  of  man.  He  appealed  to  each  and  all  for  any  medi- 
cine they  had,  but  though  each  had  his  own,  none  did  any  good. 
Again  they  lifted  up  their  heads  and  howled  a  mournful  requiem, 
long  continued,  and  with  many  varying  notes. 

This  sad  lament,  wild  as  the  Highland  coronach,  brought  the  oriole 
to  the  spot.  He  was  told  of  their  sad  plight,  and  in  turn  went  and 
called  a  council  of  the  birds.  There  was  a  flapping  of  wings  every- 
where, and  all  came,  from  the  eagle  to  the  wren,  in  response  to  the 
call.  With  beak  and  with  claw  they  made  every  effort,  but  nothing 
came  of  it.     The  hunter  was  dead,  stubbornly  dead,  and  his  scalp 


The  Good  Hunter  aud  the  Iroquois  Medicine.        155 

was  gone.  The  eagle's  head  had  become  white  in  his  long  and  wise 
life,  and  from  his  lofty  eyrie  he  had  looked  down,  and  knew  every 
force  of  nature  and  all  the  events  of  life.  This  white-headed  sage 
said  that  the  dead  would  not  revive  unless  the  scalp  was  restored. 

First  of  all  the  fox  went  to  seek  it.  He  visited  every  hen-roost 
and  every  bird's-nest,  but  no  scalp  did  he  find.  The  pigeon-hawk 
took  up  the  search,  but  soon  returned.  She  flew  so  swiftly  that  no 
one  expected  her  to  see  much,  for  birds  have  characters  as  well  as 
men.  The  white  heron  flew  more  slowly,  and  said  he  would  do 
better,  but  he  came  to  a  field  of  luscious  wild  beans,  which  tempted 
him  to  stop.  He  fed  and  slept,  and  fed  again,  while  the  council 
waited  his  return  in  vain.  At  last  the  crow  took  the  mission.  The 
warrior  who  had  the  scalp  knew  of  the  council,  but  feared  nothing 
when  he  saw  the  crow  flying  near.  He  was  accustomed  to  that. 
She  saw  the  scalp  stretched  to  dry  in  the  smoke  above  his  cabin, 
and  after  a  time  carried  it  off.  Great  was  the  rejoicing  when  she 
came  back  successful.  At  once  they  put  the  scalp  on  the  dead  man's 
head,  but  so  dry  and  warped  had  it  become  that  it  would  not  fit. 

Here  was  a  new  trouble.  The  animals  did  their  best,  but  could 
not  moisten  it,  having  no  patent  lubricator.  Then  the  great  eagle 
said  that  on  the  high  rocks,  where  he  lived,  the  mountain  dew  had 
collected  on  his  back,  and  perhaps  this  might  serve.  He  plucked 
one  of  his  long  feathers,  dipped  it  in  this  dew,  and  applied  it  to  the 
scalp.  It  was  at  once  effectual,  and  the  scalp  became  moist  again. 
The  animals  brought  other  things  for  the  cure.  The  scalp  was  placed 
on  the  head,  to  which  it  closely  adhered,  and  then  the  hunter  revived 
and  recovered  his  strength.  They  gave  him  the  compound  which 
had  restored  him,  as  the  gift  of  the  Great  Spirit,  and  then  there  was 
a  pattering  of  feet  and  a  rustle  of  wings  as  the  council  dispersed. 
The  medicine  was  always  cherished. 

It  was  used  in  this  way  :  a  wooden  goblet  is  taken  to  a  running 
stream,  and  filled  by  dipping  down  the  stream.  When  brought  back 
to  the  house  it  is  placed  near  the  fire,  with  some  tobacco.  Then 
there  are  prayers  while  the  tobacco  is  gradually  thrown  on  the  fire. 
The  smoke  is  grateful  to  the  Great  Spirit,  and  with  this  American 
incense  their  prayers  arise.  Some  of  my  white  friends  also  like  it, 
without  this  ritual  use  as  yet.  The  medicine-man  then  places  a  piece 
of  skin  near  the  cup,  and  on  this  the  medicine  is  laid.  He  takes  up 
a  little  of  the  pulverized  compound  with  a  wooden  spoon,  such  as  was 
recently  used,  and  dusts  it  on  the  water  in  three  spots  *.^*  in  the 
form  of  a  triangle.  This  is  closely  watched.  If  it  spreads  over  the 
water  and  whirls  about  on  the  surface,  the  sick  person  will  recover. 
If  it  sinks  at  once,  where  it  was  placed,  the  sick  will  die,  and  nothing 
can  be  done.  In  the  one  case  the  medicine  is  given,  in  the  other  all 
the  water  is  thrown  away. 


•.156  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

This  is  not  the  only  medicine,  and  Mr.  Johnson  gives  another 
story  and  use  :  One  day  a  hunter  heard  the  sweetest  music  in  the 
woods,  but  the  most  thorough  search  did  not  reveal  its  source. 
Charmed  by  the  sound,  he  went  again  and  again,  but  with  no  better 
success.  Not  a  note  was  heard.  At  last  the  Great  Spirit  came  to 
him  in  a  dream,  and  told  him  what  to  do.  He  was  to  purify  himself 
before  he  sought  it,  and  this  he  at  once  did.  The  forest  path  was 
taken,  the  ravishing  strain  fell  upon  his  ear,  and  he  listened  atten- 
tively till  he  could  sing  every  note  himself.  Then  he  drew  nearer. 
A  tall,  green  plant  stood  before  him,  with  long  and  tapering  leaves. 
This  he  cut  down,  but  it  was  immediately  healed,  and  became  as 
before.  He  did  this  repeatedly,  with  the  same  results,  and  then  knew 
it  as  medicine  especially  good  for  wounds.  Rejoicing  in  his  great 
discovery,  he  took  part  of  the  plant  home,  where  it  was  dried  and 
pulverized.  Then  he  touched  it  to  a  bad  wound  which  a  man  had 
received,  and  it  was  healed  at  once.  In  this  way  did  the  Great  Spirit 
bestow  this  great  medicine  upon  men,  and  very  grateful  were  they. 

This  medicine  is  used  very  differently,  and  Mr.  Johnson  describes 
the  feast  to  which  it  belongs.  Once  in  six  months  there  is  a  great 
feast  at  the  hunting  season,  and  these  come  in  the  spring  and  in  the 
fall.  On  the  night  of  the  feast,  as  soon  as  it  is  dark,  all  concerned 
assemble  in  one  room.  Lights  are  extinguished,  and  even  the  coals 
are  carefully  covered.  The  medicine  is  placed  near  these,  and  to- 
bacco is  laid  beside  it.  Then  all  begin  to  sing,  proclaiming  that  the 
crows  are  coming  to  the  feast,  and  the  other  birds  and  beasts  whose 
brains  form  part  of  the  first  great  medicine,  the  one  which  originated 
when  they  revived  the  good  hunter.  At  the  end  of  the  song  their 
calls  are  imitated.  Thrice  during  the  night  prayers  are  offered,  and 
during  these  tobacco  is  thrown  on  the  smothered  embers.  In  these 
it  is  asked  that  all  may  be  protected  from  harm,  and  that  this  medi- 
cine may  heal  injuries  of  every  kind.  To  preserve  due  solemnity 
and  prevent  interruption  the  doors  are  locked  when  the  ceremonies 
begin.  None  are  allowed  to  enter  or  go  out,  and  none  to  fall  asleep. 
Anything  like  this  would  spoil  the  medicine. 

The  actual  feast  begins  just  before  daybreak.  The  past  obser- 
vances being  here  described  as  in  the  present,  the  master  of  cere- 
monies first  takes  a  deer's  head  and  bites  it,  imitating  the  call  of  a 
crow.  He  then  passes  it  to  another,  who  bites  it  in  turn,  and  imi- 
tates some  other  beast  or  bird.  Thus  it  goes  around.  When  it 
begins  to  be  light  the  master  of  ceremonies  takes  a  duck's  bill  and 
dips  it  full  of  the  medicine.  Some  of  this  he  gives  to  each  one 
present,  who  puts  it  into  a  piece  of  skin,  wrapping  it  in  several  covers. 
This  is  kept  for  the  next  feast,  six  months  later.  The  panther's 
skin  was  preferred  for  the  first  cover,  when  it  could  be  had. 


The  Good  Hunter  and  the  Iroquois  Medicine,        1 5  7 

Those  who  take  active  part  in  this  feast  are  all  medicine-men,  but 
chiefs  may  be  present,  and  those  who  at  any  time  have  been  cured 
by  the  medicine.  While  these  things  are  going  on  within  the  house, 
the  young  people  are  having  a  merry  time  outside,  and  the  remnants 
of  the  feast  are  given  to  them  when  those  inside  are  done.  When 
this  medicine  is  used  the  tune  heard  at  its  discovery  is  sung,  both  at 
the  feast  and  at  its  administration.  The  ceremonies  are  thought  to 
make  it  effective.  Each  medicine-man  has  a  large  quantity,  which 
he  keeps  in  a  bag.  To  this  he  sometimes  adds  pulverized  corn  roots 
or  squash  vines,  if  he  fears  its  exhaustion,  and  when  it  is  given 
several  assemble  and  sing.  Both  kinds  were  deemed  especially  useful 
in  healing  wounds  received  in  war.  These  were  the  great  medicines  ; 
there  were  others  less  important. 

Mrs.  Erminnie  A.  Smith's  account  of  the  origin  of  the  Seneca 
medicine  has  some  resemblance  to  this  :  A  hunter  is  awakened  by 
singing  and  the  sound  of  a  drum.  He  followed  the  sound  and  came 
to  a  place  apparently  inhabited.  There  a  hill  of  corn  had  three  ears, 
and  a  squash  vine  bore  three  squashes.  The  next  night  he  heard 
the  sound  again,  and  a  man  threatened  his  life  for  looking  on  forbid- 
den things.  Others  gathered  around  and  said  he  should  not  die,  but 
they  would  impart  to  him  their  secret  medicine.  This  was  contained 
in  the  squashes  and  corn. 

He  was  led  to  a  spot  where  many  were  dancing  around  a  fire. 
They  heated  an  iron  and  thrust  it  through  his  cheek,  and  then  at 
once  healed  it.  They  burned  his  leg,  and  did  the  same,  but  all  the 
time  they  sang  the  medicine  song,  which  he  also  learned.  As  he 
turned  homeward  he  found  that  these  w-ere  not  men,  as  he  had  sup- 
posed, but  a  great  gathering  of  birds  and  beasts.  It  seems  in  this  a 
variant  of  the  good  hunter  story. 

He  had  been  shown  how  to  prepare  the  medicine.  He  was  "to 
take  one  stalk  of  corn  and  dry  the  cob  and  pound  it  very  fine,  and  to 
take  one  squash,  cut  it  up  and  pound  that,  and  they  then  showed 
him  how  much  for  a  dose.  He  was  to  take  water  from  a  running 
spring,  and  always  from  up  the  stream,  never  down."  I  quote  this 
verbatim  in  case  any  one  may  wish  to  try  so  powerful  and  simple  a 
remedy. 

Of  course  the  giving  of  it  varies  little.  "  The  people  sing  over  its 
preparation  every  time  the  deer  changes  his  coat,  and  when  it  is 
administered  to  a  patient  they  sing  the  medicine  song,  w^hile  they 
rattle  a  gourd-shell  as  accompaniment,  and  burn  tobacco." 

Mrs.  Smith  relates  another  story,  much  like  that  told  by  David 
Cusick.  An  old  man  applied  for  hospitality  at  several  lodges  in  turn, 
and  was  repulsed.  He  found  shelter  at  last,  and  was  kindly  treated. 
Being  sick,  he  desired  his  hostess  to  go  for  certain  herbs,  which  she 


158  jfotirnal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

prepared  as  he  told  her,  and  he  was  soon  cured.  Then  he  had  a 
fever,  and  other  herbs  were  brought  for  his  cure.  One  after  another 
he  had  all  the  ailments  known  to  the  red  man,  and  recourse  to 
every  healing  herb.  When  the  cure  of  all  diseases  had  been  taught 
he  went  away,  and  was  seen  no  more,  leaving  a  blessing  behind. 

David  Cusick  did  not  dwell  upon  the  particulars  of  this  visit,  but 
said  that  the  old  man  taught  them  much  besides  medicine,  though 
this  was  his  principal  mission. 

Among  the  Onondagas  a  secret  medicine  society  is  called  Ka-noo'-tah, 
but  there  are  other  names  having  some  reference  to  these.  Captain 
George,  of  that  nation,  used  a  whistle  of  bamboo  in  the  annual  cere- 
monial making  of  the  medicine,  of  which  I  have  a  figure.  It  is  eight 
inches  long,  and  has  a  lateral  hole  towards  one  end.  On  either  side 
of  this  is  a  piece  of  lead,  fastened  to  the  bamboo  by  winding  a  string 
several  times  around  both.  By  pushing  these  back  and  forth  the 
tone  can  be  changed.  This  is  also  a  feature  of  the  Iroquois  flute. 
As  many  of  the  Onondagas  have  faith  in  their  old  remedies,  and 
Captain  George  had  some  real  medical  skill,  he  held  the  appointment 
of  physician  to  them  for  some  years  before  his  death. 

As  a  rule,  we  depend  on  what  the  Indians  tell  us  for  what  we 
know  of  the  great  medicine  or  any  other.  It  is  rarely  the  case 
that  a  white  person  is  a  member  of  any  of  the  Iroquois  medicine 
societies.  Mrs.  Harriet  Maxwell  Converse  has  been  initiated  in  the 
Seneca  Na-gu-na-gar-ha,  and  gives  a  favorable  account  of  this.  It 
would  hardly  be  proper  to  anticipate  her  description  in  any  way,  but 
she  says  that  devout  Christian  Senecas  are  among  the  active  mem- 
bers. Her  account  does  not  conflict  with  those  here  given,  and  she 
has  published  such  notes  as  thus  far  seem  best.  The  feasts  occur 
in  the  fall  and  spring. 

The  Jesuits  mentioned  the  drinking  of  medicine  water  by  the 
Hurons  in  1640,  in  a  ceremonial  way.  This  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  customary  among  them,  and  the  other  allusions  which  I  recall 
are  to  simple  healing  beverages  of  an  ordinary  kind.  Among  the 
Iroquois  it  was  different.  The  most  exact  account  we  have  of  the 
Onondaga  medicinal  water  is  in  the  "  Relation  "  of  1670 :  "  They  took 
in  their  mouth  a  certain  mysterious  water,  and  with  great  efforts 
blew  it  upon  the  cheeks  and  temples  of  the  sick  man,  and  he  who 
was  as  it  were  the  chief  of  this  band  ordered  them  also  to  throw  it 
upon  the  hair  and  head,  and  even  upon  the  mat  where  this  poor  sick 
man  was  lying.  It  was  needful  that  everything  should  be  bedewed, 
in  order  to  chase  the  demon  of  the  malady,  which  was  in  the  ear  of 
this  savage.  I  noticed  that  they  then  all  drank  of  the  same  liquor, 
and  that  they  took  the  medicine  which  ought  to  cure  the  sick  man." 

Bruyas  has  an  allusion  to  this  in  his  Mohawk  lexicon,  now  two 


The  Good  Hunter  and  the  Iroqttois  Medicine.         159 

centuries  old.  Arontaton  he  first  defines  "to  blow,"  and  then  "tirer 
le  fusil  et  arroser  d'eau  medicinale ;  "  to  fire  the  gun,  and  water  or 
sprinkle  with  medicinal  water,"  thus  transferring  to  this  its  primitive 
personal  use.  The  idea  may  have  been  that  the  gun  was  bewitched. 
In  fact,  it  is  yet  supposed  that  guns  are  affected  by  certain  mysteri- 
ous influences  aside  from  any  evil  intent,  but  charms  and  witchcraft 
still  have  a  prominent  place  in  New  York  Indian  life.  In  guarding 
against  these  the  medicine  has  a  recognized  power,  yet  I  do  not  find 
the  Indian  more  superstitious  on  the  whole  than  some  of  his  white 
neighbors. 

W.  M.  Beaiichamp. 


i6o  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


•        .         AN  ABENAKI   "WITCH-STORY." 

The  following  story  was  told  by  Beulah  Tahamont.  She  is  an 
Abenaki,  about  sixteen  years  of  age.  Her  home  is  at  Lake  George, 
New  York,  but  she  has  visited  New  York  city,  where  this  story  was 
obtained.     It  is  given  as  nearly  as  possible  in  her  words. 

An  old  "witch  "  was  dead,  and  his  people  buried-  him  in  a  tree,  up 
among  the  branches,  in  a  grove  that  they  used  for  a  burial-place. 
Some  time  after  this,  in  the  winter,  an  Indian  and  his  wife  came 
along,  looking  for  a  good  place  to  spend  the  night.  They  saw  the 
grove,  went  in,  and  built  their  cooking  fire.  When  their  supper  was 
over,  the  woman,  looking  up,  saw  long  dark  things  hanging  among 
the  tree  branches.  "What  are  they  ?"  she  asked.  "They  are  only 
the  dead  of  long  ago,"  said  her  husband,  "I  want  to  sleep."  "I 
don't  like  it  at  all.  I  think  we  had  better  sit  up  all  night,"  replied 
his  wife.  The  man  would  not  listen  to  her,  but  went  to  sleep.  Soon 
the  fire  went  out,  and  then  she  began  to  hear  a  gnawing  sound,  like 
an  animal  with  a  bone.  She  sat  still,  very  much  scared,  all  night 
long.  About  dawn  she  could  stand  it  no  longer,  and  reaching  out, 
tried  to  wake  her  husband,  but  could  not.  She  thought  him  sound 
asleep.  The  gnawing  had  stopped.  When  daylight  came  she  went 
to  her  husband  and  found  him  dead,  with  his  left  side  gnawed  away, 
and  his  heart  gone.  She  turned  and  ran.  At  last  she  came  to  a 
lodge  where  there  were  some  people.  Here  she  told  her  story,  but 
they  would  not  believe  it,  thinking  that  she  had  killed  the  man  her- 
self. They  went  with  her  to  the  place,  however.  There  they  found 
the  man,  with  his  heart  gone,  lying  under  the  burial  tree,  with  the 
dead  "witch"  right  overhead.  They  took  the  body  down  and  un- 
wrapped it.     The.  mouth  and  face  were  covered  with  fresh  blood.  ^ 

M.  Raymond  Harrington. 

1  The  narrator  intimated  that  the  "  witch  "  was  a  man.  She  said,  "  There  is 
more  to  the  story,  but  I  have  forgotten  it." 


Siouan  Mythological  Tales.  1.6 1 


SIOUAN   MYTHOLOGICAL  TALES. 

Among  primitive  tribes  are  heard  time-honored  tales  that  may  be 
called  fables  without  viorals,  which  seem  designed  only  to  while 
away  the  time  of  the  young,  and  children  of  a  larger  growth.  Our 
Indians  are  no  exceptions.  The  same  stories  are  current  among 
tribes  remotely  related  so  far  as  location,  language,  and  tradition 
indicate. 

An  insignificant  tribe  of  the  Siouan  family  has,  or  quite  recently 
had,  a  sort  of  fraternity  called  the  medicine  lodge.  Members  of 
distant  tribes  came  to  it  for  instruction,  and  it  seems  to  have  com- 
manded respect  a  generation  or  more  ago,  but  recently  the  Omaha 
dance  has  supplanted  it. 

From  those  who  had  received  this  instruction  the  following 
account  was  obtained,  under  promise  not  to  reveal  the  informants' 
names  lest  the  enmity  of  the  tribe  be  incurred.  According  to  this 
information,  all  the  tales  current  among  all  northern  tribes  relate  to 
the  misadventures  or  heroic  actions  of  ^^foiir  who  7ieverdie.'"  These 
are,  first,  The  Monster ;  second.  The  Sharper  Who  Makes  a  Fool  of 
Himself ;  third,  The  Turtle  ;  fourth.  The  Rabbit.  Recently  some  of 
the  exploits  of  a  Blackfoot  or  Piegan,  named  Red  Horn,  were  added 
to  the  list,  the  initiated  at  once  recognizing  him  as  one  of  the  Immor- 
tal Four,  No  doubt  they  confer  the  same  honor  on  other  recent 
worthies. 

For  the  sake  of  brevity,  the  most  amusing  character,  the  second, 
will  be  known  by  one  of  his  local  names.  Bladder,  which  seems  to 
indicate  that  his  body  resembled  a  bladder  blown  full  of  air.  He  is 
known  to  different  tribes  as  the  Clown,  Spider,  White  Man,  Silly 
Man  ;  and  the  Assiniboins  call  him  the  Ape.  The  Old  Man  of  many 
tribes  is  either  Bladder  or  the  Monster.^ 

By  one  account  Bladder  and  the  Monster  were  twins  and  the  sons 
of  the  Turtle.  Bladder  hunted  his  brother  all  over  the  world  to  slay 
him,  because  his  body  was  of  stone  and  caused  his  mother's  death. 
This  version  begins  with  the  Turtle  and  a  waterfowl  on  the  waters 
of  a  universal  flood,  with  the  nuclei  of  the  earth  in  mouth  and  bill, 
the  one  mud,  the  other  grass,  which  were  placed  to  grow  on  the 
Turtle's  back.  Some  call  the  Turtle  a  Muskrat  or  Coyote,  and  the 
waterfowl  seems  to  be  the  Wonderful  Bird  that  flaps  its  wings  for 
rain,  and  the  noise  to  us  is  thunder! 

But  the  version  of  the  medicine  lodge  says  the  Monster  was  the 

1  Monster  =  Wah-reh-ksau-kee-ka ;  Bladder  =  Wa-teh-gho-ga ;  Sharper  —  Was- 
chang-ka-ga,  —  Winnebago  dialect.  Sharper  =  Unktomi,  —  Siouan  dialect.  Rab- 
bit and  Turtle  are  well-known  characters  in  all  Siouan  tales. 


1 6 2  Journal  of  A  ^nerican  Folk- Lore. 

first  created,  was  made  of  stone,  and  had  one  leg  or  foot  broken  off, 
either  by  being  dropped  or  by  cracking  off  as  he  lay  before  the  fire 
to  dry,  so  another  was  made  to  be  the  progenitor  of  the  human  race, 
which  thereby  incurred  his  enmity.  The  chief  account  of  him  con- 
cerns his  hand-to-hand  conflict  with  Bladder. 

A  characteristic  story  of  Bladder,  as  a  smart  man  who  makes  a 
fool  of  himself,  describes  minutely  his  diving  into  the  water  after 
plums  that  he  saw  reflected  there.  In  the  far  northwest  the  plums 
become  buffalo  berries,  and  among  the  Cheyennes  instead  of  plums 
it  is  buffalo  meat  hung  on  the  limb  of  a  cottonwood  tree  to  dry. 

But  all  accounts  agree  that  he  dived  again  and  again  and  again,  the 
fourth  time  fastening  stones  to  his  wrists,  ankles,  and  neck  to  drag 
himself  down,  and  all  but  drowning  before  he  could  liberate  himself. 
Then,  as  he  lay  gasping  on  the  ground,  his  face  turned  upward  and 
he  saw  the  desired  object  over  his  head ! 

In  the  great  duel,  the  Monster  struck  off  the  head  of  Bladder,  and 
it  flew  up  and  up  into  the  Divine  Presence,  where  it  asked,  "  Shall  I 
kill  him"  (with  reference  to  his  opponent).  Receiving  no  response, 
it  fell  upon  the  neck  where  it  belonged,  and  was  reunited.  Bladder 
then,  in  his  turn,  struck  off  the  head  of  the  Monster,  and  exactly  the 
same  thing  occurred  as  to  the  head  of  Bladder.  These  blows  were 
repeated  in  turn,  for  the  conflict  grew  out  of  an  Indian  ball  game. 
Since  Bladder  suffered  first,  he  was  first  to  ask  permission  to  kill 
his  adversary  for  the  fourth  time,  at  which  he  received  permission, 
and  while  the  head  of  the  Monster  was  in  the  air,  he  pushed  aside 
the  body.  Not  falling  npon  its  wonted  place,  the  head  of  the  Monster 
rebounded  and  co7itiniies  to  rebound  to  this  day  in  the  form  of  the 
sun  I 

Except  the  conclusion,  this  story  may  be  told  to  any  man,  woman, 
or  child ;  but  only  old  men  or  wise  men  are  initiated  into  the  secret 
that  the  sun  is  the  head  of  the  monster,  worshiped  in  the  Sun 
Dance,  instituted  by  Bladder. 

There  were  brothers  made  for  Bladder,  so  there  were  eight  all  told. 
Six  of  these  had  been  captured,  slain,  flayed,  eaten,  and  their  skins 
inflated  with  air.  The  principle  of  life  was  in  these  skins,  and  after 
the  duel  they  were  transformed  into  clouds  by  the  power  of  Bladder. 

The  youngest  had  been  captured,  but  was  not  slain.  He  became 
the  Morning  Star.  Sometimes  the  seven  appear  as  the  Seven  Stars. 
All  this  is  known  to  the  young  men,  the  women,  and  the  children. 

But  only  the  initiated  are  to  know  that  the  Bladder  himself  is  the 
sky,  the  part  of  which  that  we  see  being  the  inner  surface  of  his 
thorax,  we  being  in  the  cavity  of  the  thorax,  which  appears  as  a 
skinbag  in  the  Turtle  story. 

As  was  said,  one  version  makes  the  Turtle  antedate  the  Monster 


Siouan  Mythological  Tales.  163 

and  Bladder.  Our  account  implies  that  the  Turtle  is  the  son  of 
Bladder  and  that  the  Thunder  Bird  is  the  mother  of  the  Turtle,  who 
taught  the  art  of  war. 

All  accounts  agree  that  the  Turtle  w-as  eventually  caught  in  a 
skinbag,  or  under  a  basket  or  kettle.  His  further  adventures, 
shrewd  answers,  and  contest  with  the  otter  are  known  to  the  men, 
women,  and  children.  Only  the  initiated  are  to  know  that  the 
Turtle  is  the  earth  and  that  we  inhabit  the  shell  on  his  back. 

After  the  second  character  in  his  ridiculous  career,  comes  the 
Rabbit  as  a  favorite  with  the  boys  and  girls.  His  adventures  were 
many,  and  he  is  supposed  to  have  introduced  the  social  feast. 

Bladder,  in  his  character  of  the  sky,  still  retained  some  of  his  old 
habits.  Once  the  Rabbit  met  him.  Bladder  was  hunting,  and  kept 
throwing  one  of  his  eyes  up  in  the  treetops  to  look  for  game.  He 
taught  the  rabbit  how  to  do  the  same,  instructing  him  to  chajige  eyes 
after  tising  one  four  times.  Unfortunately,  the  poor  Rabbit  did  not 
take  into  account  the  first  time,  w^hen,  as  he  thought,  he  was  only 
making  a  trial.  So  he  failed  to  get  his  eye  back  after  throwing  it 
up  the  fifth  time. 

This  is  known  to  the  men,  women,  and  children.  Many  things 
are  told  of  the  mice  eating  the  Rabbit's  eye  and  the  expedients  by 
which  he  tried  to  regain  possession  of  the  lost  member.  One  account 
makes  him  get  the  eye  of  another  animal. 

The  initiated  know  that  the  eye  of  the  Rabbit  is  the  moon,  and 
that  the  figure  we  see  on  the  face  of  the  full  moon  is  the  reflection 
of  the  Rabbit  in  his  own  eye,  as  we  see  ourselves  reflected  in  the  eye 
of  a  friend  if  we  look  closely. 

Such  is  the  aboriginal  mythology,  if  our  information  is  correct.  The 
account  has  been  quite  useful  as  a  sort  of  introduction  to  members 
of  several  tribes  whose  confidence  was  desirable.  None  professed 
to  be  entirely  ignorant.  None  knew  and  agreed  with  it  in  all  points. 
Most  professed  to  know  it  in  part  and  were  desirous  of  knowing  the 
whole.     A  few  offered  corrections  of  different  portions. 

One  suggested  that  the  medicine  lodge  combines  the  Sioux  legend 
of  the  Monster  and  Bladder  with  the  Algonquin  legend  of  the 
Rabbit  and  the  Iroquois  legend  of  the  Turtle.  In  the  original,  he 
said,  both  heads  went  on  rebounding  unto  this  day  in  the  form  of 
sun  and  moon,  and  in  the  original  Rabbit  story  the  other  eye  was 
thrown  up  to  regain  possession  of  the  first,  one  eye  being  the  sun, 
the  other  the  moon. 

Another  suggests  that  the  Monster  represents  the  chief  of  those 
who  were  here  when  the  Indians  came  and  who  were  destroyed  for 
the  sake  of  their  wives,  the  new-comers  being  braves  only.  The 
story  states  that  Bladder  and  his  brothers  took  the  wives  of  the 


164  y ournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Monster.  He  further  conjectures  that  the  original  Bladder  was  a 
French  refugee  who  feigned  insanity,  represented  himself  as  the 
first  of  the  human  race,  and  coined  the  tales  of  his  exploits  to  secure 
his  own  safety. 

The  Turtle,  he  thinks,  was  a  renegade  Delaware  who  fought  his 
own  people ;  the  Rabbit,  the  son  of  a  mulatto  woman  and  a  Mohawk 
Indian,  which  accounts  for  the  saying  that  "The  Rabbit  owes  his 
power  to  the  fact  that  he  is  the  son  of  the  sky,  the  nephew  of  the 
sun,  and  the  brother  of  the  earth,"  a  saying  meant  to  mystify  the 
uninitiated,  but  simply  meaning  that  Turtle  is  the  son  of  Bladder 
and  father  of  the  Rabbit. 

These  conjectures  as  to  the  origin  of  the  stories  seem  uncalled  for, 
but  may  be  in  part  correct.  Such  personages  may  have  taken 
advantage  of  the  general  belief  and  claimed  for  themselves  the 
characters  in  question,  adding  to  the  tales  their  own  exploits,  real 
or  imaginary. 

It  matters  little  to  the  Indian  boy  who  earns  the  story  by  con- 
tributing the  large  stick  to  keep  fire  in  the  lodge  all  night  and  who 
firmly  believes  that  a  Rabbit  story  would  bring  on  a  winter's  storm 
at  any'season,  that  if  he  hears  stories  in  summer  he  will  step  on  a 
snake  next  day,  and  that  to  tell  children  stories  in  the  daytime  will 
make  them  grow  humpbacked. 

Louis  L.  Meeker. 
Pine  Ridge  Agency. 


Translation^.  165 


TRANSLATION  :   A  STUDY  IN  THE  TRANSFERENCE 
OF  FOLK-THOUGHT. 

The  familiar  Italian  proverb,  tradiittori  tj'adittori  ('translators  are 
traitors  ")  has  a  good  deal  of  truth  in  it.  There  are  no  two  races 
upon  the  faces  of  the  earth  whose  minds  run  in  exactly  the  same 
channel,  whose  speech  is  cast  in  just  the  same  mould.  Dr.  O.  W. 
Holmes  has  well  said  :  "  Language  is  a  temple  in  which  the  soul  of 
those  who  speak  it  is  enshrined."  Into  its  holy  of  holies,  the  gen- 
tile, the  barbarian,  the  stammerer,  as  the  speaker  of  an  alien  tongue 
is  so  often  designated,  can  never  enter.  To  all  but  the  high-priest 
of  each  language  the  penetralia  of  its  shrine  are  tahi.  The  ethnic 
instinct,  the  racial  SprachgefuJil  tends,  as  is  also  the  case  with  the 
inner  religious  life,  to  preserve  its  best  and  noblest  creations,  —  a 
single  word,  the  epic  of  barbarism ;  a  great  poem,  the  epic  of 
culture,  —  from  becoming  the  absolute  property  of  even  its  most 
cherished  adopted  sons.  To  him  not  born  to  speak  the  tongue  he 
desires  to  acquire  and  to  utilize,  there  are  golden  vessels  in  the 
temple  which  his  touch  would  profane  or  disfigure.  In  the  saying 
of  Talleyrand,  "  Speech  was  given  to  man  to  disguise  his  thoughts," 
there  is  this  measure  of  truth,  at  least,  that  through  their  various 
languages  and  dialects  the  diverse. races  of  men  have  succeeded  in 
hiding  many  of  their  ideas  from  one  another.  To  change  the  lan- 
guage of  a  people  completely  would  be  to  change  its  very  soul ;  to 
possess  its  speech  perfectly,  its  spirit  must  be  incarnate  in  the 
acquirer. 

To  translate  {transferre,  traduire,  iibersetzten)  is,  literally,  "  to 
carry  over,  to  put  over,  to  set  over  "  thought  from  one  language  into 
another.  In  Aramaic  ^  the  figure  is  even  more  materially  expressed, 
for  in  that  tongue  "translate"  really  signifies  "to  throw  a  bundle 
over  a  river."  Sometimes  the  bundle  falls  into  the  stream  and  is 
lost ;  sometimes  it  lands  in  the  shallows  fast  by  the  shore ;  not  so 
often  does  it  rise  gracefully,  pass  fleetly  over,  and  fall  gently  on  the 
green  sward  of  the  bank. 

In  the  language  of  the  Maya  Indians  of  Yucatan,  the  priests, 
whose  special  duty  was  to  declare  the  oracles  of  the  gods,  are 
termed  cJiilan,  "interpreter"  (literally,  "mouth-piece,"  from  chij, 
"mouth"),  —  they  were  the  "mouth-pieces"  of  the  deities. 

In  Aztec,  nauatlaio,  the  word  for  "  interpreter,"  comes  from  nauati 
(the  radical  is  nd,  "to  know,  to  be  able"),  "  to  speak  clearly  and  dis- 
tinctly." 

In  Ojibwa  an  '' interpreter "  or  "translator"  is  called  dnikanota- 
1  Posnett,  Comparative  Literature  (New  York,  1886),  p.  48. 


1 66  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

gewinini,  (from  dnikanotage,  "  to  repeat,"  and  mini,  "  man  "),  liter- 
ally, "  the  repeat  man."     Here  the  "  translator  "  is  the  "  repeater." 

In  Cree,  another  Algonkian  language,  the  word  is  itivestamdkewi- 
yiniw  (from  itwestamdwew,  "he  speaks  for  him,"  and  iyiniw^ 
"man"),  literally  "the  speak-for  man." 

Our  English  word  talk  harks  back  to  a  translation-word.  We  bor- 
rowed it  from  the  Icelandic  tulka  (Swedish  tolka,  Danish  tolke),  "to 
interpret,  to  explain,  to  plead  one's  case."  This  Icelandic  word,  in 
its  substantival  form  tulkr  (Swedish  folk),  "  an  interpreter,"  is  of 
Slavonic  origin,  —  Lithuanian  tidkaSy  Lettic  tulks,  "interpreter;" 
Lithuanian  tulkoti,  Lettic  tnlkot,  "to  interpret."  To  the  same  stock 
belong  also  Russian  iolkovat,  "  to  interpret,  to  explain,  to  talk,  to 
speak  of,"  and  to/k,  "sense,  meaning,  doctrine." 

The  English  interpret  comes,  through  the  French  interpreter,  from 
the  Latin  interpretari,  the  source  of  which  last  word  is  interpres,  "  an 
agent,  broker,  factor,  go-between,"  perhaps  originally  "a  speaker 
between."  Besides  tratislation  and  interpretation  we  speak  of  ren- 
dering, and  we  have  yet  another  term,  version.  To  render  is  properly 
"to  give  back,  to  restore,"  and  diversion  is  "a  change,  a  turning,"  as 
the  Latin  original  of  the  word  shows. 

The  thing  itself  which  all  these  words  seek  to  describe  is  hard  to 
accomplish.  Everywhere  the  "carrier,"  "bundle-thrower,"  "mouth- 
piece," "clear  speaker,"  "repeat  man,"  "speak-for  man,"  "go-be- 
tween "  fail  to  do  absolute  justice  to  the  original.  It  is  as  Dryden 
has  it  :  "  Something  must  be  lost  in  all  transfusions,  that  is,  in  all 
translations ;  but  the  sense  will  remain,  which  would  otherwise  be 
lost,  or  at  least  maimed,  when  it  is  scarce  intelligible,  and  that  but 
to  a  few."  Long  before  him  the  Roman  Horace  had  written 
Nee  verbum  verbo  curabis  reddere  fidus 
Interpres. 

It  seems  as  if  the  inborn  genius  of  a  people,  the  spirit  that  gave 
birth  to  its  noblest  work  in  verse  or  in  prose,  forbade  its  perfect 
transfer  to  the  speakers  of  an  alien  tongue.  Shakespeare  is  still 
English,  Hugo  French,  and  Dante  Italian,  after  hosts  of  translators 
have  essayed  their  art.  It  has  well  been  said  that  a  great  writer 
needs  not  a  translator  but  a  sympathetic  genius  to  reproduce  in  his 
own  fashion  the  work  of  the  master.  Then  not  traduttore  tradittore, 
but  rather  traduttore  perfecitore. 

The  efforts  of  Christian  missionaries  to  render  the  Bible  accessible 
to  innumerable  "heathen"  peoples  have  resulted  in  the  production 
of  a  mass  of  "translated"  literature,  which,  with  the  "missionary- 
made  "  words  introduced  into  many  of  these  strange  tongues,  are  of 
great  value  for  psychological  study. 

Let  us  take,  e.  g.,  the  Dictionary  of  the  Ojibwa  Language,  made 


Translation,  167 

by  a  noted  Catholic  missionary,  Father  Baraga,^  and  examine  some 
of  the  "translation-words,"  words  changed  in  meaning,  w^ords  made 
up  by  the  missionaries,  with  or  without  the  aid  of  their  converts,  etc. 

1.  Abide.  The  expression  "I  abide  in  him"  is  rendered  by  nin 
pindigawa  (radical,  pindig,  "  inside  "),  "  I  come  to  his  dwelling,  I 
visit  him,"  then,  figuratively,  "  I  enter  into  him,  I  enter  into  his 
heart," —  "  I  abide  with  him." 

2.  AbsohUioii.  "I  grant  him  absolution  "  =  ni)i  gassiamawa,  liter- 
ally "  I  blot  it  out  to  him,  I  wipe  it  off  to  him."  In  the  cognate 
Nipissing  dialect  one  can  say  kasikan  ki patatowman,  "thy  sins  are 
forgiven  thee  (blotted  out),"  and  kasiabawe,  "to  be  effaced  by  the 
water." 

3.  Almighty.  This  appellation  of  the  Supreme  Being  is  rendered 
inisi gego  netaivitod  (ir om  misi,  "all,"  gego,  "something,"  netawi- 
todt  "he  can  make  it  "),  /.  e.,  "  He  who  can  make  all." 

4.  Altar.  The  altar  of  the  Old  Testament  is  pagidiiiigewinikan, 
really  "sacrificing-place."  The  series  of  words  to  which  this  term 
belongs  is  very  interesting.  We  have,  among  others  :  Pagiditiigewin, 
"  sacrificing,  offering,  immolation,  sacrifice ;  "  ninpagidinigc,  "  I  give, 
I  sacrifice,  I  bring  or  make  an  offering,  a  sacrifice,  I  immolate,"  also 
"I  sow,  I  plant  ;  "  pagidinigan,  "gift,  sacrifice,  offering  ;"  nin  pa- 
gidinin,  "  I  let  it  go  out  of  my  hands,  I  release  it,  I  desist  from  it," 
also  "I  sow  it;"  nin pagidina,  "I  let  him  go,  release  him,  permit 
him  to  do  something  or  to  go  somewhere,  I  betray  him,"  also  "  I  sow 
it,  I  plant  it ;  "  nin  pagidenindis,  "  I  sacrifice  myself,  I  give  myself  up 
to  somebody,  I  give  myself  up  for  some  purpose,  I  put  myself  in  the 
power  of  somebody  ;  "  nin  .pagidenima,  "  I  give  him  away,  I  sacrifice 
him,  I  offer  him,  I  renounce  him,  I  reject  him,  I  give  him  up,  I  bury 
him  ; "  pagidindamowin,  "  giving,  sacrifice,  renunciation,  burial, 
funeral."  The  radical  from  which  all  of  these  words  are  derived  is 
pagid,  "free,  to  set  free."  From  the  same  root  come  2\so pagidana- 
viowin,  "breath,  respiration,  sigh;"  pagidandjigewin,  "abstinence, 
fasting  ;  "  and  tiin pagidawa,  "  I  set  a  net  to  catch  fish,  I  catch  fish." 
The  psychological  interrelation  of  these  terms  is  curious,  and  the 
translator  must  be  careful  lest  his  context  permit  of  some  of  the  seri- 
ous ambiguities  which  their  loose  use  might  entail.  The  word  used 
of  the  old  pagan  sacrifices  is  nin  sagiivia,  "  I  sacrifice  some  object 
according  to  pagan  rites." 

5.  Annunciation.  In  the  translation  of  the  phrase  "the  annuncia- 
tion of  the  Virgin  IMary,"  as  Bishop  Baraga  points  out,  one  of  the 
peculiarities  of  the  Ojibwa  language  is  in  evidence.  In  the  language 
of  Baraga  there  are  two  forms  of  expression  :  Anjeni  od  anamikdge- 

^A  GraDtmar  and  Dictionary  of  the  Otchip-we  Language,  Parts  I.  and  II. 
(Montreal  1878). 


i68    ■  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

win  and  kitchitwa  Mani  od  anamikdgowin,  the  first  of  which  is  to  be 
rendered,  "the  salutation  of  the  angel,"  the  stcond  "the  salutation 
of  the  Virgin  Mary "  (literally  "  Holy  Mary ").  Anamikdgezvin 
means  "  the  salutation  as  made  by  the  angel,"  while  anamikdgowin 
means  "the  salutation  as  received  by  Mary."  This  same  distinction 
is  made  in  many  other  words  :  — 

dibaamdgewin   =  a    reward    (given     to     somebody). 


dibaamdgowin   -  "       "       (received  by               " 

dibdkonigewin    —  "     judgment  (made  by            ** 

dibdkonigowin   =  "            "         (undergone  by    " 

gassiamageivin  -  "     pardon  (granted            "      " 

gassiamagowin  -  "           "      (received           "      " 

In  this  language  there  cannot  be  such  an  equivoque  as  the  amor 
Dei  of  Latin.  In  the  Nahuatl  (Aztec)  tongue  of  Old  Mexico,  as  Dr. 
Brinton  points  out,  "  these  two  quite  opposite  ideas  \onr  love  towards 
God  and  God's  love  towards  tis'\  are  so  clearly  distinguished  that,  as 
Father  Carochi  warns  his  readers  in  his  Mexican  Grammar,  to  con- 
found them  would  not  merely  be  a  grievous  solecism,  but  a  formi- 
dable heresy  as  well."  \  Many  other  American  Indian  tongues  have  a 
like  precision  of  speech. 

In  translation  into  the  Kechua  language  of  Peru  the  possibilities 
of  serious  ambiguity  ought  to  be  very  remote,  for  Dr.  Brinton  tells 
us  that  this  "  is  probably  the  richest  language  on  the  continent,  not 
only  in  separate  words  denoting  affection,  but  in  modifications  of 
these  by  imparting  to  them  delicate  shades  of  meaning  through  the 
addition  of  particles.  As  an  evidence  of  the  latter,  it  is  enough  to 
cite  the  fact  that  Dr.  Anchorena,  in  his  grammar  of  the  tongue,  sets 
forth  nearly  600  combinations  of  the  word  mimay,  to  love."  ^  The 
Kechua  even  possesses  a  word,  ruacciiyay,  which  signifies  "  the  love 
of  mankind." 

6.  Ark.  The  expression  "  ark  of  the  covenant "  is  translated 
gaiat-ijitwaivini-makak  —  "  old-testament  box."  Makak  is  properly  a 
box  of  birch-bark  used  to  put  maple-sugar  in,  and  for  other  purposes. 
Baraga  uses  it  also  in  the  sense  of  "trunk,  chest,  coffer,  barrel,"  etc. 

7.  Baptism.  As  given  by  the  priest,  "  baptism  "  is  sigaandagewin  ; 
as  received  by  the  neophyte,  it  is  sigaandagowin.  There  is  no  am- 
biguity here.  The  word  adopted  by  the  Catholic  missionary  is  de- 
rived from  nin  sigaandan,  "  I  pour  water  on  it,"  —  nin  sigaandawazva, 
"I  pour  water  on  him."  The  word  for  "baptize,"  in  the  sense  of 
"to  dip  into  the  water,  to  immerse,"  is  entirely  different  —  nin 
gogina,  "  I  dip  him  into  the  water,"  or  nin  tcJickagamina.     One  of 

,  these  last  two  words  a  Baptist  translator  would  be  forced  by  the 

^  Essays  of  an  ..4  w^r/icaw/j'/ (Philadelphia,  1890),  p.  324. 
2  Ibid.^  p.  425. 


Translation.  169 

logic  of  the  language  to  employ,  and  no  acrimonious  discussions 
among  the  Indian  converts  could  ever  arise,  for  the  text  could  never 
be  constructed  so  as  to  display  the  ambiguity  of  the  English  Bible. 

8.  Blasphetny.  This  word  is  translated  batagigiivewin  (from 
gijwe,  "  I  talk,"  and  bata-,  a  prefix  used  with  verbs  to  express  the 
idea  of  "wrong,  damage,  sin"),  literally,  "wrong  talk." 

9.  Brimstone.  The  word  given  for  "  brimstone  "  is  osdwi  makate. 
Now  makate  means  "  black,"  and  since  gunpowder  is  "  black," 
makate  came,  after  Indian  contact  with  the  whites,  to  signify 
"  powder."  Hence  "  sulphur  (brimstone)  "  is  "  yellow  powder."  But, 
^v[iQ.Q.  osdwi  signifies  "yellow"  and  makate,  "black,"  the  final  ety- 
mology of  the  word  for  "brimstone  "  is  really  "yellow  black." 

10.  Christian.  \i  enamiad,  the  Ojibwa  word  for  "  Christian,"  were 
taken  in  its  literal  sense,  it  would  include  any  "  one  who  prays,"  for 
such  is  its  real  signification.  A  "  pagan,  or  heathen  "  is  e?iamiassig, 
"one  who  does  not  pray." 

11.  Cross.  The  name  of  this  symbol  of  the  church  Baraga  ren- 
ders by  tchibaidtig  and  ajideiatig.  The  first  of  these  words  is  com- 
posed of  tchibai,  "  dead  person,  corpse,"  and  dtig,  "  wood,"  its  proper 
meaning  being  "wood  of  the  dead,"  or  "wood  to  be  placed  upon  a 
grave  "  —  the  primitive  Indian  tombstone  (not  a  cross,  however,  be- 
fore Christianization).  The  second  word  is,  seemingly,  in  more  com- 
mon use,  and  signifies  literally  "  crossed  wood,  wood  in  the  shape  of 
across," — the  radical  ajide  meaning  "crossed."  Here  the  trans- 
lator might  make  use  of  one  of  two  words  entirely  different  in  ety- 
mology and  primitive  signification.  These  Ojibwa  words  are  much 
simpler  than  the  Cree  n  t' ayamihezvdttikiimindnak.  This  word  Dr. 
D.  G.  Brinton^  analyzes  thus:  iVV  (possessive  pronoun,  first-third 
person  plural)  ;  aya^ni  something  relating  to  religion)  ;  he  (indicative 
termination  of  the  foregoing) ;  zv  (a  connective) ;  ditik  (suffix  indi- 
cating "wooden  "  or  "of  wood");  u  (a  connective)  ;  ndn  (termina- 
tion of  first-third  person  plural)  ;  ak  (termination  of  animate  plural, 
—  the  cross  is  spoken  of  as  animate  by  a  figure  of  speech).  We  may 
translate  this  w^hole  word  as  "praying-stick,"  but  what  a  faint  idea 
this  gives  us  of  the  many  elements  of  which  it  is  composed,  and  the 
faintness  increases  when  the  rendering  is  "  cross."  Cross  translates 
but  does  not  embody  the  Cree  thought. 

12.  Forgive.  The  word  "forgiveness"  is  rendered  bdnendamozoi^i, 
which  signifies  "  ceasing  to  think  on  a  thing," — niu  bonendam,  "I 
cease  to  think  on  something,  I  forget,  I  forgive."  The  components 
of  the  word  are  bon  =  "  finishing,  ceasing,  stopping,  end  of  some- 
thing," and  nin  inetidam,  "  I  think,  I  suppose." 

13.  Heaven.     For  "heaven"  Baraga   uses  two  words,  gijig  and 

1  Loc.  cit.,  p.  363. 

VOL.  XIV. —  NO.  54.  12 


170  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

wakwi.  The  first  of  these  really  signifies  "  day,  sky,  firmament," 
and  is  probably  from  the  radical ^{;',  "warmth,  heat."  The  second 
properly  signifies  "  sky,  vault  of  heaven."  Says  Cuoq,^  the  author 
of  a  dictionary  of  the  Nipissing  dialect :  "  Ce  mot  n'est  pas  entendu 
par  des  Strangers  ;  leur  ciel  est  kijik,  ils  disent  nosinan  kijikong 
epian  —  Pater  noster  qui  es  in  coelis.  Au  lieu  de  kijikong  nous  \i.  e., 
the  Nipissings]  dison  zuakzving."  Another  translation,  however,  is 
ishpeming;  the  locative  oiicpim,  "on  high,  up," from  the  radical  icp, 
"up,  on  high." 

14.  Hell.  This  word  Baraga  renders  by  anamakamig,  literally 
"underground  abode,"  — from  anam,  "below,  underground,"  and  — 
kamig,  "  house,  abode,  dwelling."  In  Cree,  Lacombe  translates 
"  hell  "  by  kitchi-iskiUew,  the  "  big  fire." 

15.  Holy  Ghost.  Baraga's  word  for  "Holy  Ghost"  is  wenijishid 
manito,  which  simply  means  "good  spirit,"  wenijishid  being  a  par- 
ticiple of  onijishin,  "it  is  good."  Manito  is  used  by  Baraga  to 
translate  "  spirit,"  —  7iin  manitozu,  "  I  am  a  spirit."  Rev.  Peter 
Jones,  in  his  translation  (John  ii.  22),  renders  "  Holy  Ghost "  by 
PaJinezid  Oojcchog,  and  the  American  Bible  Society's  "  New  Testa- 
ment in  Ojibwa  "  has  Panizit  ojijag.  These  two  last  authorities  use 
oojechog  {ojijag)  to  render  "spirit"  in  all  such  expressions  as  the 
following :  tapzvawcneJi  oojechog,  "the  spirit  of  truth  "  (Johnxv.  26)  ; 
oojechog  sah  ewh  ayahvezeewamahguk,  "  it  is  the  spirit  that  quicken- 
eth  "  (John  vi.  63)  ;  oojechahgooweh  sah  oxvh  keshamimedoo,  "  God 
is  a  spirit "  (John  iv.  24)  ;  einah  oojechahgoozvong  kiya  emah  tapwa- 
wining;  "  in  spirit  and  in  truth  "  (John  iv.  24).  The  significance  of 
manito  has  been  discussed  at  length  by  Dr.  J.  H.  Trumbull.^  The 
radical  of  the  Ojibwa  oojeechog  {ojijag)  is  jij  (or  jich)  =  the  tschitsch 
(German  orthography),  the  radical  of  the  Delaware  tschitscha^ik, 
"  soul,  shadow."  Of  this  radical  Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton  ^  observes  :  "  The 
root  tschitsch  indicates  '  repetition,'  and,  applied  to  the  shadow 
or  spirit  of  man,  means  as  much  as  his  'double'  or  '  counterpart'  " 
These  Indians  speak  of  a  "  double  "  just  as  we  do. 

16.  Hymn.  The  words  for  "  hymn,"  Ojibwa  nagamdn  Nipissing 
nikamon,  etc.,  come  from  the  root  tiagam,  nikam  (the  Cree  has  Jiikaam 
also),  "to  sing."  Cuoq  derives  nikam,  "to  sing,"  from  7iika,  "wild 
goose,"  so  that,  literally,  "hymn,"  and  "singing"  {nikamowin)  mean 
nothing  more  nor  less  than  the  voice  and  song  of  that  bird.  The 
Cree  language  has  both  nakamun  and  nikamiim.  We,  in  English, 
speak  of  some  of  our  highest  literature  as  "swan  song,"  and  therein 
are  not  so  very  far  removed  from  these  Indians.  We  have  our 
"  nightingales  "  also. 

*  Lexique  algonquin  (Montreal,  1886),  p.  419. 

2  Old  and  A-ew  (Boston),  vol.  i.  (1870),  pp.  337-342. 

'  Letidpi  a7id  their  Legends  (Philadelphia,  1885),  p.  69. 


Translation.  171 

17.  Marriage.     Here    is   a    pitfall    for    the    unwary   translator. 
Widigewin  signifies  "  marriage  or  cohabitation  in  regard  to  ojie  of 

the  parties  ;  "  while  "  marriage  or  cohabitation  in  regard  to  both  "  is 
widigendiwin.  These  words  are  derived  from  widig  (the  ultimate 
root  \swid,  widj,  zvit,  "union,  association,  together"),  "to  cohabit, 
to  live  in  the  same  room  with."  The  word  for  "  marry,"  speaking  of 
the  priest  who  performs  the  ceremony,  is  nin  ividigen  daa,  "  I  marry 
her,"  but  of  the  contracting  party  ni7i  winhta,  "  I  marry  her  "  (from 
the  radical  iv,  "wife"). 

18.  Pope.  For  "  Pope  "  Baraga  uses  the  rather  formidable  word 
7naidmawi-iiiganisid-kitchi-inakate-wikwa7iaie  the  signification  of 
which  seems  to  be  "first-chief-great-black-robed."  A  priest  is  ma- 
kate  wikwanaie,  "the  black-robed," — the  other  components  of  the 
word  are  kitcJii,  "great;"  niganisid,  "foreman  or  chief;"  maia, 
"first,  at  the  head  of."  Cuoq,  for  the  Nipissing  dialect,  gives  the 
shorter  word  meia-aiamie-ganawabitsh,  "the  head  bishop,"  —  from 
meia,  "at  the  head,  first,"  and  eiatnie-ganawabitsh,  "bishop."  This 
word  for  "bishop"  is'derived  from  aiamie,  "to  pray,"  and  gajtawa- 
bitsh,  "  supervisor,  guardian,"  —  the  "  Pope  "  being  thus  the  "  head- 
praying-superintendent." 

19.  Sabbath.  For  "  Sabbath  "  Baraga  uses  anwebiwinigijigad  = 
"rest  day,"  and  anatniegij'igad  =  "prayer  or  worship  day."  Mon- 
day is  gi-ishkwa  anamiegijigak  —  "  after  Sunday  ;  "  Wednesday  is 
dbitosse  =  "half  way;"  Saturday  is  Marie gijigad  =  "Mary  day." 
This  last  would,  of  course,  never  do  for  a  Protestant  translator.  Rev. 
E.  F.  Wilson,^  an  Episcopalian  missionary,  in  his  Ojibwa  dictionary 
gives  the  day-names  as  follows  :  Sunday  uJinuJimea-kezJiegud  ("  wor- 
ship-day ")  ;  Monday,  ke-ishquahuhmihmea-kezhegiik  ("  after  Sun- 
day ")  ;  Tuesday,  neezJio-kezhegiid  ("second  day,"  — from  Sunday)  ; 
Wednesday,  ahbeioosa  ("middle,"  "half-way");  Thursday,  Jieeo- 
kezhegud  ("fourth  day");  Friday,  nahno-kezhegiid  ("fifth  day"); 
Saturday,  ningodwauso-kezJicgud  ("  sixth  day ").  If  one  took  the 
nineteen  words  discussed  above  and  examined  the  representatives  of 
them  in  all  the  languages  into  which  the  Bible  and  Protestant  and 
Catholic  religious  writings  have  been  translated,  the  results  would 
form  a  most  valuable  and  interesting  psychological  museum,  as  the 
examples  from  the  Algonkian  Indian  tongue  serve  to  indicate.  Trans- 
ference of  folk-thought  is  perhaps  the  highest  inter-racial  art. 

Alexander  F.  Chamberlain. 
Clark  University,  Worcester,  Mass. 

*  The  Ojebivay  Language,  Toronto,  1874. 


172  journal  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore. 


"SEEKING  JESUS." 

A   RELIGIOUS    RITE    OF    NEGROES    IN    GEORGIA. 

Right  after  the  war  a  great  many  negroes  came  into  the  interior 
of  Georgia  from  the  Sea  Islands  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia. 
They  brought  with  them  a  religious  festival  or  custom  called  "  Seek- 
ing Jesus."  They  would  congregate  in  a  cabin,  all  the  lights  and 
fires  would  be  put  out,  when  one  among  the  number  would  call  out, 
"  Where  is  Jesus  .''  "  Some  one  would  answer  :  "  Here  is  Jesus." 
They  would  rush  to  the  part  of  the  cabin  where  the  answer  was 
given,  and,  of  course,  not  finding  him  there,  would  say,  "  He  ain't 
here."  Then  another  voice  would  cry  out  in  the  darkness  from 
another  part  of  the  cabin  :  "  Here  is  Jesus."  Another  rush  would 
be  made,  when  the  statement,  "  He  is  not  here,"  would  again  be 
made.  The  calls  and  answers  would  be  repeated  for  hours,  some- 
times all  night.  The  women  and  men  would  become  excited  and 
frantic,  would  tear  their  hair,  and  scream  and  pray  until  the  meeting 
was  broken  up  in  a  religious  frenzy. 

Roland  Steiner. 

Grovetown,  Ga. 


The  Practice  of  Conjuring  in  Georgia.  173 


OBSERVATIONS   ON  THE    PRACTICE   OF   CONJURING 

IN    GEORGIA. 

The  collection  of  beliefs  relating  to  witchcraft  which  is  furnished 
below,  and  which  has  been  obtained  from  informants  whose  confi- 
dence I  have  acquired,  may  be  introduced  by  some  account  of  my 
personal  experience  with  "cunjer." 

A  family  of  negroes  consisting  of  husband,  wife,  and  son  applied  to 
me  at  my  plantation  near  Waynesboro,  Ga.,  for  work.  The  man  and 
woman  were  well  advanced  in  years  and  both  of  the  pure  negro  type. 
The  woman  asked  that  I  would  give  them  a  house  as  far  removed 
from  others  as  possible,  which  request  seemed  to  me  rather  odd,  as 
most  negroes  prefer  living  together,  or  near  each  other.  They 
worked  as  well  as  the  average  negro,  and  I  had  no  cause  to  complain. 
A  few  months  after  their  arrival,  when  they  were  firmly  established 
and  were  well  acquainted  with  the  neighborhood,  it  began  to  be 
rumored  about  that  Hattie  McGahee,  the  woman,  was  a  root  doctress, 
could  relieve  pains,  cure  diseases,  foretell  events,  bring  about  estrange- 
ment between  husband  and  wife,  or  effect  reconciliations.  She  had 
as  assistants  in  the  occult  art  a  perfectly  black  dog  and  cat,  which 
were  regarded  as  evil  spirits,  perhaps  as  Satan  himself.  Upon  the 
same  plantation  were  two  negroes,  Joe  Coleman  and  Henry  Jenkins, 
both  of  whom  were  seeking  to  win  the  affections  of  a  young  negress 
named  Laura  Jones.  Henry  Jenkins  sought  the  assistance  of  Hattie 
McGahee,  while  Joe  Coleman  procured  as  advisor  and  friend  a  cele-. 
brated  negro  root  doctor  called  Hosey  Lightfoot.  The  black  cat  or 
dog  was  brought  into  service  by  furnishing  a  few  hairs  which  were 
burned  with  some  sassafras  sticks  and  as  a  powder  administered  in 
food  to  Laura.  The  plantation  was  divided  as  to  the  suitors  for  the 
hand  of  Laura,  and  Hattie  declared  open  war  against  all  those 
espousing  the  cause  of  Joe  Coleman.  Cross  marks  and  graveyard 
dirt,  or  small  bundles  of  tied-up  sticks,  were  found  lying  in  the  paths 
leading  to  the  houses  of  the  respective  rivals,  and  many  of  the 
negroes  refused  to  work  in  the  same  field  with  Hattie  and  her  hus- 
band. Every  headache  or  other  pain,  or  even  diseases  common  to 
the  climate,  were  laid  to  the  account  of  the  different  doctors.  I  once 
found  a  large  pile  of  cotton  lying  in  the  field,  which  the  negroes 
refused  to  take  out,  claiming  that  Hattie  McGahee  had  put  a  spell 
on  it.  Negroes  would  not  even  walk  in  the  paths  that  Hattie  used, 
fearing  the  effect  of  some  spell.  Matters  were  at  a  fever-heat  until 
a  crisis  was  reached  in  the  killing  of  Hattie  McGah-ee's  dog,  which 
was  ascribed  to  Joe  Coleman  and  his  friends.  When  the  principals 
with  their  friends  met  to  settle  the  difficulty  personally,  the  result 


174  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

was  that  Henry  Jenkins  was  fearfully  mutilated  with  an  axe,  Joe 
Coleman  suffered  a  fearful  beating  with  sticks,  while  others  of  the 
respective  parties  escaped  with  more  or  less  personal  injury.  Joe 
Coleman,  the  aggressor,  was  sent  to  the  chain  gang  by  the  county 
court  for  six  months.  While  he  was  serving  out  his  term,  Henry 
Jenkins  recovered  from  his  injuries,  and  married  Laura.  Shortly 
after  the  difficulty,  the  father  of  Joe  Coleman  was  kicked  by  a  mule 
and  killed  ;  his  death  was  laid  at  the  door  of  Hattie  McGahee,  the 
negroes  believing  that  she  used  some  spell  over  the  mule,  making 
him  kill  Lewis  Coleman,  the  father  of  Joe.  Since  I  left  Waynes- 
boro, Henry  Jenkins  and  another  negro  had  a  difficulty,  in  which 
both  were  killed,  about  the  same  Laura  Jones  whom  he  married.  I 
immediately  discharged  the  whole  McGahee  family,  saving  the  young 
son,  who  refused  to  go  with  his  mother  and  father.  Wherever  she 
went,  still  pursuing  the  calling  of  a  dealer  in  the  occult  science, 
trouble  followed  in  her  wake.  Hattie  could  interpret  dreams,  was  a 
weather  prophet,  and  in  short  completely  proficient  in  her  art. 

Those  following  the  profession  of  "cunjer  doctor"  rarely  remain 
in  one  place  for  a  long  time,  and  generally  wish  their  homes  far 
removed  from  other  habitations.  When  their  work  becomes  known 
and  its  effect  felt,  for  the  peace  of  all,  master  as  well  as  man,  it  is 
necessary  to  remove  them  from  the  place. 

In  1896,  upon  my  plantation  near  Grovetown,  Ga.,  I  secured  as 
cook  the  services  of  a  mulatto  woman  by  the  name  of  Jane  Jackson, 
who  was  highly  recommended.  She  and  her  husband  lived  in  the 
yard.  At  the  same  time  I  employed  as  milkwoman  Anna  Bonney, 
whose  husband,  Jim  Bonney,  attended  to  the  lot.  An  estrangement 
between  Anna  and  Jane  soon  produced  the  following  disastrous 
results.  Anna  would  complain  about  Jane,  Jane  in  turn  would 
accuse  Anna  of  taking  the  milk.  One  morning  at  breakfast,  my 
brother  and  myself,  upon  drinking  a  little  of  the  coffee  in  our  cups, 
were  made  violently  sick.  Of  course  Jane  was  questioned  very 
closely  in  regard  to  it ;  but  I  soon  became  convinced  that  she  was 
not  the  guilty  party.  We  never  could  explain  the  coffee  incident, 
having  failed  to  analyze  the  coffee.  A  negro  told  me  that  he 
thought  powdered  pecune  root  was  put  in  the  coffee,  as  it  is  a  power- 
ful emetic.  Though  Anna  milked,  Jane  churned,  and  every  effort 
to  make  butter  failed.  Jane  said  that  Anna  had  put  a  spell  on  the 
milk.  Anna  retorted  by  saying  that  Jane  put  something  in  the  milk 
to  prevent  the  butter  coming,  so  that  she,  Anna,  could  be  dis- 
charged. Chickens  about  the  yard  began  to  die,  the  water  in  the 
well  had  a  peculiar  taste,  little  bundles  of  sticks  were  found  in  the 
kitchen  as  well  as  in  the  cow  lot,  graveyard  dirt  served  its  purpose 
in  various  ways  and  in  many  places.     Having  stopped  using  water 


The  Pracfice  of  Conjuring  in  Georgia.  175 

out  of  the  well,  we  had  all  the  water  used  for  drinking  and  culinary- 
purposes  brought  from  a  spring  that  was  a  short  distance  from  the 
house.  Very  soon  sticks  of  various  lengths,  "devil's  snuff"  and 
graveyard  dirt,  was  found  strewed  along  the  path  to  the  spring.  Our 
milk  cow  prematurely  going  dry,  and  a  fine  calf  dying  at  the  lot,  to- 
gether with  the  fact  that  Jim  Bonney  and  his  wife  Anna  were  seen 
by  a  negro,  Steve  Olley,  at  midnight  making  repeated  circuits 
around  the  well,  and  motioning  with  their  hands  towards  the  house 
occupied  by  Jane  Jackson.  Upon  the  negroes  telling  me  of  the 
walk  around  the  well,  I  determined  to  make  a  clean  sweep  of  every- 
body, and  discharged  all  hands  in  any  way  concerned  in  the  matter. 
It  was  with  great  difficulty,  while  all  this  "cunjer"  was  going  on,  • 
that  I  could  get  any  one  to  enter  the  yard  in  order  to  perform  the 
slightest  offices.  Negroes  would  use  neither  axe  nor  hoes  kept  at 
the  yard,  but  would  bring  their  own,  and  take  them  away  as  soon  as 
the  work  was  finished.  Some  would  not  even  pass  through  the  yard. 
When  a  hen  was  put  to  setting,  she  rarely  brought  off  chickens. 
Shortly  after  the  discharge  of  all  parties,  John  Jackson,  the  husband 
of  Jane  Jackson,  was  seen,  when  passing  on  a  path,  to  motion  three 
times  towards  Anna  Bonney's  house.  Anna  was  standing  in  the  yard 
at  the  time  the  motions  were  made,  and  fell  in  convulsions.  She 
was  taken  into  the  house,  where  she  lingered  for  some  weeks,  and 
died.  Her  death  was  laid  at  the  door  of  Jane  Jackson.  Before 
using  the  well,  I  had  it  thoroughly  cleaned  out,  and  red  pepper 
thrown  in,  as  well  as  into  and  under  the  house  that  was  occupied  by 
Jane  Jackson,  before  I  could  get  other  negroes  to  occupy  the  pre- 
mises, or  use  the  water  from  the  well.  It  can  be  well  understood 
from  the  foregoing,  how  this  matter  of  "cunjer,"  in  designing  hands, 
can  work  evil  to  the  innocent.  Jane  and  Anna,  with  the  assistance 
of  their  husbands,  were  fighting  a  battle  royal  against  each  other. 
Yet  I  and  other  innocent  people  had  parts  to  play  in  this  drama. 

HOW    CUNJER    DOCTORS    GET    PATIENTS. 
(From  Henry  Thomas.) 

Two  miles  from  Grovetown,  Ga.,  lived  an  old  widowed  negro 
woman,  Sarah  Davis,  who  had  accumulated  quite  a  sum  of  money. 
She  was  very  close,  and  would  neither  lend  nor  give.  A  sharp 
negro,  learning  that  she  was  sick,  put  the  following  scheme  in  exe- 
cution to  get  some  of  it.  He  went  along  the  path  that  led  to  the 
spring,  and  found  a  convenient  spot  for  his  purpose,  dug  a  hole,  put 
in  it  a  small  bottle  containing  human  hair,  some  graveyard  dirt,  and 
two  small  sticks  ;  he  covered  up  the  holes,  throwing  leaves  over  the 
surface  of  the  ground  to  conceal  his  work.  He  then  went  into  the 
house,  where  he  found  the  old  woman  quite  sick,  her  son  and  daugh- 


176  yournal  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore. 

ters  were  with  her.  After  talking  with  her  for  some  time,  asking 
particularly  the  nature  of  her  complaint,  as  to  pain,  etc.,  he  plainly 
told  her  she  was  under  a  spell,  or  cunjercd.  He  told  her  the  cunjer 
was  near  her  house,  and  that  if  she  would  give  him  ten  dollars  he 
would  find  it,  break  the  spell,  and  cure  her ;  if  he  did  not  find  it,  no 
pay.  He  asked  that  the  son  and  daughter  accompany  him  in  the 
search,  which  proposition  seemed  fair  enough.  He  told  them  he  had 
with  him  a  rod  that  could  find  it.  He,  with  the  son  and  daughter, 
began  the  search.  He  did  not  go  on  the  spring  path  when  he  began 
the  search  for  the  cunjer,  but  went  about  the  yard  in  opposite  direc- 
tions, holding  in  his  hands  the  rod,  a  small  piece  of  rod-iron  about 
twelve  inches  long ;  he  held  the  rod  firmly  in  both  hands,  a  hand 
holding  each  end  of  the  rod.  After  searching  the  yard  thoroughly, 
with  no  success,  he  went  towards  the  lot  where  the  mules  were  kept, 
with  no  better  luck  ;  the  rod  would  not  turn.  At  last  he  turned  his 
face  toward  the  spring,  and  slowly  walked  along,  no  one  speaking  a 
word.  When  he  neared  the  spot  where  he  had  put  the  bottle,  the 
rod  began  to  show  signs  of  life  ;  when  he  got  within  two  feet  of  the 
spot,  the  rod  acted  very  excitedly.  He  sent  the  son  after  a  hoe  and 
shovels,  made  a  circle  about  four  feet  in  diameter,  and  began  digging. 
He  gradually  approached  the  bottle,  then  began  very  carefully  to 
take  away  a  little  dirt  at  a  time,  till  at  last  he  unearthed  the  bottle ; 
the  son  and  daughter  were  speechless.  He  took  the  bottle  to  the 
old  woman,  who  was  much  relieved  and  paid  the  ten  dollars,  and  then 
gave  her  some  roots  to  chew.  The  bottle,  after  being  broken,  was 
buried  in  the  middle  of  the  public  road.  The  old  woman  recovered, 
and,  though  the  trick  was  exposed,  still  believes  she  was  cunjered, 
and  cured  by  the  doctor.  •       • 

A    CUNJERER. 

Tom  Franklin  is  supposed  to  be  a  "cunjerer."  Whenever  he 
comes  into  a  house,  he  always  puts  his  hands  in  his  pockets,  then 
on  a  chair,  or  table,  or  bed.  When  he  does  this,  something  always 
happens  to  the  household.  Negroes  think  he  carries  graveyard  dirt, 
and  works  his  spells  by  it.  They  say  he  works  entirely  with  grave- 
yard dirt,  that  he  knows  the  time  to  get  it.  He  was  the  cause  of  a 
negro  named  Alex  Johnson  giving  up  a  farm  and  moving  off  the 
place  ;  he  put  graveyard  dirt  under  Alex's  house,  and  made  him  very 
ill.  Alex  saw  the  dirt,  and  what  he  could  get  of  it  he  took  with  a 
shovel  and  threw  in  a  fire  he  had  made  in  the  road.  Some  he 
could  n't  get,  as  it  kept  sinking  into  the  ground. 

Tom  Franklin  is  also  a  root  doctor,  and  practices  ;  he  collects 
roots  at  different  stages  of  the  moon. 


The  Practice  of  Co7tjuring  in  Georgia.  177 

(Account  of  Alex  Johnson.) 
I  was  cunjered  last  May,  1898.  I  felt  the  first  pain,  hoeing  in  the 
field  ;  it  struck  me  in  the  right  foot,  and  then  in  the  left,  but  most 
in  the  right  foot,  then  run  over  my  whole  body,  and  rested  in  my 
head  ;  I  went  home,  and  knew  I  was  cunjered.  I  looked  for  the  cun- 
jer,  found  a  little  bag  under  my  front  doorstep,  containing  graveyard 
dirt,  some  night-shade  roots,  and  some  devil's  snuff,  took  the  bag, 
and  dug  a  hole  in  the  middle  of  the  public  road,  where  people  walked 
and  buried  the  bag,  and  sprinkled  red  pepper  and  sulphur  in  my 
house.  I  have  used  fresh  urine,  pepper,  and  salt  to  rub  with  ;  am 
going  to  get  fresh  pokeberry  root  on  the  next  new  moon,  make  a 
tea,  and  rub  with  it.  My  feet  feel  hot,  the  cunjer  put  a  fire  in  them  ; 
am  going  to  see  a  new  root-doctor,  and  find  out  who  zvorkcd  on  me, 
have  the  speU  tuk  off  of  me,  and  put  on  the  person  who  spelled  me. 

AN    AFRICAN    WIZARD. 

Many  years  ago  an  old  African,  or  Guinea  negro,  who  was  a 
trainer  of  race-horses,  and  hanger-on  of  the  sporting  ring,  claimed  to 
be  a  conjurer  and  wizard,  professing  to  have  derived  the  art  from  the 
Indians  after  he  arrived  in  this  country  from  Africa.  This  power  he 
never  used  criminally  against  any  one,  but  only  in  controlling  riotous 
gatherings,  commanding  forgiveness  from  parties  threatening  him 
with  personal  violence  ;  would  cause  runaway  slaves  to  return  to 
their  masters,  foretell  the  time  they  would  appear  and  give  them- 
selves up,  and  compel  their  masters  or  overseers  to  pardon  and  for- 
give them  for  the  offense  of  running  away,  even  against  their  own 
threats  of  severe  punishment  when  caught. 

By  rubbing  any  race-horse  in  a  peculiar  and  secret  way  he  would 
insure  him  to  be  a  winner  while  under  his  training,  and  claimed  to 
be  able  to  make  cards,  dice,  and  other  games  subject  to  his  will. 

ITEMS    RELATING    TO    CUNJER,     . 
(From  various  informants.) 

To  cunjer  a  well,  throw  into  the  well  graveyard  dirt,  an  old  pipe 
of  a  cunjer  doctor,  or  some  devil's  snuff. 

Devil's  snuff,  a  large  species  of  mushroom,  when  broken,  is  full  of 
a  powder  of  a  slatish  color,  and  is  used  in  cunjer,  singly  or  in  com- 
bination with  graveyard  dirt  and  other  things. 

If  a  person  is  cunjered  by  a  negro  with  a  blue  and  a  black  eye,  he 
will  surely  die. 

If  cunjered  by  a  blue-gummed  negro,  death  is  certain. 

To  produce  blindness  by  cunjer,  take  a  toad-frog  and  dry  it,  then 
powder  it  up,  and  mix  with  salt,  and  sprinkle  in  the  hat  of  the  per- 
son to  be  cunjered,  or  on  the  head  if  possible  ;  when  the  head 
sweats,  and  the  sweat  runs  down  the  face,  blindness  takes  place. 


1 78  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Wherever  any  one  gets  killed,  the  spot  is  haunted. 

All  old  houses,  that  stand  off  by  themselves,  and  are  unoccupied, 
generally  get  the  reputation  of  being  haunted.  A  cunjer  doctor  can 
lay  haunts. 

Graveyard  dirt  must  be  got  off  the  coffin  of  the  dead  person,  on 
the  waste  of  the  moon  at  midnight. 

If  you  go  through  a  place  that  is  haunted,  to  keep  from  seeing  the 
haunts  and  from  their  harming  you,  take  your  hat  off  and  throw  it 
behind  you,  then  turn  around  to  the  right  and  take  up  your  hat 
and  walk  fast  by  the  place,  so  as  not  to  aggravate  the  haunts  to 
follow. 

Spirits  come  in  any  shape,  as  men,  cows,  cats,  dogs,  but  are  always 
black.     Some  whine  like  a  cat. 

To  see  spirits,  take  a  rain-crow's  Qgg,  break  it  in  water,  and  wash 
your  face  in  it. 

To  put  a  root  with  a  cunjer-spell  on  it  on  the  ground  and  let  a 
person  walk  over  it  will  hurt  him. 

If  a  man  dies  and  leaves  money  buried,  so  that  nobody  knows 
where  it  is,  his  spirit  will  come  back,  and  the  color  of  the  spirit  is 
red. 

A  cunjer  bag  contains  either  devil's  snuff,  withworms,  piece  of 
snake-skin,  some  leaves  or  sticks  tied  with  horsehair,  black  owl's 
feather,  wing  of  a  leather-wing  bat,  tail  of  a  rat,  or  foot  of  a  mole ; 
any  or  all  of  these  things  may  be  used  as  needed. 

To  carry  about  the  person  a  bone  from  the  skeleton  of  a  human 
being  is  proof  against  cunjer,  but  the  bone  must  be  gotten  out  of  a 
grave  by  the  person. 

In  excavating  an  Indian  mound  on  the  Savannah  River,  Georgia, 
the  negroes  working  took  each  a  metacarpal  bone  to  protect  them 
against  cunjer. 

If  a  negro  finds  a  coat  or  article  of  dress  lying  nicely  folded,  with 
a  stick  lying  on  it,  he  will,  not  touch  it  for  fear  of  cunjer.  On  one 
occasion,  where  some  cotton  was  left  in  the  field,  and  thought  to  be 
cunjered,  I  could  not  get  a  negro  to  touch  it.  When  I  picked  it  up 
and  put  it  in  a  basket,  the  spell  left  it,  as  the  spell  leaves  after  being 
touched  by  a  human  hand,  the  cunjer  going  to  the  person  touching 
it.  Cunjer  can  only, be  effectual  against  those  of  the  same  race.  A 
negro  cannot  cunjer  a  white  man. 

To  prevent  a  hunting  dog  from  "  running  spirits,"  take  a  glass 
button  and  tie  around  his  neck. 

To  stop  a  dog  from  hunting,  rub  an  onion  over  his  nose,  and  he 
will  not  trail  anything;  a  piece  of  wild  onion  is  sometimes  found  in 
a  cunjer  bag. 

To  keep  witches  from  riding,  you  make  an  X  on  a  Bible,  and  put 
it  under  your  pillow.  '^ 


The  Practice  of  Coiijuring  in  Georgia.  1 79 

Fish-bone  is  good  for  cunjer  when  swelling  has  occurred. 

Pecune  root  is  good  for  cunjer  to  rub  with. 

Any  trouble  that  befalls  a  negro  that  he  can't  explain  is  laid  at 
the  door  of  "cunjer." 

Many  negroes  say  that  they  travel  round  with  spirits,  but  they  are 
generally  considered  cunjerers. 

To  keep  from  being  cunjered,  wear  a  piece  of  money  in  either 
shoe,  or  both.  If  you  eat  where  any  one  is  who  you  fear  may  cunjer 
you,  keep  a  piece  of  silver  money  in  your  mouth  while  eating  and 
drinking. 

Red  pepper  in  your  shoe  will  prevent  cunjer. 

To  cunjer  by  means  of  a  hat,  take  a  toad-frog  dry  and  powder,  and 
put  the  powder  in  the  hat,  or  the  dried  toad  may  be  put  up  over  the 
door,  or  under  steps.  Toads,  frogs,  lizards,  etc.,  must  be  all  gotten 
at  night  on  the  waste  of  the  moon,  as  that  will  insure  a  wasting  away 
of  the  body. 

I  give  an  illustration  of  cunjer  by  hat  and  by  water.  While  Bill 
Marshall,  a  negro,  well  known  around  Grovetown,  Ga.,  was  riding  in 
a  wagon  with  another  negro,  the  latter's  hat  blew  off.  Bill  Marshall 
picked  it  up,  and  handed  it  to  the  negro,  who  in  a  few  days  was  taken 
sick  and  died  ;  his  death  was  laid  at  the  door  of  Marshall.  Marshall 
went  to  a  well  to  get  some  water ;  he  drank  out  of  the  bucket ;  a 
negro  woman  came  after  him,  drank  out  of  the  same  water,  and  died 
shortly  after ;  the  death  was  laid  to  Bill  Marshall.  I  employed  him 
to  deaden  timber  in  new  ground  ;  none  of  the  negroes  would  have 
anything  to  do  with  him,  but  said  he  was  a  bad  man,  a  cunjer  doctor ; 
one  old  negro  said,  "  Look  at  tree  Bill  cut,  die  in  a  week."  I 
could  n't  reason  the  question  with  them  ;  Bill  could  get  no  place  to 
stay  or  cook,  so  I  had  to  discharge  him.  He  is  now  living  in  a 
house  he  built  far  off  from  his  fellows,  and  will  be  forced  to  follow 
"cunjering." 

Some  cunjer  by  getting  the  excrement  of  the  person  to  be  cun- 
jered, boring  a  hole  in  a  tree,  and  putting  the  excrement  in  the  hole, 
and  driving  a  plug  in  tight  ;  this  will  stop  one  up,  an  action  on  the 
bowels  can't  be  had  unless  the  tree  with  the  plug  is  found,  the  plug 
taken  out,  and  the  tree  cut  down  and  burned  where  it  stands ;  the 
smallest  trees  are  generally  selected  to  prevent  their  being  found. 

Some  cunjer  bags  are  made  with  snake-root,  needles  and  pins,  tied 
up  with  pieces  of  hair  of  the  person  to  be  cunjered  in  a  bag  of  red 
flannel. 

This  mode  of  cunjer  does  not  produce  death,  but  much  suffering 
and  pain. 

Sol  Lockheart  found  a  cunjer  bag  at  his  doorstep,  he  did  not  look 
into  it,  but  picked  it  up  with  two  sticks,  and  threw  the  bag  and  two 
sticks  into  the  fire. 


I  So  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Cunjer  as  graveyard  dirt  is  taken  from  a  grave  one  day  after 
burial.  Negroes  rarely  ever  go  near  a  graveyard  in  daytime,  never 
at  night. 

One  can  be  cunjered  by  shaking  hands  with  any  one,  if  he  has 
rubbed  his  hands  with  graveyard  dirt. 

To  sprinkle  graveyard  dirt  about  the  yard,  about  a  house,  makes 
one  sleepy,  sluggish,  naturally  waste  away  and  perish  until  he  dies. 

Take  heads  of  dried  snake,  "  ground  puppy,"  scorpion,  or  "  toad- 
frog,  pound  them  up,  put  in  the  water  or  victuals  of  any  one  ;  the 
"  varmints,"  when  taken  into  one's  stomach,  turn  to  life,  and  slowly 
eat  you  up,  unless  you  can  get  the  cunjer  taken  off. 

Get  a  hair  from  the  mole  of  your  head,  tie  it  around  a  new  ten- 
penny  nail,  and  bury  it  with  the  nail  head  down,  point  up,  under  the 
doorstep.     This  will  "run  one  crazy." 

Roland  Steiner. 
Grovetown,  Ga, 


The  Mythology  of  the  Dieguefws.  1 8 1 

THE   MYTHOLOGY   OF   THE   DIEGUENOS. 

The  Dieguefios  have  been  classified  as  belonging  to  the  Yuman 
family  of  Turner  and  Brinton.  They  make  part  of  the  Mission  In- 
dians of  San  Diego  County,  California,  in  which  are  also  included 
fragments  of  Shoshonean  tribes,  akin  to  the  Nahuatlan  peoples  of 
Southern  Mexico.  It  would  not  be  surprising  to  find  in  the  folk- 
lore of  the  Shoshonean  tribes  traces  of  Aztec  influence  ;  but  if  the 
Dieguenos  belong  to  another  family,  a  rather  curious  problem  is 
presented  by  the  following  relics  of  tribal  mythology  related  to  me 
by  old  Cinon  Duro,  the  last  chief  of  the  Dieguenos,  since  they  seem 
to  suggest  by  internal  evidence  relations  with  primitive  Aztec 
tradition. 

THE    STORY    OF    THE    CREATION. 

When  Tu-chai-pai  made  the  world,  the  earth  is  the  woman,  the  sky 
is  the  man.  The  sky  came  down  upon  the  earth.  The  world  in  the 
beginning  was  pure  lake  covered  with  tules.  Tu-chai-pai  and  Yo- 
ko-mat-is,  the  brother,  sat  together,  stooping  far  over,  bowed  down 
under  the  weight  of  the  sky.  The  Maker  said  to  the  brother,  "  What 
am  I  going  to  do  .-'  " 

"  I  do  not  know,"  said  Yo-ko-mat-is. 

"  Let  us  go  a  little  farther,"  said  the  Maker. 

Then  they  went  a  little  farther  and  sat  down  again.  "  Now,  what 
am  I  going  to  do  } "  said  Tu-chai-pai. 

"  I  do  not  know." 

All  this  time  Tu-chai-pai  knew  w^hat  he  would  do,  but  he  was  ask- 
ing  the  brother. 

Then  he  said,  "We-hicht,  we-hicht,  we-hicht,"  three  times;  and 
he  took  tobacco  in  his  hand,  and  rubbed  it  fine,  and  blew  upon  it 
three  times,  and  every  time  he  blew  the  heavens  rose  higher  above 
their  heads.  Then  the  boy  did  the  very  same  thing,  because  the 
Maker  told  him  to  do  it.  The  heavens  w^ent  high,  and  there  was  the 
sky.  Then  they  did  it  both  together,  "  We-hicht,  we-hicht,  we-hicht ;  " 
and  both  took  the  tobacco,  and  rubbed  it,  and  puffed  upon  it,  and 
sent  the  sky  up,  so  —  (into  a  concave  arch). 

Then  they  placed  the  North,  South,  East  and  West.  Tu-chai-pai 
made  a  line  upon  the  ground. 

"Why  do  you  make  that  line  .-"  " 

"  I  am  making  the  line  from  East  to  West,  and  I  name  them  thus, 
Y-nak,  East ;  A-uk,  West.  Now  you  may  make  it  from  North  to 
South." 

Then  Yo-ko-mat-is  was  thinking  very  much. 


1 82  JoMrnal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

"  Why  are  you  thinking  ?  " 

"  Oh,  I  must  think  ;  but  now  I  have  arranged  it.  I  draw  a  line 
thus  (a  crossUne),  and  I  name  it  Ya-wak,  South ;  Ka-tulk,^  North." 

"  Why  have  we  done  this  ?  " 

"I  do  not  know." 

"  Then  I  will  tell  you.  Three  or  four  men  are  coming  from  the 
East,  and  from  the  West  three  or  four  Indians  are  coming." 

The  boy  asked,  "  And  do  four  men  come  from  the  North,  and  two 
or  three  men  come  also  from  the  South  .-' " 

Then  Tu-chai-pai  said,  "  Now  I  am  going  to  make  hills  and  valleys, 
and  little  hollows  of  water." 

"  Why  are  you  making  all  these  things  ? " 

The  Maker  said,  "  After  a  while,  when  men  come  and  are  walking 
back  and  forth  in  the  world,  they  will  need  to  drink  water,  or  they 
will  die."  He  had  already  put  the  ocean  down  in  its  bed,  but  he 
made  these  little  waters  for  the  people. 

Then  he  made  the  forests,  and  said,  "  After  a  while  men  will  die  of 
cold  unless  I  make  wood  for  them  to  use.  What  are  we  going  to  do 
now  .-' " 

"  I  do  not  know." 

"We  are  going  to  dig  in  the  ground,  and  take  mud,  and  make  the 
Indians  first."  And  he  dug  in  the  ground,  and  took  mud,  and  made 
of  it  first  the  men,  and  after  that  the  women.  He  made  the  men 
very  well,  but  he  did  not  make  the  women  very  well.  It  was  much 
trouble  to  make  them,  and  it  took  a  long  time.  He  made  a  beard  for 
the  men  and  boys,  but  not  for  the  women.  After  tbe  Indians  he 
made  the  Mexicans,  and  he  finished  all  his  making.  Then  he  called 
out  very  loud,  "  You  can  never  die,  and  you  can  never  be  tired,  but 
you  shall  walk  all  the  time."  After  that  he  made  them  so  that  they 
could  sleep  at  night,  and  need  not  walk  around  all  the  time  in  the 
darkness.  At  last  he  told  them  that  they  must  travel  towards  the 
East,  towards  the  light. 

The  people  walked  in  darkness  till  he  made  the  light.  Then  they 
came  out  and  searched  for  the  light,  and  when  they  found  it  they 
were  glad.  Then  he  called  out  to  make  the  moon,  and  he  said  to 
the  other,  "  You  may  make  the  moon  as  I  have  made  the  sun.  Some 
time  it  is  going  to  die.  When  it  grows  very  small,  men  may  know 
that  it  is  going  to  die,  and  at  that  time  all  men,  young  and  old,  must 
run  races." 

All  the  pueblos  talked  about  the  matter,  and  they  understood  that 
they  must  run  these  races,  and  that  Tu-chai-pai  was  looking  at  them 
to  see  that  they  did  this.  After  the  Maker  did  all  this  he  did  no- 
thing more,  but  he  was  thinking  many  days. 

'  Or  Ka-tulch  ;  it  has  a  guttural  sound. 


The  Mythology  of  the  Dieguenos.  183 


THE    FLY    AT    THE    COUNCIL. 

Tu-chai-pai  thought  to  himself,  "  If  all  my  sons  do  not  have  enough 
food  and  drink,  what  will  become  of  them  ?  "  After  he  thought  of 
that  a  long  time  he  said,  "Then  they  would  die."  Then  he  said, 
"  What  do  my  men  want  to  do  .<*  I  will  give  them  three  choices,  to 
die  now  forever,  or  to  live  for  a  time  and  return,  or  to  live  forever." 

When  he  had  finished  thinking,  he  called  all  the  men  together,  but 
not  the  women ;  and  he  said  to  them,  "  I  was  thinking ;  there  is  not 
much  food  and  water  now.  I  want  to  know  what  you  wish  to  do,  and 
I  will  give  you  three  choices  ;  to  die  forever,  to  live  for  a  time  and 
return,  or  to  live  forever."  Some  of  the  people  said,  "We  want  to 
die  now  forever."  Others  said,  "  We  want  to  live  for  a  time  and 
return."  Others  said,  "  We  want  to  live  forever."  So  they  talked 
and  they  talked,  and  they  did  not  know  what  to  do. 

Then  the  fly  came  and  said,  "  Oh,  you  men,  what  are  you  talking 
so  much  about }  Tell  him  you  want  to  die  forever,"  So  they  talked 
and  they  talked  very  much,  and  they  made  this  choice,  to  die  and  to 
be  done  with  life,  and  to  die  forever.  This  is  the  reason  the  fly  rubs 
his  hands  together.  He  is  begging  forgiveness  of  the  people  for 
these  words. 

THE    IMPIETY    OF    THE    FROG. 

When  the  moon  had  grown  very  little  all  the  people  were  over 
there  running  races  ;  and  after  all  had  finished  running,  the  rabbit 
and  the  frog  ran  together ;  and  all  the  people  stood  around  looking 
on  and  laughing  at  the  frog,  because  he  had  the  shape  of  a  man,  but 
wore  no  clothes.  Then  the  frog  was  very  angry  at  the  Maker,  and 
the  thought  entered  his  head,  "  Because  you  did  not  make  me  well, 
you  shall  pay  for  it." 

Tu-chai-pai  had  gone  away  to  a  very  high  place,  and  he  was  asleep 
up  there,  and  the  frog  was  down  in  a  deep  place  holding  up  his  hands 
in  defiance  of  the  Maker.  Then  came  the  sunshine,  and  Tu-chai-pai 
with  it.  He  had  a  long  stick,  pointed  at  both  ends,  and  he  held  it  up 
over  his  head.  And  he  took  the  stick  and  felt  in  the  deep  place  with 
it,  and  it  touched  the  back  of  the  frog,  where  it  made  a  long  white 
mark.  By  that  time  the  frog  had  planned  a  wrong  deed.  He  meant 
to  exude  poison,  swallow  it,  and  die.  When  thoughts  of  this  evil 
entered  the  heart  of  Tu-chai-pai,  he  said  to  himself,  "  I  shall  die." 
Then  some  boys  came  and  told  him  what  the  frog  had  done. 

Tu-chai-pai  said,  "  I  shall  die  with  the  moon.  Go,  look  at  the 
moon,  Ach-hulch-la-tai.  Look  again,  Hup-lach-sen,  Look  at  it  a 
third  time,  Hucht-la-kutl.i     Then  I  will  die." 

^  Are  these  the  phases  of  the  moon  ? 


184  Journal  of  Avterican  Folk-Lore, 

"  Oh,  it  is  a  bad  time."  They  looked  at  the  moon,  and  they 
watched  it  to  see  when  Tu-chai-pai  would  die.  It  was  very  little, 
and  they  watched  it  grow  smaller,  and  in  six  months  he  finished  his 
life.  And  all  the  things  on  this  earth  are  the  children  of  Tu-chai- 
pai,  and  they  will  die,  too. 

THE    FIESTA    OF    THE    DEATH    OF    TU-CHAI-PAI. 

As  soon  as  they  found  that  Tu-chai-pai  was  dead,  all  living  things 
came  together  from  the  mountains  and  the  valleys,  all  men  and  all 
animals  to  mourn  for  him.  The  dove  that  lives  here  went  away  to 
seek  her  mate  upon  a  high  white  mountain,  and  when  she  came  back 
there  was  blood  on  her  wings,  the  blood  of  her  father.  Then  they 
went  on  a  high  mountain,  and  set  up  two  tablets,  one  to  the  East, 
and  another  to  the  West,  and  on  these  tablets  were  written  the  num- 
ber of  the  days  of  the  fiesta  of  the  death  of  Tu-chai-pai. 

So  the  men  wanted  to  bury  him,  and  they  made  a  great  funeral 
pyre,  and  were  going  to  set  fire  to  it,  but  the  coyote  would  not  agree 
to  this,  and  the  men  were  afraid  of  him.  So  the  men  sent  him  very 
far  to  the  East ;  and  when  he  was  far  away  he  saw  the  plume  of 
smoke  rising  up,  and  came  hurrying  back. 

"  What  are  you  burning  .-'  " 

"We  are  burning  nothing." 

Then  they  sent  him  away  again,  far  towards  the  sunset ;  but  when 
he  looked  back  again  he  saw  the  smoke.  By  that  time  the  body  was 
burned,  all  but  the  heart.     And  now  the  coyote  came  back. 

So  the  men  stood  close  together,  shoulder  to  shoulder,  about  the 
heart  of  Tu-chai-pai.  The  coyote  said,  "  I  see  what  you  are  burn- 
ing ;  "  and  he  sprang  over  the  heads  of  the  men,  seized  the  heart,  fled 
to  the  mountain,  and  devoured  it.  For  this  reason  men  hate  the 
coyote. 

Then  Yo-ko-mat-is,  the  brother,  went  far  away  to  the  West,  but 
when  men  pray  to  him  for  rain,  he  comes  back  and  answers  their 
prayers. 

Since  the  Mission  Indians  were  long  ago  converted  and  civilized 
by  the  early  Spanish  friars,  one  is  tempted  at  first  to  emphasize  in 
this  mythology  certain  resemblances  to  Christian  teachings  ;  but  if 
the  reader  is  sufficiently  interested  in  the  subject  to  give  it  further 
study,  he  will  find  that  such  resemblances  are  for  the  most  part  mis- 
leading. Let  him  consult,  in  this  connection,  Brinton's  "Myths  of 
the  New  World,"  pp.  Gy,  132,  171,  194,  226,  and  255  ;  and  "Ameri- 
can Hero  Myths,"  by  the  same  author,  pp.  55,  75,  103,  and  125. 
The  latter  references  will  convince  him  that  the  correlated  ideas  of 
the  death  of  the  Maker,  the  frog,  the  moon,  the  coyote,  the  funeral 


The  Mythology  of  the  Dieguefios.  185 

pyre,  and  the  unconsumed  heart  are  genuine  fragments  of  Aztec 
folk-lore.  To  compare  this  story  in  its  resemblances  and  differences 
with  the  folk-lore  of  the  Indians  of  Northern  California,  he  should 
refer  to  Powers's  monograph  in  the  "  U.  S.  Geographical  and  Geo- 
logical Survey  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  Region,"  vol.  iii. 

Constance  Goddard  Du  Bois, 


VOL.  XIV.  —  NO.  54.  13 


1 86  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

FOLK-MUSIC. 

OH,  BURY  ME  NOT  ON  THE  LONE  PRAIRIE. 

A  Song  of  Texan  Cow-boys. 
All  the  notes  should  be  slurred  more  or  less  to  give  the  wailing  effect. 

Andante.         ^-^  a  /r\ 


&=i 


^ 


d: 


Oh, 


bur 


me      not  on    the  lone        prai  -  rie." 


These 


i 


S 


^^=-lc 


t= 


words  came  low         and  mourn  -  ful  -  ly,     From  the  pal     -    lid   lips 


of 


youth    who     lay         On      his    dy  -  ing  couch    at    the  break     of         day. 


"  Oh,  bury  me  not  on  the  lone  prairie." 
These  words  came  low  and  mournfully 
From  the  pallid  lips  of  a  youth  who  lay 
On  his  dying  couch  at  the  break  of  day ; 
Who  had  wasted  in  time  till  o'er  his  brow 
Death's  shades  were  closely  gathering  now. 
He  thought  of  home  and  the  loved  ones  nigh, 
As  the  cowboys  gathered  to  see  him  die. 

"  Oh,  bury  me  not  on  the  lone  prairie. 
Where  the  wild  cy-ote  will  howl  o'er  me. 
In  a  narrow  grave  just  six  by  three, — 
Oh,  bury  me  not  on  the  lone  prairie. 
I  always  hoped  to  be  laid  when  I  died 
In  the  old  churchyard  by  the  green  hillside. 
By  the  bones  of  my  father,  oh  there  let  me  be,  — 
Oh,  bury  me  not  on  the  lone  prairie." 

"  I  wish  to  lie  where  a  mother  dear. 
And  sister's  tears  can  be  mingled  there. 
Where  my  friends  could  come  and  weep  o'er  me,  — 
Oh,  bury  me  not  on  the  lone  prairie." 
It  matters  not,  so  we  oft  him  told, 
Where  the  body  lies  when  the  heart  grows  cold : 

"  But  grant,  oh  grant  this  boon  unto  me,  — 
Oh,  bury  me  not  on  the  lone  prairie." 

*'  Oh,  bury  me  not"  —  and  his  voice  failed  there, 
But  they  gave  no  heed  to  his  dying  prayer; 
In  a  narrow  grave  just  six  by  three 
They  buried  him  there  on  the  lone  prairie. 
Where  the  dewdrops  close  and  the  butterfly  rests, 
Where  wild  rose  blooms  on  the  prairie  crest. 
Where  the  cy-ote  howls  and  the  wind  blows  free, 
They  buried  him  there  on  the  lone  prairie. 
Uvalde,  Texas.  Mrs.  Annie  Laurie  Ellis. 


Record  of  American  Folk- Lore.  1 8 7 

RECORD   OF  AMERICAN   FOLK-LORE. 

NORTH    AMERICA. 

Algonkian.  Blackfoot.  In  the  "American  Antiquarian"  (vol.  xxiii. 
pp.  163-169)  for  May-June,  1901,  Rev.  John  Maclean  has  an  article 
on  "  Blackfoot  Amusements  "  containing  much  valuable  information. 
Among  the  topics  treated  are  songs  and  dances,  gambling,  foot-races, 
smoking,  "teas,"  guessing  games,  throwing-games,  swimming,  etc. 
Since  contact  with  the  whites  the  great  Buffalo  dance  has  degen- 
erated into  a  "begging  dance,"  and  "teas"  have  assumed  consider- 
able social  importance.  Cards,  too,  have  been  readily  adopted.  The 
article  contains  the  Blackfoot  and  English  texts  of  three  brief  songs. 
The  author  also  vouchsafes  the  interesting  information  that  the 
Blackfeet  are  said  to  have  had  a  historical  song  resembling  that  of 
Hiawatha,  recorded  by  Mr.  Hale  in  "The  Iroquois  Book  of  Rites." 
—  .S"^^  and  Fox.  Mr.  Culin's  account  of  "  A  Summer  Trip  among 
the  Western  Indians,"  in  the  January,  1901,  issue  of  the  "  Bulletin 
of  the  Free  Museum  of  Science  and  Art "  (Philadelphia),  contains 
(pp.  2,  3)  a  few  notes  on  the  remnant  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  at 
Tama,  Iowa,  —  there  is  another  fragment  of  this  people  in  Oklahoma. 
Although  these  Indians  are  situated  in  the  midst  of  a  farming 
country  and  within  three  miles  of  the  town,  "  they  are  among  the 
least  affected  by  contact  with  our  civilization.  They  remain  pagan. 
They  have  rejected  Christianity,  and  at  present  the  missionaries  have 
withdrawn  from  the  reservation."  The  dog  feast  is  still  celebrated 
by  them,  and  there  are  other  evidences  of  olden  beliefs  and  practices. 
Altogether  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  make  a  favorable  impression.  Their 
graveyards  deserve  further  study. — Arapaho.  Pages  18-22  of  the 
same  paper  are  devoted  to  a  brief  account  of  the  Arapaho  of  the 
Wind  River  Reservation,  Wyoming.  They  still  have  their  Sun- 
dance in  a  specially  prepared  and  ornamented  lodge,  used  year  after 
year,  but  tabooed  to  all  after  the  ceremony  is  over.  Although  there 
is  little  intercourse  between  the  Arapaho  and  the  Shoshoni,  "  the 
dancers  go  backward  and  forward,  the  Arapaho  coming  up  and 
dancing  with  the  Shoshoni  and  the  latter  going  down  to  the  Ara- 
paho dance-lodge,  some  six  miles  from  the  post."  The  Arapaho 
have  traditions  of  the  Hajase  daheaimu  ("the  small  children"), 
dwarfs,  or  Rock-fairies,  who  were  man-hunters.  They  were  afraid 
of  the  stuffed  buffalo  calf  of  the  Arapahos,  and  in  spite  of  their  skill 
and  fleetness  of  foot,  the  latter  ultimately  exterminated  them. 
Other  tribes  of  this  region  have  somewhat  similar  legends  of  dwarf 
races.  The  Indians  tell  some  amusing  stories  of  these  little  folk. 
We  learn,  furthermore :  "  The  Arapaho  call  the  north  '  to  windward,' 


1 88  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

the  south  'down  below.'  While  they  have  no  root-names  for  buffalo 
(which  they  call  *  noisy  animal'),  deer  ('dark  animal'),  horse  ('animal 
like  an  elk '),  bear  ('  ugly  animal '),  they  have  names  for  elk  and 
dog." 

Athapascan.  Hupa.  A  brief  note  by  Mr.  Pliny  E.  Goddard  on 
"  Conscious  Word-Making  by  the  Hupa,"  in  the  "  American  Anthro- 
pologist" (vol.  iii.  n.  s.  p.  209)  for  January-March,  1901,  records 
the  prevalence  among  these  Indians  of  the  taboo  of  uttering  the 
name  of  a  deceased  person  in  the  hearing  of  a  relative.  This  cus- 
tom leads  to  the  creation  of  new  words,  which,  if  they  "  take," 
become  part  of  the  current  language  of  the  tribe.  A  certain  woman, 
who  has  lost  a  relative  by  death,  substitutes  for  djo-kjo  ("grouse"), 
which  happened  to  be  his  name,  "  the  poetical  expression  wit-wdt- 
yetl-tcJiwc,  '  the  flour-maker,'  from  the  similarity  of  the  sound  of  a 
grouse's  drumming  and  the  noise  made  in  pounding  acorns."  The 
author  thinks  that  this  process  of  word-building  "  in  the  course  of  a 
few  centuries  may  have  largely  changed  the  nouns  of  the  language." 
—  The  same  writer  describes,  in  the  "Bulletin  of  the  Free  Museum 
of  Science  and  Art "  (vol.  iii.  pp.  1 17-122),  of  Philadelphia,  for  April, 
1901,  the  "  Hon-sitch-a-til-ya  (a  Hupa  Dance),"  the  White-deer-skin 
dance  of  these  Indians,  which  used  to  be  celebrated  every  second  year, 
at  a  somewhat  indefinite  time,  late  summer  or  early  autumn.  Dress, 
rehearsal,  and  the  dance  itself  are  briefly  referred  to.  It  is  interest- 
ing that  one  of  the  stopping-places  on  the  way  to  the  dance-grounds 
is  called  Tse-liin-ta,  "  place  where  children  play."  The  Hupas 
believe  that  "the  holding  of  this  dance,  in  strict  accordance  with 
the  ceremonial  law,  is  pleasing  to  the  divine  powers,  and  in  return 
the  tribe  enjoys  immunity  from  sickness  and  famine."  The  great 
occasion  of  the  celebration  is  the  second  and  last  day,  when  "  the 
priests  and  old  men  repeat  to  the  people  the  myths  concerning  the 
origin  of  the  dance,  and  rehearse  the  moral  and  ceremonial  law  as 
they  have  received  it  from  their  fathers."  When  this  dance  is  going 
on  the  "  holy  people  "  (Ki-Zmn-nai)  in  the  world  over-sea  (to  which 
go  after  death  the  shamans  and  the  singer  of  the  dance  if  he  does 
well,  —  the  ordinary  Indians  go  to  the  underworld),  who  otherwise 
dance  all  the  time,  stop  to  watch  the  Hupas.  The  songs  of  the 
dance  are  without  words,  and,  according  to  the  most  gifted  singer  of 
the  tribe,  were  dreamed  or  heard  by  the  riverside  or  among  the 
trees  on  the  mountain  top.  The  English  text  of  the  myth  of  "  The 
Origin  of  the  White-deer-skin  Dance"  is  given  (pp.  120-122),  and  is 
a  story  of  the  Elder  and  Younger  Brother  type,  and  suggests  com- 
parison with  the  Mississaga  legend  of  the  two  brothers  recorded  in 
the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  (vol.  iii.  pp.  149,  150).  —  In  the 
same  issue  of  the  "Bulletin  "  (pp.  105-117)  Mr.  Stewart  Culin  gives 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  189 

an  account  of  his  visit  to  the  Hupa  Valley  in  the  summer  of  1900. 
Houses,  basketry,  dance-property  (white  deerskins,  woodpecker 
crests,  obsidian  blades),  the  white-deer-skin  dance,  native  industries, 
games,  etc.,  are  briefly  described,  and  there  are  six  plates,  four  of 
which  illustrate  the  white-deer-skin  dance,  and  one  the  basket  dance. 
The  Hupas  have  probably  celebrated  their  last  great  dance,  for  "  it 
was  necessary  for  the  Indians  to  provide  food  at  the  time  of  the 
dance  for  visitors  from  far  and  near,  which  they  are  now  disinclined 
to  do.  Hence,  they  are  more  willing  to  dispose  of  their  dance 
paraphernalia."  Interesting  are  the  "  private  graveyards  "  of  these 
Indians,  with  their  ornaments.  Except  the  buckskin  moccasin,  the 
clothing  of  the  Hupas  is  civilized  costume.  Their  native  industries, 
"  with  the  exception  of  basket-making,  fostered  by  Mr.  Brizard,  have 
almost  entirely  disappeared,"  and  they  have  also  "practically  aban- 
doned their  old  games,  using  white  men's  cards,  and  play  a  game 
known  as  '  seven  and  a  half.'  "  The  former  popularity  of  the  old 
guessing  game  of  kin  is  proved  by  the  great  number  of  bundles  of 
the  splints  used  which  are  still  obtainable. 

Eskimo.  The  excellent  article  on  "  The  Chukchi  of  Northeastern 
Asia,"  by  Waldemar  Bogoras,  in  the  "American  Anthropologist" 
(vol.  iii.  n.  s.  pp.  80-108)  for  January-March,  1901,  contains  a  few 
references  to  the  Eskimo.  Before  the  coming  of  the  Russians  into 
this  part  of  Siberia,  traffic  occurred  between  Asia  and  America,  the 
coast  Chukchi  going  to  America  in  the  summer,  and  in  the  winter 
travelling  to  the  fairs  of  Anadyr,  etc.  In  this  way  not  only  tobacco 
but  other  Russian  goods  were  carried  inland  in  America.  The  fol- 
lowing observation  of  the  author  is  of  considerable  interest :  "  The 
character  of  their  folk-lore  is  quite  different  from  that  of  some  of  the 
Ural-Altaic  people,  and,  in  common  with  the  folk-lore  of  the  Yuka- 
gir,  Kamchadal,  and  probably,  also,  the  Koryak,  presents  many 
points  of  resemblance  to  that  of  North  America,  especially  of  the 
North  Pacific  coast  tribes  "  (p.  92).  In  cosmogonic  legends  "  the 
raven  acts  the  same  part  as  in  North  American  lore."  Some  of 
the  tales  in  the  Eskimo  collection  of  Rink  are  also  known  to  the 
Chukchi.  While  the  Chukchi  now  have  no  slaves,  "  it  is  not 
unusual  to  hear  people  taunted  on  account  of  their  descent  from 
Koryak  or  Eskimo  boys."  —  In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  Cambridge 
Philosophical  Society  "  (vol.  xi.  pp.  143-149)  Mr.  W.  H.  R.  Rivers 
has  a  most  valuable  and  interesting  paper  on  "  The  Colour  Vision  of 
the  Eskimo."  Besides  the  results  of  the  examination  with  the 
Holmgren  wools,  of  eighteen  Labrador  Eskimo,  there  is  a  discussion 
of  the  etymology  of  Eskimo  color-terms  and  their  significance. 
These  Eskimo  mark  themselves  out  from  other  primitive  people  by 
an  acute  color-consciousness,  and  by  the  extensive  use  of  qualifying 


1 90  journal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

affixes.  They  also  name  practically  all  lines,  shades,  and  tints  of 
color  "  by  various  modifications  of  the  six  words  for  red,  yellow, 
green,  blue,  white,  and  black."  —  The  psychological  implications  of 
these  Eskimo  data  are  discussed  by  Christine  Ladd  Franklin,  in  her 
paper  on  "  Color-Introspection  on  the  Part  of  the  Eskimo,"  in  the 
"  Psychological  Review"  (vol.  viii.  pp.  396-402)  for  July,  1901.  The 
author  considers  "  the  Eskimo  discovery,  coinciding  with  a  scientific 
color-scheme,  of  the  unitary  character  of  red,  yellow,  green,  and 
blue,"  as  a  remarkable  confirmation  by  primitive  man  of  the  declara- 
tions of  science  in  the  matter  of  color-relations. 

Haidah.  In  the  "Overland  Monthly"  (vol.  xxxvii.  pp.  1083- 
1086)  for  June,  1901,  Margaret  W.  Leighton  has  a  brief  illustrated 
popular  article  on  "The  Haidah  Indians,"  for  whom  she  seems 
inclined,  rather  unnecessarily,  to  assume  an  Aztec  origin.  Among 
the  topics  referred  to  are  totem-poles,  tattooing,  thunder-bird,  ca- 
noes, carving,  gambling  feasts,  houses,  shamans. 

KiowAN.  Pages  129-445  of  the  "Seventeenth  Annual  Report  of 
the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology"  are  occupied  by  an  article  on 
"The  Calendar  History  of  the  Kiowa  Indians,"  by  James  Mooney, 
which  is  illustrated  by  25  plates  and  186  text-figures,  besides  a  map 
showing  the  location  of  the  tribes  in  1832  (with  their  Kiowa  names) 
and  the  principal  military  and  trading  posts.  After  a  brief  introduc- 
tion on  aboriginal  calendars,  a  sketch  of  the  Kiowa  tribe  (historical 
and  ethnographical,  pp.  148-237),  an  account  of  their  religion  (pp. 
237-244),  and  an  ethnographic  sketch  of  the  Kiowa  Apache  (pp.  245- 
253),  come  a  detailed  interpretative  account  of  the  "Annual  Calen- 
dars, 1833-92"  (pp.  254-364),  a  valuable  discussion  of  "Kiowa 
Chronology  "  (pp.  365-372),  an  interpretative  account  of  the  "  Anko 
Monthly  Calendar,  August,  1889-July,  1892"  (pp.  372-379),  a  list  of 
military  and  trading  posts,  missions,  etc.  (pp.  381,  382),  with  dates  of 
their  foundation,  a  brief  account  of  the  Kiowa  language,  with  Kiowa- 
English  and  English-Kiowa  glossaries  (pp.  389-439).  The  article 
concludes  with  a  list  of  authorities  cited.  The  Kiowa  calendars 
(with  the  exception  of  the  Dakota)  "are  the  only  ones  yet  discovered 
among  the  prairie  tribes."  Those  obtained  by  Mr.  Mooney  are : 
"The  Sett'an  yearly  calendar,  beginning  with  1833  ^^^  covering  a 
period  of  60  years  ;  the  Anko  yearly  calendar,  beginning  with  1864 
and  covering  a  period  of  37  months.  All  these  were  obtained  in 
1892,  and  are  brought  up  to  that  date."  The  section  on  Kiowa 
chronology,  with  its  discussion  of  names  of  seasons,  "moons,"  and 
other  time-terms,  is  of  especial  interest  to  the  folklorist,  while  the 
Kiowa-English  glossary  abounds  in  folk-lore  data,  particularly 
sematological.  The  Report  is  reviewed  as  a  whole  elsewhere  in  this 
Journal. 


Record  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore.  1 9 1 

KiTUNAHAN.  In  the  "  Report  of  the  U.  S.  National  Museum  for 
1899"  (pp.  523-537),  Prof.  O.  T.  Mason  describes,  with  five  plates 
and  six  text  figures,  the  "  Pointed  Bark  Canoes  of  the  Kutenai  and 
Amur."  The  bark  canoe  of  the  Kootenays  of  northern  Idaho  and 
southern  British  Columbia,  pointed  at  both  ends  below  water,  is  one 
of  the  unique  phenomena  of  American  primitive  industrial  art.  A 
somewhat  similar  boat  is  found  among  the  Giliaks,  etc.,  of  the  river 
Amur  in  Siberia.  The  origin  of  the  practice  of  thus  pointing  these 
canoes  is  unknown,  and  their  distribution  in  America  and  Asia  gives 
rise  to  interesting  speculations. 

Klamath.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  iii.  n.  s. 
pp.  14-27)  for  January-March,  1901,  Dr.  George  A.  Dorsey  pub- 
lishes a  paper  (illustrated  with  two  plates  and  eight  figures  in  the 
text)  on  "Certain  Gambling  Games  of  the  Klamath  Indians."  The 
specimens  described  were  collected  during  a  visit  to  Upper  Klamath 
Lake,  Oregon,  in  June,  1901,  when  no  fewer  than  ten  varieties  of 
games  were  noted  and  data  concerning  them  acquired.  Of  ring  and 
javelin  games  five  distinct  variations  {w6shaka7ik,  three  games  called 
shu'kshuks,  and  shikna,  a  variation  of  the  ring  game  played  only  by 
men)  are  briefly  described  after  nine  specimens.  Of  ball-games  two 
sets  were  collected,  —  tchimmaash,  generally  played  by  women,  and 
shinny,  —  with  specimens  of  tops,  which  the  Indians  claim  to  have 
possessed  before  the  coming  of  the  whites.  Of  ball  and  pin  games 
six  varieties  of  the  one  known  as  soqiwquas  were  obtained.  Of 
guessing  games,  the  well-known  hand-game,  or  /oipas,  and  the  shiil- 
ske'shla,  or  four-stick  game,  are  represented  ;  and  of  the  latter  three 
sets  were  obtained.  The  stave  and  dice  category  is  represented  by 
the  sknshasJi,  a  stave  game,  and  by  the  dice  game  with  woodchuck 
teeth,  which  bears  the  same  name  in  Klamath  (of  this  two  sets  were 
collected).  In  his  classification  of  games  Dr.  Dorsey  adopts  the 
method  of  Culin,  and  adds  that  "  it  is  extremely  likely  that  the 
games  of  the  second  division  [/.  e.,  ball  games]  represent  the  oldest 
of  American  games."  Of  the  ring  game  shikna,  he  says  :  "  In  play- 
ing they  exhibit  great  skill,  one  of  the  players  whom  I  saw  not  fail- 
ing to  strike  the  goal  oftener  than  once  in  six  or  eight  throws."  In 
the  game  called  soquoqnas,  which  is  played  only  by  adults  in  winter, 
striking  the  braided  loop  and  catching  it  on  the  point  of  the  pin,  is 
termed  shapashspatcha,  or  "  punching  out  the  moon,"  and  by  so 
doing  "  the  winter  months  are  shortened  and  the  advent  of  spring 
is  hastened."  These  Klamath  games  are  of  great  interest,  for,  as 
Dr.  Dorsey  obser\'es,  "it  seems  probable  that  no  phase  of  American 
aboriginal  life  was  so  subject  to  adoption  by  other  tribes  as  gaming 
devices."  Moreover,  the  Klamath  Indians  are  "near  neighbors  of 
not  fewer  than  twelve  different  stocks,  among  which  may  be  noted 


192  yournal  of  American  Fo Ik-Lore. 

families  of  such  importance  as  the  Shoshonean,  Shahaptian,  and 
Athapascan."  This  is  a  valuable  paper,  and  the  illustrations  are 
excellent. 

MusKHOGEAN.  Ckoctaw,  In  the  "  American  Antiquarian  "  (vol. 
xxiii.  p.  179)  for  May-June,  1901,  Mr.  H.  S.  Halbert  discusses 
briefly  "  The  Derivation  of  Mobile  and  Alabama^  The  former  name 
he  considers  "  an  archaic  form  of  the  Choctaw  moelik,  rowers, 
paddlers,"  while  Alabama  comes  from  the  Choctaw  alba,  "  vegeta- 
tion" (of  the  lesser  sort),  and  amo,  "to  gather,"  the  reference  being 
to  "clearing  the  bush."  In  1888  Dr.  A.  S.  Gatschet  suggested  a 
derivation  of  Alabama  from  the  Choctaw  alba,  "  thicket,  brush,"  and 
dyalimi,  "  place  cleared."  Undoubtedly  the  name  has  something 
to  do  with  "clearing." 

Pueblos.  In  the  "Land  of  Sunshine"  (vol.  xiv.  pp.  227-232)  for 
March,  1901,  appears  the  concluding  portion  of  Mrs.  Edward  E. 
Ayer's  translation  of  "Benavides's  Memorial,  1630,"  annotated  by 
F,  W.  Hodge,  and  edited,  with  notes,  by  C.  F.  Lummis.  Cibola, 
the  Tiguas,  Tusayan,  Cicuyo  (Pecos),  and  the  "marvelous  crag" 
(Acoma)  are  briefly  referred  to.  Professor  Hodge's  explanatory 
notes  treat  of  the  place-names  mentioned  in  the  narrative.  —  In  the 
"Southern  Workman"  (vol.  xxx.  pp.  316-320),  Frances  W.  Lewis 
writes  briefly  of  "  Pueblo  Home  Life." 

Sahaptian.  Pages  156-158  of  Mr.  Culin's  "A  Summer  Trip 
among  the  Western  Indians,"  in  the  May,  1901,  number  of  the 
"  Bulletin  of  the  Free  Museum  of  Science  and  Art"  (Philadelphia), 
contain  brief  notes  on  the  Indians  of  the  Yakima  Reservation  in 
the  State  of  Washington,  —  Klikatat,  Palus,  Topinish,  Yakima,  and 
Wasco,  the  last  belonging  to  the  Chinookan  family.  Near  Fort 
Simcoe  "  the  Indians  were  entirely  abandoning  their  aboriginal  cus- 
toms, and  were  divided  among  themselves,  not  by  tribes  and  families, 
but  in  accordance  with  the  church  to  which  they  belonged  [there  are 
four  churches  on  the  reservation,  with  a  membership  of  450],  Metho- 
dist and  Catholic,  much  in  the  same  way  as  in  white  communities." 
The  native  or  Pum-ptim  (so  called  from  the  use  of  the  tom-tom  or 
drum)  church,  founded  by  the  prophet  Smohalla,  has  been  on  the 
wane  for  several  years. —  Umatilla,  Walla-Walla,  Cay  use.  Pages 
159-164  of  the  same  article  relate  to  the  Indians  of  the  Umatilla 
Reservation  in  Oregon.  The  dance  paraphernalia  here  seem  to  be 
"all  practically  identical  with  that  used  by  the  Shoshoni."  The 
"  hand  game  "  was  very  popular  with  these  Indians,  —  especially  the 
women.  Other  games  are  briefly  referred  to,  and  "a  small  boy 
showed  me  a  cat's-cradlc,  manipulating  the  string  on  one  hand,  with 
the  aid  of  his  teeth,  in  intricate  figures."  This  part  of  the  article  is 
illustrated  by  seven  plates  containing  photographs  of  Cayuse  and 
Umat'illa  Indians. 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  193 

Shoshone  AN,  Coahida.  These  Indians,  once  a  most  powerful 
and  important  tribe,  whose  habitat  was  southern  California  from  the 
River  Colorado  to  the  Pacific,  are  the  subject  of  an  interesting  and 
valuable  study  by  Mr.  D.  P.  Barrows,  whose  thesis  for  the  Ph.  D.  in 
anthropology  in  the  University  of  Chicago  is  entitled  "  The  Ethno- 
Botany  of  the  Coahuilla  Indians  of  Southern  California"  (Chicago, 
1900,  pp.  82).  Among  the  topics  treated  with  more  or  less  detail 
are :  Linguistic  and  tribal  affinities,  habitat,  houses,  basketry,  uses 
of  plants  in  manufactures  and  arts,  foods  (gathering,  preparation, 
storing),  food  plants,  drinks,  narcotics,  and  medicines.  As  this  work 
is  reviewed  at  length  elsewhere  in  this  Journal,  it  suffices  to  say  here 
that  it  is  a  meritorious  essay,  abounding  in  information  about  the 
use  of  plants  and  the  ideas  concerning  them  among  one  of  the  most 
remarkable,  in  certain  respects,  of  the  numerous  peoples  belonging 
to  the  widespread  Shoshonean  stock.  —  Ute.  Chapter  ii.  (pp.  88- 
lOi)  of  Mr.  Stewart  Culin's  "A  Summer  Trip  among  the  Western 
Indians,"  published  in  the  "  Bulletin  of  the  Free  Museum  of  Science 
and  Art"  for  April,  1901,  is  devoted  to  the  Shoshonean  tribes  of 
Idaho,  Utah,  and  Nevada,  —  Bannocks,  Utes,  Piutes,  etc.  Of  the 
Bannocks,  the  author  observes  :  "  The  women  wear  moccasins  and 
blankets,  but  the  men  have  abandoned  their  old  costume,  and  every- 
where we  found  a  lack  of  personal  ornaments  such  as  are  common 
among  the  Shoshoni  at  Washakie."  Here,  too,  the  native  industries 
(except  a  little  beadwork,  of  an  inferior  sort,  done  by  the  women) 
have  practically  disappeared.  The  Bannocks  look  upon  the  coyote 
as  their  ancestor.  The  "hand  game"  is  now  the  principal  game 
surviving  among  them.  At  Salt  Lake  City,  we  are  told,  "  the  de- 
mand for  Indian  curios  is  so  great  that  the  dealers  send  to  the 
various  reservations  for  supplies,  leading  to  the  manufacture  by  the 
Indians  of  many  objects  which  are  created  for  this  special  purpose." 
It  is  interesting  to  learn  that  "  the  most  curious  of  these  fabrications 
are  human  bones,  skulls,  and  femurs,  decorated  with  incised  and 
painted  figures  representing  the  day  signs  of  the  Mexican  calendar." 
Of  Nine-Mile  Caiion  we  read :  "  Its  walls  are  precipitous,  and  on  the 
rocks  are  numerous  Indian  pictographs.  Dorsey  expressed  the 
opinion  that  these  pictures,  among  which  I  recognized  the  antelope. 
Rocky  Mountain  sheep,  and  rattlesnake,  were  the  work  of  children. 
The  rocks  throughout  the  country  southward  are  full  of  them,  and 
Hopi  children  to  day  are  in  the  habit  of  making  them.  With  the 
Indian  pictographs  were  names  and  other  words,  scrawled  in  black 
paint,  the  work,  it  is  to  be  inferred,  of  teamsters  and  soldiers  on 
their  way  to  the  fort."  The  custom  of  visiting  a  great  deal  survives 
among  the  Utes  of  White  Rock.  At  the  time  of  the  visit  of  Mr. 
Culin  and  Dr.  G.  A.  Dorsey  the  Uinta  Utes  were  preparing  for  their 


194  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Sun-dance.  One  of  the  sights  of  the  place  was  a  "  crazy  Indian," 
who  "  had  been  lying  naked  upon  the  ground,  exposed  to  the 
weather  for  a  period  of  twenty  years,"  —  a  good  photograph  of  him 
is  reproduced  at  page  96.  He  was  said  to  be  either  a  criminal  (ex- 
piating some  offence)  or  a  disappointed  lover.  The  Piute  Indians 
"speak  English  uncommonly  well."  There  are  two  other  plates 
accompanying  this  section  of  Mr.  Culin's  article,  one  of  the  summer 
shelter  of  the  Indians,  the  other  of  Ouray  Ute  women  playing  the 
dice  game.  —  Eastern  Shoshoni.  Pages  11-18  of  the  same  article, 
in  the  January  number  of  the  "Bulletin,"  treat  of  the  Eastern 
Shoshoni  of  the  Wind  River  Reservation,  in  Wyoming.  As  a  result 
of  the  coming  of  Mr.  Culin  and  Dr.  Dorsey,  "  Industry  was  greatly 
stimulated.  The  women  set  to  work  making  dice  and  shinny-sticks, 
and  some  of  the  old  men  tried  to  revive  the  arts  they  had  known  in 
their  youth,  and  manufactured  bows  and  arrows,  fire-sticks,  and  the 
various  implements  we  expressed  a  desire  to  purchase."  Dancing 
(wolf-dance,  etc.)  goes  on  Sunday  nights.  Of  the  wolf-dance, 
which  the  author  saw,  a  brief  account  is  given.  The  Sun-dance 
took  place  a  few  weeks  after  his  visit.  The  Shoshoni  are  said  to 
"  believe  in  a  personification,  the  principle  of  evil,  whom  they  call 
Nin-nim-be,  a  little  old  man,  very  short,  who  lives  up  in  the  moun- 
tains." He  shoots  with  invisible  arrows,  and  the  old  stone  darts 
picked  up  here  and  there  are  said  to  have  been  shot  by  him,  to 
whom  sudden  deaths  and  other  misfortunes  are  attributed.  Another 
account  makes  the  Nin-nim-be  to  be  rock-fairies,  of  whom  it  is  said  : 
"Their  name  was  Nin-nim-be,  'little  demons,'  or  Nim-me-rig-ar, 
*  Shoshoni-eaters,'  and  they  were  the  ancestors  of  the  present  Nin- 
nim-be."  They  live  in  the  mountains,  are  dwarfs,  expert  hunters, 
and  malicious  in  the  extreme,  always  on  the  watch  to  kill  an  Indian. 
They  are,  however,  believed  often  to  fall  victims  to  eagles.  In  the 
Shoshoni  creation-legend  the  Widj-e-ge,  a  small  bird  of  the  titmouse 
family,  discovered  the  world.  Of  this  bird  they  say  :  "  Its  tongue 
is  divided  into  six  parts  ;  it  drops  one  of  its  tongues  every  month  ; 
its  tongues  arc  renewed  every  six  months,  so  that  by  catching  the 
Widj-c-ge  one  can  find  which  month  it  is  of  the  summer  or  of  the 
winter."  But  it  must  not  be  killed.  Other  "medicine"  or  wonder- 
ful birds  are  the  flicker,  or  Anegooagooa,  and  the  Hoo-jah,  a  species 
of  sagc-hcn.  A  certain  male  bird  of  the  last  species  "has  the  power 
to  impart  to  Indians  that  spirit  [of  divination],  so  that  the  possessor 
thus  endowed  becomes  a  bo-o-gani,  a  medicine-man  gifted  with 
supernatural  powers,  having  the  gift  of  healing,  of  a  seer,  of  an 
exorcist,  of  an  all-round  '  medicine-man.'  "  To-day  the  Shoshoni 
shamans  "  have  only  a  small  portion  of  the  bo-o  of  the  mighty  medi- 
cine-men of   the  olden  time,"  because   some  years  ago   a  foolish 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  195 

Indian  shot  at  it  with  arrows.  The  tribe  is  said  to  possess  "a  sacred 
stone,  which  they  guard  carefully,  believing  that  good  and  evil  can 
be  worked  by  its  means."  The  late  chief,  Washakie  (of  whom  a 
good  portrait  accompanies  the  paper),  said  the  Shoshoni  tradition 
made  his  people  come  originally  from  the  south.  —  Digger.  In  the 
"  Land  of  Sunshine  "  (Los  Angeles),  L.  M.  Burns  continues  (vol.  xiv. 
pp.  223-226,  310-314,  397-402)  the  interesting  series  of  "Digger 
Indian  Legends."  The  legends  here  recorded  are  The  Deer  Ball, 
The  Love-Making  of  Quatuk  (Coyote),  The  Rabbit,  and  The  Toad, 
and  The  Legend  of  Endoochme.  In  the  second  tale,  which  is  a 
general  favorite,  the  Coyote  took  the  ocean  for  a  fog  and  tried  to 
swim  it,  to  his  misfortune.  The  first  tale  tells  how,  from  the  origi- 
nal one  "deer-ball"  in  the  world  it  has  come  about  that  the  deer 
of  the  present  day  have  each  a  fragment  in  their  necks,  —  the 
hard  lump  or  ball,  an  inch  or  so  through,  sometimes  found  under 
the  skin  of  the  deer's  neck.  In  this  tale  the  coyote,  the  "  lion,"  the 
wild-cat,  etc.,  appear.  The  third  legend  tells  how,  after  the  toad 
had  killed  the  little  green  frog  whom  the  rabbit  loved,  the  latter 
induces  the  toad  to  jump  into  the  fire  and  get  burned.  The  last 
tale  tells  of  an  abandoned  child,  who  becomes  wonder-worker.  He 
lies  now  turned  (by  himself)  into  stone  in  the  bed  of  the  Salmon 
River,  "with  his  arms  and  legs  uplifted  in  arches."  And  to-day, 
"  the  Indian  boy  who  can  swim  through  without  touching  will  never 
be  harmed  by  a  grizzly." 

SiouAX.  Chapter  vi.  (pp.  165-175)  of  Mr.  Culin's  "A  Summer 
Trip  among  the  Western  Indians,"  in  the  May,  1901,  number  of  the 
"Bulletin  of  the  Free  Museum  of  Science  and  Art"  (Philadelphia), 
contains  notes  on  the  Indians  of  the  Foft  Belknap  and  Fort  Peck 
Reservations  in  Montana  and  Devil's  Lake  in  North  Dakota,  — 
Yankton,  Assiniboin,  Dakota,  etc.  Near  Fort  Peck  the  author  met 
"a  company  of  Indian  boys,  pupils  of  the  school,  stripped  and 
bedaubed  with  red  paint,  engaged  in  a  foot-race."  This  is  the  so- 
called  "grass  dance,"  the  dancers  carrying  in  their  hands,  among 
other  things,  wisps  of  green  grass.  Although  these  Indians  bury 
their  dead  in  coffins  instead  of  exposing  them  on  trees,  they  chng 
tenaciously  to  some  of  their  old  funeral  customs  (chanting  the  death- 
song  for  a  dying  person,  e.g).  Formerly  in  the  "  ghost  gamble,"  the 
effects  of  the  dead  were  made  away  with.  At  page  171  is  an  inter- 
esting account  of  a  medicine-man's  tipi,  in  which,  "on  the  earth  floor, 
at  the  foot  of  a  post,  were  two  round  stones,  painted  red,  precisely 
such  as  I  had  seen  at  Fort  Belknap,  with  a  large  oval  stone  bearing 
a  rude  indication  of  a  face,  between."  A  rattle  of  deer-hide,  ob- 
tained from  an  old  shaman,  "  was  painted  on  one  side  with  red  spots 
[stars]  and  on  the  other  with  red  and  yellow  stripes  [Milky  Way]." 


1 96  yournal  of  America^t  Folk-Lore. 

At  Devil's  Lake  the  secret  society  known  as  Wakanwacipi  ("  Spirit 
Dance"),  resembling  the  Ojibwa  MidciviwiJi,  is  said  to  be  "rapidly 
becoming  extinct,  no  new  members  being  taken  in."  —  Ogalala.  In 
the  same  issue  of  the  "Bulletin,"  Mr.  Louis  L.  Meeker  publishes 
(pp.  23-46)  an  interesting  and  valuable  article  on  "  Ogalala  Games," 
illustrated  with  26  text-figures,  and  accompanied  by  a  vocabulary 
of  technical  terms.  Of  men's  games,  the  painyankapi  (great  hoop 
game),  kaga  zvoskate  (elk  game),  tahuka  canglcska  (buckskin  hoop), 
hanpapecu  (moccasin  game);  of  women's  games,  the  takapsica  (shinny), 
kansu  (plumstone  game),  /«j-///«  (deer-bone  game) ;  of  boys'  games,  the 
mato  zvoskate  (grizzly  bear  game),  can  atkapsica  (wood  shinny),  can 
wakiyapi  (whip  top)  ;  and  of  girls'  games,  the  winyanta,  paslo  hanpi, 
or  stick-throwing  game,  are  briefly  described.  Besides  these  the  boys 
have  the  hoJioiiJi  yuJimunpi  (bone  buzzer),  taleka  yiilinuinpi  {whisza) 
sticks  for  throwing ;  battle  games,  with  mud-ball  on  end  of  throwing 
sticks,  or  with  heads  of  a  sort  of  bearded  grass  made  into  balls  with 
moistened  clay ;  or  again  "  by  spitting  rotten  wood  or  dried  leaves, 
chewed  fine,  upon  each  other."  The  sling,  the  pop-gun  of  wood  (or 
gpakoton),  the  snow-man  as  target,  coasting  on  pieces  of  bark,  and 
"  foot-racing,  rough-and-tumble  wrestling,  *  teetering '  astride  of  a 
bent  bush,  bathing,  diving,  swimming,  and  climbing  are  all  known 
and  practised,  but  have  no  regular  forms."  Girls  make  dolls  of  corn 
husks,  buckskin,  etc.,  and  both  boys  and  girls  make  "clay  figures  of 
horses,  cattle,  dogs,  men,  and  other  objects ; "  they  also  make 
"elaborate  toy  tents  or  tipis."  The  men  "cut  images  of  pipe-stone 
and  call  them  'stone  devils.'  They  arc  used  in  conjuring  the  sick 
and  in  recovering  lost  or  stolen  property.  One  was  consulted  here 
a  year  ago.  The  sick  person  was  to  recover  in  four  days  if  the 
'power '  was  obtained.  On  the  fourth  day  she  died."  At  pages 
36-39  is  an  account  of  "the  games  and  sports  of  the  boys  and  girls 
of  an  Ogalala  camp  in  the  summer  of  1900,  played  for  the  writer's 
benefit."  Pages  39-44  are  occupied  by  a  descriptive  list  of  the  im- 
plements and  objects  used  in  the  various  games.  The  following 
statement  of  the  author  is  interesting :  "  I  never  heard  an  Indian 
boy  or  girl  whistle,  except  when  taught  to  do  so.  They  talk  in 
company  and  are  still  when  alone"  (p.  35).  Very  curious  is  the 
practice  noted  on  the  same  page  :  "  They  have  a  practice  of  stopping 
the  circulation  in  one  hand  by  grasping  it  firmly  around  the  wrist 
with  the  other  hand.  Then  by  moving  the  fingers  and  stroking 
against  the  body  they  make  it  look  like  the  hand  of  a  corpse.  Some- 
times when  sick  they  do  this  and  predict  death  or  recovery  from  the 
time  it  takes  for  the  hand  to  assume  its  natural  appearance.  These 
predictions  are  generally  correct.  All  Indians  seem  to  practise  it." 
—  Dakotan.     In  the  "  Southern  Workman  "  (vol.  xxx.  pp.  348-352), 


Reeord  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore.  1 9  7 

F.  D.  Gleason  writes  of  "  Dakota  Children "  at  the  Rosebud 
Agency. 

Wakashan.  Makah.  Pages  145-152  of  chapter  iv.  of  Mr. 
Culin's  "  A  Summer  Trip  among  the  Western  Indians,"  in  the  May, 
1901,  number  of  the  "Bulletin  of  the  Free  Museum  of  Science  and 
Art "  (Philadelphia),  contain  notes  on  the  Makah  Indians  of  Neah 
Bay,  in  the  State  of  Washington,  who  belong  to  the  Wakashan  or 
Kwakiutl-Nutka  family.  The  account  is  accompanied  by  three 
plates  illustrating  seashore  activities.  Halibut-fishing  is  the  great 
industry  of  the  Indian  village.  The  canoes  "  terminate  in  a  bird  or 
animal  head  at  the  prow,"  and  are  made  from  cedar  logs.  Yew- 
paddles  of  graceful  form  are  still  in  use.  The  following  fact  is 
rather  interesting  :  "  The  Makah  were  formerly  engaged  in  sealing 
and  owned  two  schooners,  but  these  boats  were  seized  some  years 
since,  one  by  the  United  States  and  the  other  by  the  Canadian  gov- 
ernment, and  they  are  now  compelled  to  depend  upon  the  halibut 
industry."  The  Makah,  apart  from  fisheries,  "  have  abandoned  most 
of  their  aboriginal  industries  and  customs,"  and  dress  practically  in 
civilized  fashion,  although  "  the  women  wear  silver  bracelets  made 
by  a  native  silversmith."  A  board  cradle  has  supplanted  the  one 
of  bark  formerly  in  use.  The  games  of  these  Indians  have  been 
described  by  Dr.  Dorsey  in  the  "American  Antiquarian"  for  Janu- 
ary-February, 1 90 1. 

Weitspekan.  Mr.  Stewart  Culin's  account  of  "A  Sum.mer  Trip 
among  the  Western  Indians,"  published  in  the  "Bulletin  of  the  Free 
Museum  of  Science  and  Art"  (Philadelphia),  contains  (p.  116)  a  few 
notes  on  the  Weitspek  or  Wichapec  Indians,  of  whom  the  author 
remarks  :  "  Their  customs  appeared  identical  with  those  of  the  Hupa, 
and  the  specimens  I  collected  among  them  differ  in  no  way  from 
those  of  the  valley  (Hupa)  except  in  name."  The  language  of  the 
Weitspek,  however,  makes  them  a  distinct  linguistic  stock.  They 
live  at  the  junction  of  the  Trinity  and  Klamath  rivers,  and  "are 
dominated  by  their  salmon  fishery."  They  have  practically  aban- 
doned their  old  customs,  but  the  women  are  still  "  disfigured  by  a 
blue  bat-shaped  mark  tattooed  on  their  chins." 

YuMAN.  Cocopahs.  In  the  "  Land  of  Sunshine  "  (vol.  xiv.  pp. 
196-204)  for  March,  1901,  Capt.  N.  H.  Chittenden  has  a  brief  illus- 
trated article,  "  Among  the  Cocopahs."  The  isolation  of  these  people 
(some  450  in  number),  whom  Brinton  assigns  to  the  Yuman  stock, 
"  has  been  so  complete  that  they  still  retain  most  of  their  aboriginal 
habits  and  customs."  Still,  although  so  wild  in  other  respects,  the 
Cocopahs  "have  become  agriculturists  to  such  an  extent  that  nearly 
every  family  plants  a  garden  after  the  June  rise  of  the  Colorado 
River,  and  raises  considerable  quantities   of  corn,  beans,  squashes, 


198  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

and  melons."  Face-painting  is  the  chief  ornamentation  of  these 
Indians,  as  it  is  also  with  the  Seris,  and  in  one  household  "several 
naked  red,  white,  and  blue  faced  children,  with  their  heads  plastered 
thick  with  mud,  were  evidently  objects  of  parental  pride."  The 
houses  and  primitive  industries  of  the  Cocopahs  are  briefly  described. 
The  following  method  of  taking  fish  is  worth  noting  :  "  The  young 
men,  taking  long  poles,  sprang  naked  into  the  narrow  lagoon,  and 
began  to  beat  the  water  vigorously  as  they  advanced  toward  the  net, 
which  was  buoyed  on  the  surface  with  wild  cane.  They  were  so 
successful  that,  by  the  time  the  bed  of  hot  coals  was  in  readiness, 
a  pile  of  fish  of  several  varieties,  including  carp  and  mullet,  were 
floundering  alongside." 

CENTRAL    AMERICA. 

Mayan.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  iii.  n.  s.  pp. 
129-138)  for  January-March,  1901,  Mr.  Charles  P.  Bowditch  publishes 
"Memoranda  on  the  Maya  Calendars  used  in  the  Books  of  Chilan 
Balam."  From  careful  study  of  the  data  in  the  Chilan  Balam  books 
and  of  the  inscriptions  on  the  steles  of  Copan  and  Ouirigua,  the 
author  arrives  at  the  conclusion  that  "Copan  lasted,  so  far  as  the 
erection  of  stelae  is  concerned,  for  about  200  years,  and  Ouirigua  for 
about  350  years,  though  of  course  this  may  be  only  a  small  part  of 
the  period  of  their  existence."  This  leads  to  the  further  result  that 
"the  date  of  a.  d.  34  for  the  monuments  of  Copan  and  Quirigua  is 
by  no  means  unlikely  to  be  the  true  one."  This  article  seems  to  be 
a  real  contribution  to  the  study  of  Central  American  hieroglyphics. 
—  In  the  "  Report  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution  for  1899"  (pp. 
549-561)  there  is  published,  with  eleven  plates,  a  translation  of  H. 
Strebel's  article  on  "The  Sculptures  of  Santa  Lucia  Cozumahualpa, 
Guatemala,  in  the  Hamburg  Ethnological  Museum,"  which  appeared 
in  the  "Annual  of  the  Hamburg  Scientific  Institute  for  1893." 

SOUTH    AMERICA. 

Araucanian.  In  the  "  Afiales  de  la  Univcrsidad  de  Chile  "  (vol. 
cviii.  1901,  pp.  3-82),  Dr.  T.  Guevara  continues  his  "  Historia  de  la 
Civilizacion  de  Araucania,"  dealing  with  the  campaigns  during  the 
period  1561-98,  especially  the  general  rising  of  1594-95.  An  inter- 
esting feature  of  the  period  is  the  way  in  which  the  natives,  partly 
by  improving  their  own  resources  and  ideas,  and  partly  by  imitating 
or  borrowing  from  the  Spaniards,  bettered  their  fortifications,  gained 
greater  skill  in  the  use  of  horses,  and  became  more  expert  generally 
in  military  tactics.  *Thcy  also  seem  to  have  gained  in  morals  and 
foresight. 

Guiana.    In  1890,  Mr.  Everard  imThurn  published  in  "Timehri  " 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  199 

(vol.  iii.  pp.  270-307),  the  organ  of  the  Agricultural  Society  of  Deme- 
rara,  a  rather  inaccessible  journal,  an  article  on  "  Games  of  Guiana 
Indians."  This  paper,  with  added  material,  is  now  prnited  in  *'  Folk. 
Lore"  (vol.  xii.  pp.  132-161)  for  June,  1901,  where  it  will  meet  with 
the  consideration  it  justly  deserves.  The  games  described  are  those  of 
"the  *  Indians'  of  the  country  immediately  south  of  the  Orinoco  River, 
who  are  still  in  much  the  same  condition  as  when  the  seacoast 
and  the  river-banks  of  these  parts  were  first  explored  by  rival  Dutch 
and  Spanish  adventurers  of  the  sixteenth  century,"  for  the  Spaniards 
never  really  established  themselves  in  these  parts,  and  the  Dutch 
interfered  with  the  natives  as  little  as  possible,  befriending  them 
whenever  they  could.  It  is  the  gold  and  diamond  hunter  (Anglo- 
Saxon  largely)  who  seems  now  bent  on  driving  them  to  the  wall. 
The  author  takes  "game"  in  a  broad  sense.  Among  the  topics 
discussed  are  :  Imitation  games  (practically  education  here),  Macusi, 
"coming  from  town"  dramatic  games  (in  which  great  physical  and 
mental  skill  and  imagination  are  displayed)  ;  animal  games  (clever 
impersonations  and  imitations  of  the  jaguar,  monkey,  acoorie,  duck, 
hawk,  anteater,  trumpet-bird,  etc.).  Pages  141-150  are  devoted  to  a 
detailed  account  of  "  the  whipping  game,  called  ^nacqjiari,  of  the 
Arawaks,  a  curious  performance,  the  essential  feature  of  which,  the 
mutual  whipping,  is,  I  suppose,  unique  ; "  to  this  game  a  funeral 
purpose  has  by  some  been  attributed.  At  pages  150-155  is  a 
detailed  account  of  "  the  Warau  game,  called  taratoo  or  naha,  in 
which  the  most  marked  feature  is  that  each  player  is  provided  with  a 
large  shield  made  of  palm-leaf  stalks,"  which  he  pushes  against  his 
opponent  when  the  participants  are  lined  up  opposite  each  other, 
and  "  each  strives  might  and  main,  heart  and  soul,  to  push  his  oppo- 
nent back  from  the  line,  and,  if  possible,  to  overthrow  him."  The 
article  closes  with  an  account  in  detail  (pp.  1 55-161)  of  the  Para- 
sheera  dance  of  the  Partamonas,  a  combination  of  dance,  music,  and 
drinking-bout,  in  which  the  participants  are  said  to  imitate  the  pec- 
caries, or  wild-hogs  of  the  country.  The  Warau  game  of  taratoo  is 
the  only  one  unaccompanied  by  drinking.  Ball-play,  according  to 
Mr.  im  Thurn,  "is  almost  unrepresented  among  these  utilitarian 
Red-men."  He  adds:  "The  rarity  of  ball-play  in  Guiana,  and  the 
fact  that  it  appears  to  be  practised  only  by  adults,  looks  rather  as 
though  it  had  not  been  spontaneously  developed,  but  had  been 
adopted  from  some  other  people."  The  Arekunas  of  Roraima  are 
the  only  Guiana  Indians  among  whom  the  author  saw  any  ball-game. 
The  article  is  accompanied  by  five  plates  illustrative  of  the  various 
games  described. 


200  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


GENERAL. 

Basketry,  Prof.  O.  T.  Mason's  paper  (illustrated  with  32  text- 
figures)  on  "The  Technic  of  Aboriginal  American  Basketry,"  in  the 
"American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  iii.  n.  s.  pp.  109-128)  for  January- 
March,  1901,  treats  of  the  varieties  of  woven  and  coiled  basketry, 
their  manufacture,  distribution,  etc.  According  to  the  author,  "  the 
finest  specimens  of  wickerwork  in  America  are  the  very  pretty  Hopi 
plaques  [food  plates]  made  of  Bigelovia  graveolcns!'  The  Porno  In- 
dians, of  the  Kulanapan  family  in  California,  are  the  only  ones  repre- 
sented in  the  U.  S.  National  Museum  by  "lattice-twined  weaving." 
In  a  Hopi  basket  jar  three-ply  and  two-ply  twined  weaving  both 
occur,  suggesting,  as  language  docs,  that  these  Indians  are  a  very 
mixed  people.  The  imbricated  basketry  of  the  Klikitat  type  is 
largely  sui  generis.  Concerning  the  grass-coil  foundation  type  seen 
in  the  Hopi  plaques.  Professor  Mason  remarks :  "If  this  be  exam- 
ined in  comparison  with  a  style  of  basketry  found  in  Egypt  and  in 
northern  Africa  as  far  as  the  Barbary  States,  great  similarity  will  be 
noticed  in  the  size  of  the  coil,  the  color  of  the  sewing  material,  the 
patterns,  and  the  stitches."  Hence  he  suggests  that  "this  particu- 
lar form  of  workmanship  may  be  due  to  acculturation,  inasmuch  as 
this  type  of  basketry  is  confined  in  America  to  the  Hopi  pueblo, 
which  were  brought  very  early  in  contact  with  Spaniards  and  Afri- 
can slaves." 

SoPHiOLOGY.  The  article  of  Major  J.  W.  Powell,  in  the  "Ameri- 
can Anthropologist"  (vol.  iii.  n.  s.  pp.  51-79)  for  January-March, 
1901,  contains  much  of  interest  to  the  folk-lorist,  —  "  Sophiology,  or 
the  Science  of  Activities  designed  to  give  Instruction."  Pages  53- 
65  are  devoted  to  the  consideration  of  mythology,  which  is  "the 
creation  of  imaginary  things  to  explain  unknown  phenomena." 
Myths  are  legion  because  "  a  mythology  has  sprung  up  with  every 
primordial  language."  The  mythology  of  the  American  Indians  "is 
replete  with  myths  concerning  the  powers  of  thought,"  and  "there 
is  no  myth  more  common  than  this  one  of  confounding  thought  with 
force,  and  there  is  no  myth  that  has  a  more  venerable  history." 

A.  F.  a  audi.  C.  C. 


Notes  and  Queries,  201 


NOTES  AND    QUERIES. 

Indian  Summer.  —  The  history  of  the  term  "  Indian  Summer  "  is  a  sub- 
ject in  which  all  Americans  ought  to  be  more  or  less  interested,  since  it  is 
one  of  the  expressions  which  the  English  settlers  of  the  New  World  have 
added  to  our  language.  Professor  Cleveland  Abbe,  of  the  United  States 
Department  of  Agriculture  (Weather  Bureau),  has  set  on  foot  an  investiga- 
tion into  the  origin  and  signification  of  the  term,  and  Mr.  Albert  Matthews, 
of  145  Beacon  Street,  Boston,  Mass.,  has  been  asked  to  put  together  all 
that  can  be  discovered  concerning  its  etymology  and  history.  The  word 
has  been  traced  in  printed  books  as  far  back  as  1794,  and  the  readers  of 
this  Journal,  who  come  across  earlier  references  either  in  books  or  unpub- 
lished manuscripts,  are  invited  to  help  in  the  matter.  Communications  on 
the  subject,  containing  new  evidence,  important  data  as  to  local  use,  etc., 
may  be  sent  to  the  editor  of  the  Journal,  or  direct  to  Mr.  Matthews. 

Spider  Invasion.  —  In  his  charming  volume,  "  The  Naturalist  in  La 
Plata"  (3d  edition,  London,  1895),  Mr.  W.  H.  Hudson  has  the  following 
passage  (p.  193)  :  "The  gauchos  have  a  very  quaint  ballad  which  tells  that 
the  city  of  Cordova  was  once  invaded  by  an  army  of  monstrous  spiders, 
and  that  the  townspeople  went  out  with  beating  drums  and  flags  flying  to 
repel  the  invasion,  and  that  after  firing  several  volleys  they  were  forced  to 
turn  and  fly  for  their  lives.  I  have  no  doubt  that  a  sudden  great  increase 
of  the  man-chasing  spiders,  in  a  year  exceptionally  favorable  to  them,  sug- 
gested this  fable  to  some  rhyming  satirist  of  the  town."  But  perhaps  we 
have  here  a  variant  of  the  widespread  tale  of  animal-invasion  of  which  the 
"  Pied  Piper  of  Hamelin  "  and  "  Bishop  Hatto  "  are  examples. 

Sacred  Trees.  —  During  the  last  three  or  four  years  several  special  arti- 
cles dealing  with  the  role  of  certain  trees  and  shrubs  in  mythology  and  folk- 
belief  have  appeared  in  the  journals  devoted  to  Folk-Lore,  Anthropolog)', 
and  kindred  subjects.  Brief  references  to  some  of  them  may  be  in  place 
here. 

I.  Birch.  The  birch  is  dealt  with  in  an  article,  "  Der  Birkenbesen,  ein 
Symbol  des  Donar,"  in  the  "  Internationales  Archiv  fiir  Ethnographie  " 
(vol.  xiii.  pp.  81-97,  125-162).  In  this  essay  Friedrich  Kunze  discusses 
somewhat  exhaustively  the  relation  of  the  birch-tree,  the  birch-twig,  and  the 
birch-broom  to  the  thunder-god  (Donar).  The  birch-broom  itself,  so  com- 
monly deemed  a  talisman  or  remedy  against  many  kinds  of  evil  spirits 
(especially  those  inimical  to  the  house,  the  home,  the  person,  the  field,  etc.), 
is  said  to  derive  its  virtue  from  the  fact  that  it  is  really  "  a  bundle  of  rods 
from  the  tree  sacred  to  the  great  thunder-god."  The  birch-rod  was 
esteemed  a  powerful  defence  against  demons,  local  spirits  in  particular. 
The  birch  in  folk-thought  and  folk-custom  has  marked  associations  with 
the  spring,  Easter,  May,  St.  John's  Day,  etc.,  and  is  even  more  closely 
connected  in  some  respects  with  agriculture,  the  harvest,  and  the  weather 

VOL.  XIV.  —  NO.  54.      14 


2 o  2  JoMrnal  of  A  merican  Folk- Lore. 

(here  its  role  is  protective).  The  cuckoo,  which  is  the  bird  of  the  thun- 
der-god, is  associated  with  the  birch.  Altogether  the  birch  is,  next  to  the 
oak,  perhaps  the  most  notable  tree  in  ancient  Germanic  folk-thought. 
2.  Oak.  In  the  "Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute  "  (London),  Mr. 
H.  M.  Chadwick  publishes  (vol.  xxx.  n,  s.  iii.  pp.  22-44)  ^ri  article  on 
"  The  Oak  and  the  Thunder-God."  According  to  the  author  "  the  cult  of 
the  thunder-god  was  in  early  times  common  to  most  of  the  Indo-Germanic 
speaking  peoples  of  Europe  "  (p.  28),  and  "  in  the  Greek  and  Prussian 
sanctuaries  of  the  thunder-god  the  priests  lived  beneath  the  sacred  tree, 
and  there  is  some  reason  for  supposing  that  the  same  custom  may  once 
have  prevailed  among  the  Kelts,  Germans,  and  Slavs  "  (p.  40).  Mr.  Chad- 
wick remarks  in  addition,  "one  might,  perhaps,  say  'chiefs'  for  'priests,' 
for  in  the  earliest  times  it  is  probable  that  the  two  offices  were  united." 
He  likewise  suggests  that  "  the  oak  acquired  its  sanctity  from  the  fact  that 
the  priests  lived  beneath  it  "  and  not  vice  versa.  His  general  conclusions 
are  (p.  42),  "  The  thunder-god  was  supposed  to  inhabit  the  oak  because 
this  had  formerly  been  the  dwelling-place  of  his  worshippers.  Originally,  no 
doubt,  he  was  conceived  of  as  dwelling  in  the  sky  ;  but  from  the  very  close 
connection  which  exists  in  all  primitive  peoples,  between  the  god  and  his 
people,  it  became  inevitable  that  he  should  be  regarded  as  present  in  the 
home  of  the  community.  When  tlte  community  took  to  building  and 
deserted  the  tree-home,  the  sanctity  of  old  associations  clung  to  the  latter, 
and  the  god  was  still  supposed  to  dwell  there.  This  is  the  stage  of  society 
represented  by  the  Germans  of  Tacitus's  day  and  by  the  Prussians  up  to 
their  conversion.  The  protection  of  the  god  over  the  new  home  was 
obtained,  in  the  north,  at  all  events,  by  the  importation  into  it  of  a  pillar 
(probably  cut  from  a  holy  tree)  with  the  image  of  the  god  carved  upon  it. 
The  third  and  last  stage  was  reached  by  the  accommodation  of  the  god  in 
a  temple  built  like  human  habitations,  but  with  certain  peculiarities  which 
may  be  due  to  reminiscences  of  the  grove  sanctuary.  This  is  the  stage  found 
in  the  north  in  the  last  days  of  heathendom.  The  change,  however,  was 
not  complete,  for,  in  certain  cases  at  all  events,  the  sacred  tree  or  grove 
continued  to  exist  by  the  side  of  the  more  modern  temple."  Why  the  oak 
should  have  been  chosen  as  a  sacred  tree  is  not  clear.  Mr.  Chadwick 
thinks  (p.  41),  "There  is  reason  for  believing  that  the  oak  was  once  the 
commonest,  as  well  as  perhaps  the  largest  tree  in  the  forests  of  northern 
Europe.  As  such  it  would  naturally  be  chosen  for  the  habitation  of  the 
primitive  community  and  consequently  of  all  their  belongings,  their  animals, 
their  guardian  spirits,  and  their  tribal  god."  The  holy  oak  of  the  Prussians 
at  Remove  seems  to  have  been  their  nearest  approach  to  a  temple.  Evi- 
dence of  the  association  of  the  thunder-god  and  the  oak  is  found  among 
the  Prussians,  Germans,  Kelts,  Romans,  Greeks,  etc.  The  emblem  of  the 
old  Prussian  thunder-god,  Perkuno,  was  "  a  sacred  fire  of  oak-wood  which 
was  kept  up  perpetually,"  and  the  Lithuanian  pcrkuuas  ("thunder"),  with 
the  old  Prussian  Pcrkimo,  is  said  to  be  related  to  the  Latin  quercus  ("  oak"). 
So,  Mr.  Chadwick  holds,  "  the  word  can  originally  have  meant  nothing  else 
than  '  oaken,'  and  must  have  been  an  epithet,  '  the  god  of  (or  in)  the  oak.' " 


Notes  and  Queries.  203 

3.  Hazel.  Dr.  Karl  Weinhold,  the  editor  of  the  "  Zeitschrift  des  Vereins 
fiir  Volkskunde  "  (Berlin),  has  in  that  Journal  (vol.  xi.  pp.  i-t6),  an  article, 
"Ueber  die  Bedeutung  des  Haselstrauchs  im  altgermanischen  Kultus  und 
Zauberwesen,"  in  which  the  role  of  the  hazel  in  old  Teutonic  mythology 
and  "  magic"  is  discussed  with  considerable  detail.  Says  the  author  (p.  16) : 
"  Most  of  what  in  folk-thought  and  tradition  clings  to  the  beautiful  hazel- 
bush  seems  strange,  coming  forth  from  dense  superstition,  covered  with 
very  ancient  dust,  crippled  and  deformed  thereby.  But  we  can  brush  off 
the  dust  and  restore  what  is  disfigured  to  something  of  its  original  form. 
We  began  with  the  demonstrable  use  of  the  hazel  in  old  Germanic  cultus. 
There  it  served  as  a  holy  instrument,  for  it  was  a  sacred  symbol.  The 
hazel-staff  was  a  weapon  of  the  sky-god,  and  there  resided  in  it,  therefore,  a 
sacred  power,  which  streamed  forth  in  the  most  diverse  directions  for  the 
advantage  of  man."  According  to  Dr.  Weinhold,  the  hazel  belongs,  with 
the  ash  and  the  mountain-ash,  the  beech  and  the  oak,  the  willow,  the  ser- 
vice-tree, the  hawthorn,  the  elder,  and  the  juniper,  to  the  select  list  and 
limited  number  of  the  trees  and  shrubs  intimately  related  to  old  Teutonic 
folk-life  in  its  mythological  and  its  mystical  aspects.  The  hazel  (or  some 
portion  of  it)  appears  as  a  tree  sacred  to  the  thunder-god ;  as  a  sacrifice  to 
the  gods  j  as  a  rod  or  stick  carried  in  procession  on  various  occasions ;  as 
a  hedge  for  the  primitive  places  of  combat,  assembly,  judgment,  etc. ;  as  a 
lightning-protector ;  as  a  protection  against  fire ;  as  a  talisman  against  the 
wind-demon ;  as  an  exorciser  of  witches ;  as  a  magic  rod ;  as  a  protector 
against  snakes,  etc.;  as  a  shepherd's  staff;  as  a  luck-bringer,  especially  to 
domestic  animals,  corn,  wine,  etc.;  as  a  medicinal  rod  or  curing  staff ;  as  a 
foreteller  (by  its  blossoming)  of  the  fertility  of  the  year ;  as  a  wishing-stick, 
water  and  treasure  finder ;  as  a  rain-charm,  etc.  The  hazel.  Dr.  Weinhold 
thinks,  was  primarily  connected  with  the  sky-god  (<?.  ^.,  Tius)  and  only  later 
with  the  thunder-god  (Donar,  etc.). 

Folk  Materia  Medica.  —  In  connection  with  some  of  the  observations 
in  Dr.  True's  paper  in  the  last  number  of  the  Journal,  the  following  items 
are  of  interest.  The  "  Revue  Scientifique  of  Paris,  in  its  issue  for  Feb- 
ruary 9,  1901,  reprints  from  the  "  Gazette  hebdomadaire  de  medecine,"  the 
following  letter  of  a  traveller  in  Bengal :  "  Three  months  ago  a  mad  dog 
bit  six  or  seven  men,  among  them  two  of  my  bearers,  wounding  them  badly. 
I  at  once  had  some  iron  heated  white  to  cauterize  the  wounds.  But  the 
natives  looked  on  laughingly.  '  Eh,  sahib,'  said  they,  '  it 's  nothing  at  all ; 
we  have  an  excellent  remedy  for  hydrophobia ;  you  shall  see.'  The  dog 
ran  again.  One  of  the  men  seized  a  stick,  and  killed  him  on  the  spot. 
Another  ripped  open  the  paunch,  took  out  the  palpitating  liver,  cut  some 
pieces  off,  and  gave  them  to  each  of  the  wounded  men,  who  swallowed 
them  raw  and  bloody  as  they  were.  '  The  danger  is  over  now,'  they  said. 
As  I  was  incredulous,  they  brought  to  me  a  young  man  on  whose  legs  were 
large  scars.  Bitten  by  a  mad  dog  some  five  years  before,  this  man  had 
eaten  a  bleeding  piece  of  the  animal's  liver,  and  had  felt  no  evil  results 
from  his  wound.     The  case  I  witnessed  happened  in  March,  and  it  is  now 


204  Journal  of  America7t  Folk-Lore. 

the  third  day  of  July,  The  wounds  have  healed,  and  all  the  men  continue 
in  good  health.  The  natives  even  go  so  far  as  to  maintain  that  if  this 
remedy  be  given  to  a  man  already  stricken  with  hydrophobia,  it  will  infal- 
libly cure."  It  appears,  also,  that  from  time  immemorial  the  peasants  of 
central  France  have  been  in  the  habit  of  using  the  gall-bladder  as  a  remedy 
for  viper-bites.  The  folk  seem  thus  to  have  anticipated  the  interesting  and 
valuable  experiments  of  Phisalix,  Neufeld,  Valle'e,  and  others  concerning 
the  anti-toxic  properties  of  the  hepatic  substances. 

A  correspondent,  in  the  issue  for  February  23  (p.  252),  adds  this  state- 
ment :  "  The  natives  of  Bengal  are  not  alone  in  knowing  the  anti-toxic 
power  of  the  liver  and  in  employing  it  therapeutically.  Nor  are  the  pea- 
sants of  France,  or  of  England  either,  whose  practices  gave  rise  to  the  inves- 
tigations of  Professor  Fraser  of  Edinburgh,  the  first  to  show  by  searching 
and  scientifically  conducted  experiments  that  the  bile  of  the  serpent  is  an 
antidote  against  the  venom  of  that  creature.  In  Guiana,  —  the  fact  is 
noted  in  the  '  Revue'  for  February  20,  1892,  —  the  natives  treat  poisonous 
bites  with  a  powder  composed  of  the  liver  and  bile  of  the  serpent.  In  Cali- 
fornia (according  to  the  '  Scientific  American '  of  October  7,  1893)  the  In- 
dians do  the  same  thing.  And  at  our  watering-places  to-day  one  may  see 
fishermen  treat  stings  and  pricks  with  a  plaster  of  fish-liver.  It  is  inter- 
esting to  know  that  such  practices,  scattered  here  and  there  all  over  the 
globe,  among  the  most  diverse  peoples,  are  not  at  all  so  irrational  as  might 
at  first  sight  be  thought.  They  are  justified  by  the  brilliant  studies  of 
Fraser  on  the  action  of  bile  against  venom,  by  those  of  Frantzius  on  the 
action  of  bile  against  the  virus  of  rabies,  and  by  those  of  Vicenzi  on  the 
action  of  bile  against  the  virus  of  tetanus.  These  different  experimen- 
tators  have  been  pioneers  in  this  field." 

A.  F.  C. 

Igorrote  Marriage  Customs.  —  As  Tennessee  has  a  considerable 
number  of  soldiers  in  the  Philippines,  I  some  time  since  sent  out  letters  to 
a  few  of  those  best  qualified  to  make  the  reports,  asking  for  Islands  folk- 
lore—  it  now  being  ours,  I  suppose,  by  the  triple  rights  of  discovery,  con- 
quest, and  adoption. 

The  most  interesting  reply  came  from  Lieutenant  Frank  L.  Case,  of 
Chattanooga,  who  has,  I  am  glad  to  say,  been  promoted  for  bravery  since 
the  letter  was  written. 

He  wrote  from  Vigan,  and  stated  that  he  had  just  returned  from  a  most 
exhausting  expedition  into  the  heart  of  the  Igorrote  country,  during  which 
they  averaged  eighteen  miles  a  day,  over  mountains,  some  of  which  were 
eight  thousand  feet  in  height,  and  along  trails  that  had  to  be  cleared  and 
shovelled. 

"  There  are  many  tribes  of  Igorrotes,"  writes  Lieutenant  Case,  "  whose 
names  I  have  been  unable  as  yet  to  collect. 

"  '  Igorrote  '  is  a  general  term,  like  '  Indians  '  at  home.  Most  of  them 
are  pagans,  but  there  are  a  few  Christian  settlements. 

"  Their  religion  in  most  instances  seems  to  be  a  sun,  or  nature,  worship. 


Notes  and  Queries.  205 

They  are  ruled  in  the  patriarchal  style,  with  chiefs  and  petty  chiefs,  and  no 
man  of  one  village  or  clan  will  go  to  another  unless  for  warlike  purposes, 
or  without  danger  of  war,  in  the  '  Malo  Igorrote '  sections. 

"A  lieutenant  of  our  regiment,  stationed  in  the  edge  of  the  mountains, 
heard  of  a  big  dance  that  was  about  to  take  place  and  went  out  to  it  early 
one  morning.  It  proved  to  be  a  marriage  dance.  It  began  at  four  o'clock 
A.  M.,  and  forty  or  fifty  couples  were  married. 

"  The  pairs  would  start  out  into  the  centre  of  the  assemblage  while  two 
men  beat  instruments  something  like  tom-toms  or  drums. 

"  Each  of  the  pairs  had  cloths  about  the  size  of  large  handkerchiefs. 
The  man  approached  his  damsel,  dancing  and  making  motions  with  the 
cloth  or  handkerchief.  She  at  first  was  coy,  and  made  gestures  of  disdain 
while  dancing.  This  continued  for  some  time,  but  she  finally  succumbed, 
and  this  concluded  the  marriage  ceremony." 

This  occurred  among  the  Igorrotes,  but  not  the  wild  head-hunters. 

Of  the  head-hunters  Lieutenant  Case  says  :  — 

"  Here  is  the  way  the  young  Igorrote  gets  his  wife.  First,  he  carefully 
counts  the  number  of  heads  hanging  in  his  little  hut ;  they  are  strung 
around  in  a  circle  by  blocks  of  five,  I  suppose  for  convenience  in  number- 
ing. Perhaps  he  is  short  one  or  two  heads,  or  more.  If  so,  he  shuts  up 
shop  and  goes  forth,  taking  his  head-axe  with  him.  Within  a  radius  of 
about  three  miles  of  his  native  village  he  is  in  honor  bound  to  behead 
nobody.  That  would  be  a  violation  of  the  rules,  and  of  the  moral  code ; 
and  besides,  he  might  get  hurt  some  time,  when  not  prepared  for  resistance. 
But  outside  of  this  limit  he  can  kill  his  own  relatives ;  an  entirely  proper 
thing,  he  thinks,  if  thereby  he  can  gain  his  wife. 

"  When  the  number  of  heads  required  is  obtained,  sufficient  to  show  his 
lady-love,  I  suppose,  that  he  is  a  man  not  to  be  henpecked,  he  invites  the 
lady's  father  to  his  house  for  a  feast.  This  is  eaten  in  silence,  and  in  full 
contemplation  of  the  strings  of  heads.  Nobody  can  blame  the  old  man 
for  eating  in  silence  under  such  circumstances. 

"  When  the  father  has  left  the  young  man's  house,  he  sends  his  daugh- 
ters in,  one  at  a  time.  The  first  one  to  go  may  not  be  the  light  of  the 
warrior's  life.  If  that  be  the  case,  he  grunts  his  disapproval  as  she  enters, 
and  so  on  until  the  proper  lady-love  arrives,  and  the  ceremony  is  thus 
ended. 

"The  head-hunters  are  not  exactly  cannibals,  but  when  a  head  is  taken, 
they  have  a  big  dance.  They  also  cut  out  the  shin-bones  of  the  victim, 
and  some  also  take  the  heart,  liver,  and  other  parts  of  the  body,  place  them 
on  spears,  and  dance  about  them." 

Later,  Lieutenant  Case  says  he  has  learned  that  one  head  is  sufficient  in 
some  cases  to  vouchsafe  the  Igorrote  young  warrior  a  wife,. whereas  he  had 
supposed  that  a  number  were  necessary. 

H.  M.  Wiltse. 

In  the  Field  of  Southern  Folk-Lore.  —  i.  Superstition  concerning 
Dog-bites.     A  superstition  which  is  very  widespread  in  the   South,  and  is 


2  o6  yournal  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore, 

not  confined  to  the  ignorant  classes,  is  that  if  a  dog  bites  a  person  it 
sliould  be  killed  for  the  protection  of  the  person  whom  it  has  bitten  ;  espe- 
cially if  there  is  the  least  reason  to  suppose  that  it  was  mad.  I  have 
known  people  to  bear  the  feeling  of  ill  usage  for  years  because  their  friends 
failed  to  kill  dogs  by  which  they  had  been  bitten,  and  which  they  feared 
were  rabid.  They  seemed  to  feel  a  constant  uneasiness,  lest  the  dog  was 
mad  when  the  bite  was  inflicted,  and  the  results  of  it  might  leap  up  and 
destroy  them  at  any  time,  even  after  the  lapse  of  years. 

Two  ladies  recently  told  me  about  an  experience  which  befel  their  sister, 
the  wife  of  a  congressman,  and  a  woman  of  intelligence,  education,  and 
refinement. 

Her  little  son  was  bitten  by  a  valuable  dog  which  belonged  to  their  next 
door  neighbor.  There  was  no  especial  reason  to  believe  that  the  dog  was 
rabid,  but  the  mother  of  the  boy  insisted  that  it  should  be  killed.  The 
neighbor  was  not  willing  to  sacrifice  his  pet,  and  the  lady's  husband  was 
not  willing  to  offend  his  friend  by  taking  upon  himself  the  responsibility  of 
inflicting  the  death  penalty. 

In  order  to  temporarily  pacify  the  mother,  and  hoping  that  she  would 
soon  abandon  her  determination  that  the  dog  should  die,  they  sent  it  away 
to  a  village  some  miles  distant. 

But  she  went  there,  and  appealed  to  a  friend.  He  sent  his  negro  man 
with  instructions  to  kill  the  dog,  and  threatened  him  with  dire  vengeance 
if  he  came  back  without  having  done  so.  The  negro  chased  the  animal 
ten  miles,  killed  it,  and  reported  to  the  mother.  She  then  insisted  upon 
having  the  tail  and  an  ear,  as  evidence  that  the  deed  had  been  done. 
These  she  put  into  a  tin  bucket,  and  took  them  home  to  her  little  son,  in 
order  that  his  future  years  might  not  be  disturbed  by  a  haunting  fear  that 
the  dog  had  escaped,  after  all. 

2.  S/iake  Snperstitiofis.  —  I  have  often  questioned  a  middle-aged  colored 
woman  who  was  reared  in  South  Carolina,  and  who  was  a  slave  in  child- 
hood, about  the  superstitions  of  her  race;  the  "signs,"  as  she  and  most 
people  of  her  class  call  them,  knowing  nothing  of  superstition  by  that 
name. 

Those  that  she  related  to  me  were  so  common  that  I  gave  little  heed  to 
them.  But  in  the  summer  of  1900,  when  she  was  working  at  my  house,  I 
was  called  upon  by  a  frightened  neighbor  woman  to  kill  a  snake  which  had 
found  its  way  into  her  garden,  although  the  house  is  in  the  outskirts  of  a 
city  which  boasts  a  population  of  fifty  thousand.  The  snake  was  one 
which  I  took  to  be  venomous,  and  there  was  considerable  excitement  con- 
cerning its  presence. 

A  few  days  after  the  occurrence  Jane  was  at  work  in  my  dooryard,  and 
suddenly  remarked  that  there  was  another  snake  around  somewhere. 
Being  asked  what  made  her  think  so,  she  said,  "  I  feels  suah  of  it,  suh, 
kase  I  smells  de  smell  of  watahmillion  an'  dere  's  no  watahmillion  aroun'. 
Dat  's  a  suah  sign  dat  a  snake  is  neah  by.     I  knowed  dere  was  one  aroun' 

somewhah  de  day  you  done  killed  dat  one  in  Mrs.  G 's  gyarden,  kase 

I  smelt  de  smell  of  watahmillion  afore  she  sont  for  you  to  come  ober  dah." 


Notes  ayid  Qtieries.  207 

Of  the  very  many  superstitions  regarding  snakes  the  one  which  I  have 
found  most  prevalent  is  that  if  one  is  killed  and  hung  up  or  stretched  out 
on  a  fence  it  will  bring  rain. 

Judge  H.  B.  Lindsay,  of  Knoxville,  Tenn.,  writes  me  that  this  is  a  wide- 
spread belief  in  upper  East  Tennessee,  and  Dr.  A.  S.  Wiltse  writes  me  that 
in  the  Cumberland  Mountains,  East  Tennessee,  it  is  common  to  see  them 
stretched  on  the  fences  or  hung  in  trees,  in  obedience  to  this  belief.  I 
have  not  infrequently  seen  this  disgusting  evidence  of  belief  in  the  rain- 
making  virtues  of  serpents  myself. 

3.  Planting  Superstition,  —  Hon.  C.  C.  Collins,  of  Elizabethton,  Tenn., 
informs  me  of  a  quite  common  belief  that,  in  order  to  raise  gourds,  it  is 
necessary  for  the  planter  of  the  seeds  to  throw  them  over  his  left  shoulder, 
one  at  a  time,  and  utter  an  oath  as  each  seed  is  thrown,  before  planting 
them.  Mr.  Collins  says  he  has  heard  his  grandmother  tell  about  one  of 
her  daughters  who  was  so  thoroughly  convinced  of  the  truth  of  this  that, 
although  of  a  very  religious  family  and  personally  devout  in  the  extreme, 
she  selected  a  profane  word  for  gourd  seed-planting  time.  The  word  that 
she  picked  out  as  probably  least  objectionable  of  all  that  she  regarded  as 
truly  profane  was  "  hell."  So  she  would  stand  and  solemnly  throw  the 
seeds  over  her  left  shoulder,  and  distinctly  exclaim  "  hell !  "  as  each  seed 
was  thrown. 

4.  Measuring  Cures  in  Popular  Medicine.  —  Mr.  Collins  says  it  is  thought 
by  many  people  that  a  child  can  be  cured  of  phthisic  by  measuring  its 
height  with  a  sourwood  stick,  and  hiding  the  stick,  so  that  the  child  can 
never  see  it.  As  soon  as  the  little  one  has  grown  taller  than  the  stick  is 
long,  the  disease  will  have  been  conquered.  But  if  it  ever  sees  the  stick, 
the  charm  is  broken. 

This  is  akin  to  a  superstition  of  which  Mrs.  Henry  Burns,  of  Lancing, 
Tenn.,  informs  me. 

If  a  child  is  subject  to  croup,  measure  its  height  on  a  good  sized,  live 
tree.  Bore  a  hole  in  the  tree  at  the  point  which  marks  the  exact  height  of 
the  child  ;  take  a  lock  of  the  little  one's  hair  and  put  it  into  the  hole, 
wedge  it  in  tightly  with  a  plug  of  wood,  and  as  soon  as  the  child  has  grown 
a  bit  above  the  hole  it  will  cease  to  have  croup,  and  never  again  be  trou- 
bled with  it. 

5.  Marriage  Signs  in  Tenfiessee.  —  Mrs.  Burns  has  kindly  furnished  to  me 
a  large  collection  of  the  superstitions  prevalent  in  the  mountain  country, 
where  she  was  reared,  many  of  which  she  has  seen  practically  demonstrated 
frequently.     Two  or  three  of  them  are  given  below  :  — 

If  a  girl  desires  to  know  whom  she  will  marry,  she  can  find  out  by  per- 
suading another  girl  to  join  her  in  going  through  the  formula  given,  each 
doing  her  part  "  backwards,"  and  neither  speaking  during  the  whole  cere- 
mony. 

Together  they  secure  an  egg,  put  it  in  the  fire,  and  leave  it  there  until  it 
has  had  time  to  become  thoroughly  cooked.  Then  they  take  it  out  to- 
gether ;  together  get  a  knife,  and  cut  it  into  halves.  Each  takes  a  half, 
and  removes  the  yolk  from  it.     This  is  %\Tapped  up  in  a  handkerchief. 


2o8  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

The  cavity  of  the  white  is  filled  with  salt  and  eaten,  shell  and  all.  Then 
the  two  take  the  pieces  of  yolk  which  they  wrapped  up  in  their  handker- 
chiefs, and  put  them  under  their  pillows.  They  go  to  sleep,  lying  on  their 
right  sides,  and  both  are  sure  to  have  the  delight  of  dreaming,  each  that 
the  man  she  is  going  to  marrj'  hands  her  a  drink  of  water. 

There  is  certainly  some  scientific  basis  in  this  case  for  the  dreams,  and 
for  the  fact  that  water  figures  prominently  in  them. 

Another  way  for  a  girl  to  secure  a  glimpse  into  the  future  is  to  take  nine 
new  pins  and  drop  them  into  a  tin  vessel  which  contains  water,  and  set 
the  vessel  on  the  bed-slat  under  her  pillow.  Then,  if  marriage  is  in  store 
for  her,  she  will  dream  of  the  man  who  is  to  be  her  husband.  But  if  she  is 
destined  not  to  marry,  the  tin  vessel  will  turn  over  and  spill  all  of  the  pins 
upon  the  floor. 

Another  way  yet  to  manage  such  affairs  is  for  a  girl  to  look  out  through 
the  chimney  and  name  three  stars,  giving  them  the  names  of  the  most 
desirable  young  men  in  the  neighborhood.  If  she  is  to  marry  either  of  the 
three  young  men  whose  names  she  has  given  to  the  stars,  she  will  dream 
of  the  one  who  is  to  be  the  bridegroom  at  her  wedding.  If  she  is  not  to 
marry  either  of  the  three,  she  will  surely  dream  of  the  other  man  who  is  to 
be  her  partner  for  life. 

Again,  if  a  girl  wishes  to  know  her  fate,  she  can  find  it  out  by  going  to 
the  forks  of  a  road  between  sundown  and  dark,  standing  there,  and  say- 
ing,— 

"  If  I  am  to  marry  nigh,  let  me  hear  a  bird  cry. 
If  I  am  to  marry  in  foreign  lands,  let  me  hear  a  cow  loo. 
If  I  am  to  marry  not,  let  me  hear  my  coffin  knock." 

She  will  be  sure  to  hear  one  or  another  of  the  sounds  called  for. 

Henry  M.  Wiltse. 
Chattanooga,  Tenn. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL   NOTES. 
BOOKS. 

LeS    LiTTjfeRATURES    POPULAIRES    DE   TOUTES    LES    NATIONS.       Tome  XLIII. 

Paul    S^billot.     Le   Folk-Lore  des   Pecheurs.     Paris :    J.  Maison- 
neuve,     1901.     Pp.  xii  +  389. 

The  principal  topics  treated  in  this  interesting  collection  of  the  folk-lore 
of  fishermen  are  :  Birth  and  childhood  (prognostics,  plays,  games,  toys, 
etc.)  ;  adolescence  and  later  life  (marriage,  disease,  death)  ;  the  fisherman's 
house  (amulets,  luck,  fishing  apparatus)  ;  cult  and  festival  (saints  and  pil- 
grimages, annual  festivals,  sacrifices,  etc.)  ;  boats  and  vessels  (building  and 
launching)  ;  luck  (presages  of  plenty  and  dearth,  favorable  and  unfavor- 
able seasons)  ;  actions  on  board  and  while  fishing  (lucky  and  unlucky 
things  to  meet,  persons,  animals,  and  objects,  religious  observances,  meteors 
and  apparitions,  fascinations,  forbidden  deeds  and  words,  entreaties,  vows, 


Bibliographical  Notes.  209 

taking  the  fish,  return,  sale  of  fish,  etc.);  fresh-water  fishermen  (habits, 
beliefs,  customs)  ;  deep-sea  fishing  (Newfoundland,  Iceland,  whaling)  ;  oral 
literature  of  the  fishermen  (tales  and  legends,  songs,  blason  popidaire).  At 
pages  ix-xii  is  a  list  of  some  fifty-five  works  from  which  citations  are  made 
in  the  text,  and  at  the  end  of  the  volume  is  an  analytic  table  of  contents, 
but  no  alphabetic  index. 

The  toys  and  games  of  the  fishermen's  children  abundantly  prove  the 
influence  of  environment,  for  it  is  not  to  "  Ride  a  cock  horse  "  that  the  baby 
is  trotted  on  the  parent's  knee  on  the  island  of  Sein,  e.  g.,  one  of  the  out-of- 
the-way  Breton  communities,  but  to  "  Row,  row,"  while  on  the  sands  of  the 
coast  of  upper  Brittany  the  children  in  their  "  hopscotch  "  diagram  repro- 
duce on  a  large  scale  the  circumvolutions  of  the  helix  of  the  sea-snail. 
The  bogy-man,  too,  smacks  of  the  sea, — on  the  coast  of  Brittany,  Saint 
Nicolas  or  Nicole,  who  is  sometimes  a  monster  of  the  deep  with  sharp 
claws  and  long  arms,  sometimes  a  fish.  There  is  also  Gros  Jean,  who 
shuts  bad  children  in  a  cask,  feeds  them  with  seaweed  through  the  bung- 
hole, -gives  them  salt  water  to  drink,  and  entertains  them  with  stories  of 
what  happens  to  disobedient  children  ;  the  red  dwarf  of  Dieppe  ;  and,  at 
Saint  Cast,  the  fairies  who  whip  children  with  kelp.  Some  of  these 
demons  are  kin  to  the  Gougou,  which  Champlain  and  Lescarbot  reported 
from  the  Gaspesian  Indians  in  the  seventeenth  century.  According  to  M. 
Sebillot :  "  It  is  probably  to  imitation  of  the  children  that  the  regattas  of 
models,  instituted  at  Saint  Malo,  are  due"  (p.  16).  The  crab-races  of  the 
children  have  been  dignified  by  a  drawing  in  the  "  Journal  Amusant  "  for 
October  25,  1885.  The  baptbne  du  mousse^  described  at  pages  45-47,  is 
unique  in  its  way.  The  clannishness  of  the  Breton  fisher-people  appears 
in  their  marriages  and  their  greater  or  less  despisal  of  the  peasantry,  and 
is  reflected  in  their  marriage  customs  and  observances.  Everywhere  the 
intelligence,  activity,  and,  in  certain  things,  the  marked  superiority  of  the 
women-folk  are  to  be  noted,  although  disapproval  of  too  much  "  petticoat 
rule  "  occasionally  vents  itself  upon  the  husband,  as  in  the  incident  related 
from  Saint  Jacut  de  la  Mer  (p.  58).  The  belief  seems  to  be  widespread 
that  the  tide  influences  the  time  and  the  conditions  of  death.  In  Lower 
Brittany  "  sick  people  suffer  more  at  high  tide  than  at  any  other  time,  and 
then  most  deaths  are  thought  to  take  place,"  but  around  Saint  Malo  the 
opposite  belief  prevails,  and  fishermen  die  with  the  ebb. 

Amulets  and  luck  figure  largely  with  fisher-folk  all  over  the  world.  The 
blessing  of  the  sea  and  of  the  fishing-boats  is  common  in  the  Catholic 
countries  of  Europe,  but  is  dying  out  of  late  even  in  Brittany.  The  sacri- 
fice on  the  island  of  Lewis,  in  the  Hebrides,  of  a  goat  or  a  sheep,  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  season,  or  after  a  successful  fishing,  suggests  many  similar 
practices  of  savage  and  barbarous  peoples  of  both  hemispheres.  Like  other 
creatures,  in  Catholic  lands,  to  be  lucky  and  thrive,  a  boat  must  be  chris- 
tened, —  a  heathen  vessel  would  hardly  fare  well.  Among  the  things  of 
good  augury  before  or  during  the  fishing  season  are  the  sea-swallow  (in  the 
mackerel  time),  the  cuckoo,  the  wind  from  the  west,  etc.  Certain  days  of 
the  weeks  and  of  the  month,  especially  in  Catholic  countries,  are  bad  for 


2 1  o  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

fishing ;  so  also  with  certain  saints'  days  and  other  festivals,  A  curious 
Esthonian  belief  exists  to  the  effect  that  to  have  a  quarrel  with  some  one 
of  the  family  before  sailing  is  a  good  omen  for  the  fishermen,  —  indeed,  to 
come  actually  to  blows  is  better,  for  "each  blow  counts  three  fish"  (p.  173). 
Quite  widespread  is  the  idea  that  to  ask  a  fisherman,  "  Where  are  you 
going? "  will  spoil  his  luck.  To  wish  him  "good  luck"  is  sometimes  quite 
as  bad.  Common  also  is  the  belief  that  priests  and  clergymen  are  of  ill- 
omen  to  the  fisherman.  In  parts  of  Brittany  a  tailor  brings  equal  bad  luck. 
Strangely  enough,  in  many  countries,  women  are  thought  to  exercise  no 
good  influence  upon  fishing.  To  keep  a  boat  too  clean  is  to  drive  away 
the  fish  according  to  the  folk  of  Saint  Malo,  and  those  of  Boulogne  believe 
it  unlucky  to  drop  anything  into  the  water  when  leaving  port.  The  taboos 
relating  to  fishing  would  make  a  good  study  of  themselves,  in  their  relation 
to  persons,  places,  things,  acts,  words,  etc.  So,  too,  the  vows,  prayers,  and 
conjurations  of  fishermen  at  sea  and  on  land. 

Naturally,  fishing  on  foot,  largely  an  individual  pursuit,  has  not  the  same 
chance  to  gather  about  it  the  mass  of  folk-lore  that  attaches  to  fishing  in 
boats  and  ships,  that  leave  the  native  land  out  of  sight  and  visit  strange 
countries ;  but  nevertheless  those  who  fish  by  the  shore  of  the  sea,  or  in 
fresh-water  lakes  and  rivers  are  not  without  their  share  of  legend  and 
superstition. 

There  are  many  very  interesting  things  about  the  deep-sea  fishers  and 
their  doings.  The  French  fishermen  who  visit  Newfoundland  seem  to  be 
especially  given  to  imaginative  tale-telling,  while  the  yarns  the  "  vieux 
loups  dTslande  "  spin  to  novices  are  quite  equal  to  any  efforts  of  the  for- 
mer. It  was  in  Brittany  that  Pierre  Loti  w-as  born,  and  the  tale-telling 
exemplified  in  his  "  Pecheurs  dTslande  "  came  quite  natural  to  him. 

M.  Se'billot  expresses  the  opinion  that  "  tales  in  which  fishing  and  fisher- 
men appear  are  rarer  than  is  commonly  believed  "  (p.  335).  Part  of  this, 
doubtless,  is  due  to  lack  of  record.  In  not  a  few  tales,  owing  to  the  influ- 
ence of  Christianity,  the  devil  appears  to  have  superseded  the  more  ancient 
sirens  and  sea-genii.  It  would  seem,  also,  that  the  daughters  of  fishermen 
meet  less  frequently  than  their  brothers  with  marvellous  adventures.  Fish- 
ermen, too,  according  to  the  author,  have  but  comparatively  few  songs  be- 
longing particularly  to  them ;  moreover,  they  seem  to  figure  rarely  in  the 
songs  of  the  rest  of  the  country.  Of  Brittany  M.  Sebillot  says :  "  During 
a  rather  prolonged  stay  in  villages  exclusively  inhabited  by  them,  when  I 
collected  many  tales  and  rhymes,  I  did  not  meet  with  a  single  song  worthy 
of  note  which  was  peculiar  to  them*"  (p.  374).  The  few  fishermen's  songs 
of  the  Mediterranean  region  seem  to  have  a  sentimental  tone.  The  Flem- 
ish fishermen,  apparently,  have  more  songs  relating  to  their  profession  than 
the  French,  Breton,  or  Basque,  —  the  Reys  nacr  Ishmd  "  is  a  sort  of  national 
song  for  those  who  sail  for  the  cod-banks  from  Gravelines,  Marydyk,  and 
Dunkirk.''  Fishermen,  of  course,  furnish  to  their  neighbors  some  Boeotians. 
Among  these  are  the  Martigots  of  Provence  and  the  Jaguens  of  Brittany, 
who  even  exceed  those  of  Fittie  near  Aberdeen  in  Scotland  and  the  famous 
three  of  Gotham. 


Bibliographical  Notes.  211 

Although  this  book  contains  matter  from  all  regions  of  the  globe,  it  is 
strongest  and  most  valuable  when  it  deals  with  the  'h.sVoxXzxiA  par  excellence, 
Brittany,  where  the  author  is  always  at  home,  and,  naturally  enough,  it 
hardly  does  justice  to  the  aborigines  of  America. 

Alexander  F.  Chamberlain. 

Over  the  Great  Navajo  Trail.     By  Carl   Eickemeyer.     Illustrated 
with  photographs  taken  by  the  author.     New  York.     igoo.     Pp.  270. 

The  author,  who  has  previously  published  "  Among  the  Pueblo  Indians," 
and  is  a  member  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society,  offers  here  a  pleas- 
ing illustrated  account  of  his  journey  over  the  Great  Navajo  Trail  from 
Santa  Fe  westward  to  the  Navajo  Reservation  in  the  northwestern  corner 
of  New  Mexico  and  the  northeastern  part  of  Arizona,  and  his  experiences 
among  a  people  more  or  less  "  unaffected  by  the  influences  of  civilization 
or  by  contact  with  white  settlers."  The  peak  of  El  Cabezon,  in  the  broad 
valley  of  the  Puerco,  is,  according  to  Navajo  legend,  —  the  tale  can  be 
read  in  full  in  the  works  of  Dr.  Washington  Matthews,  —  the  head  of  the 
giant  Yeitso,  whom  the  Twins  slew,  with  the  help  of  the  Sun.  At  San 
Mateo  are  to  be  found  the  famous  Penitentes  of  the  Franciscan  order,  whose 
self-torture  on  Good  Friday  is  worthy  of  the  Red  Man  himself.  Among 
the  interesting  characters  met  by  the  author  was  Que-su-la,  chief  of  the 
Hualapi  Indians  of  northern  Arizona,  who  passed  through  Gallup,  a  little 
American  town  close  to  Navajo  land.  At  page  129  is  an  account  of  koon- 
kan,  "  a  game  of  cards  the  Indian  has  learned  from  his  Mexican  neigh- 
bors," and  at  pages  149-153  some  remarks  about  the  baby  Navajo,  who, 
"  figuratively  speaking,  is  born  in  the  saddle,"  so  early  does  his  acquaint- 
ance with  the  horse  begin.  The  author  lavishes  compliments  on  the  Na- 
vajo maidens,  "  comely,  well-built  girls,  strong  as  oxen,  and  graceful  as 
fawns  "  (p.  163),  About  the  mountains  and  their  origin  the  Navajos  have 
many  legends.  Concerning  the  Dsilli-che,  or  Black  Mountains,  the  author 
was  informed  by  an  old  medicine-man  that  "  it  will  take  four  days  to  tell 
all  about  them"  (p.  172).  A  Navajo  mother  would  not  sell  the  bead- 
necklace  on  her  baby  ''  lest  Chindee  [the  devil]  should  run  off  with  it " 
(p.  206).  Brief  notes  on  marriage,  basket-making,  blanket- weaving,  death, 
medicine,  etc.,  are  given  by  the  author.  The  Navajo  silversmith,  we  learn, 
"  turns  out  ornaments  that  for  ingenuity  of  design  and  skill  in  workman- 
ship are  not  rivalled  by  his  civilized  contemporary  "  (p.  220).  Again,  at 
page  240,  Mr.  Eickemeyer  notes  the  happiness  of  child  life  among  the  Na- 
vajos. The  volume  closes  with  a  plea  for  just  and  advantageous  treatment 
of  these  Indians  and  a  protest  against  "civilizing  them  out  of  existence." 

Alexander  F.  Chamberlain. 

The   Ethno-Botany  of  the   Coahuilla   Indians   of   Southern  Cali- 
fornia.    By  David  Prescott  Barrows.     Chicago  :  The  University  of 
Chicago  Press.     1900.     Pp.  82. 
This  is  a  Dissertation  for  the  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy  in  the 

Department  of  Anthropology  at  the  University  of  Chicago.     After  a  brief 


2 1 2  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

introduction,  the  work  is  divided  into  eight  chapters  as  follows  :  Linguistic 
and  Tribal  Affinities  of  the  Coahuilla  Indians  ;  The  Habitat  of  the  Coa- 
huillas  ;  Houses  and  House-Building  ;  Baskets  and  Basket-Making  ;  Plant 
Materials  used  in  Manufactures  and  Arts  ;  The  Gathering,  Preparation, 
and  Storing  of  Foods  ;  Food  Plants  of  the  Coahuilla  Indians  ;  Drinks, 
Narcotics,  and  Medicines.  The  Indians,  whose  knowledge  and  use  of 
plants  with  the  folk-thought  concerning  them,  are  here  considered,  are  the 
Coahuilla  (better  :  Coahuia)  Indians,  "  inhabiting  the  arid  plains  and  moun- 
tains of  the  California  desert,"  a  people  now  "almost  unknown  outside  of 
their  own  portion  of  the  State,"  but  a  tribe  that  "  once  controlled  southern 
California  from  the  Colorado  river  westward  to  the  Pacific  sea."  The  word 
Coahuilla  "  is  Indian,  and  the  tribesmen's  own  designation  for  themselves, 
and  means  'master'  or  'ruling  people.'  "  The  interesting  account  of  the 
habitat  of  the  Coahuias  is  interspersed  with  Indian  place-names  and  their 
interpretation.  From  the  account  of  the  houses  of  these  Indians  it  appears 
that  "the  work  of  building  is  done  by  the  men  "  (p.  36).  The  Coahuia 
basketry  "  is  of  one  type  throughout,  a  type  peculiar  to  the  Indians  of 
southern  California,  Dieguenos  as  well  as  Luisenos  and  Coahuillas,  —  a 
variety  of  narrow  coiled  ware  "  (p.  41).  Basket-making  is  one  of  the  chief 
employments  of  the  old  women.  Of  basketry  ornamentation  the  author 
remarks  (p.  43)  :  "The  patterns  are  varied  and  always  tasteful.  A  great 
variety  of  formal  decorative  figures  are  used  :  sometimes  rather  conven- 
tionalized representations  of  men,  w^omen,  and  children,  horses,  deer,  etc., 
are  woven  into  it.  I  have  a  curious  basket  with  figures  of  the  human  hand 
in  black.  The  inspection  and  collection  of  these  baskets  is  fascinating 
employment.  The  eye  is  constantly  delighted  with  graceful  forms  and 
harmoniously  arranged  colors."  With  these  Indians,  pottery,  which  prob- 
ably superseded  an  earlier  use  of  water-tight  baskets,  is  of  native  origin, 
and  not  derived  from  the  Spanish,  as  many  have  thought,  —  the  remains  in 
the  old  village  and  camping-sites  prove  this.  The  Coahuia  women  tattoo 
themselves  with  agave  charcoal,  pricking  in  the  pattern  with  opuntia  thorns. 
From  cord  twisted  from  the  phragmites  or  agave  "  beautiful  baby  ham- 
mocks "  are  woven.  Baby-boards,  however,  are  also  somewhat  in  use.  In 
the  chapter  on  food-getting  Dr.  Barrows  pays  the  following  tribute  to 
aboriginal  woman  (p.  51):  "In  this  work  the  woman  has  naturally  been 
the  important  factor.  They  have  been  her  explorations,  her  revolutionary 
discoveries,  the  tests  made  by  her  teeth  and  stomach  that  have  advanced 
the  race  in  its  quest  for  substance.  Among  the  Coahuillas,  as  among  all 
Indians,  the  woman  is  the  getter  of  vegetable  foods,  the  ethno-botanist  of 
her  community.  Now  that  the  man's  hunting  has  been  interrupted  forever 
by  the  settlements  of  the  whites  and  the  disappearance  of  the  game,  the 
support  of  the  family  falls  principally  on  the  woman."  The  amount  of  in- 
genuity displayed  by  these  Indians  in  the  manufacture  of  food-storing  and 
food-preparing  utensils  is  considerable.  The  Aztec  word  atoUi  (in  its  Span- 
ish from  atole)  has  drifted  into  several  of  the  Indian  dialects  of  this  region 
since  "  the  boiled  mush  served  daily  to  the  Indians  under  the  Missions 
went  by  this  name  "  (p.  54).     The  author,  not  claiming  to  have  in  any  way 


Bibliographical  Notes.  213 

exhausted  the  subject,  informs  us  that  he  has  discovered  "  not  less  than 
sixty  distinct  products  for  nutrition,  and  at  least  twenty-eight  more  utilized 
for  narcotics,  stimulants,  or  medicines,  all  derived  from  desert  or  semi- 
desert  localities,  in  use  among  these  Indians."  The  detail  concerning  the 
use  of  some  these  is  very  welcome.  The  diet  of  the  Coahuias  "  was  a 
much  more  diversified  one  than  fell  to  the  lot  of  most  North  American 
Indians,"  —  a  natural  result  of  their  '*  roaming  from  the  desert,  through  the 
mountains  to  the  coast  plains,"  thus  drawing  upon  three  quite  dissimilar 
botanical  zones.  The  Indian,  too,  found  where  the  white  man  can  see 
nothing.  Besides  beverages  prepared  from  the  mesquite,  the  screw-bean, 
the  sumac,  the  ochotilla,  etc.,  the  Coahuias  make  tea  from  the  Ephedra 
Nevadensis.  They  also  have  their  native  tobacco  {Nicotiaiia  afk/iuata),  but 
seem  to  have  been  "  quite  largely  free  "  from  the  use  of  intoxicating  drugs, 
not  distilling  or  fermenting,  so  far  as  is  known,  the  agave,  from  which 
comes  the  tizwifi  of  the  Apaches.  The  poisonous  Datura  jueteloides  is,  how- 
ever, used  by  the  Coahuias  to  produce  delirium.  The  "  medicine-men  of 
the  Coahuillas  seem  to  form  a  special  class,  having  undergone  a  prepara- 
tion and  initiation  that  make  them  exorcists  and  men  of  influence  for  life. 
They  are  still  common  and  keep  up  their  practices,  although  most  of  the 
mountain  Coahuillas  are  nominally  Roman  Catholics "  (p.  76).  The 
sweathouse  is  still  in  use.  Of  the  remedial  herbs  known  to  the  Coahuias, 
"  perhaps  the  largest  number  are  purgatives  or  laxatives."  Plant-lore  in 
its  medical  aspects  "  is  (unlike  the  practices  of  the  *  medicine  men ')  com- 
mon to  all  and  peculiar  to  neither  class  nor  sex.  The  knowledge  in  these 
matters  is  greatest,  of  course,  in  the  old  men  and  women,  but  the  good 
effects  of  some  herbs  are  known  to  every  child  "  (p.  80). 

Of  the  culture  of  the  Coahuias  Dr.  Barrows  says,  "  it  was  a  developing 
barbarism,  and  it  is  folly  to  insist  that  it  would  have  made,  of  itself,  no 
further  advances."  To-day,  we  are  told  (p.  71)  :  "  The  Indians  are  begin- 
ning to  earn  a  large  part  of  their  support  by  civilized  labor.  They  are  the 
best  sheep-shearers  in  California,  riding  in  bands  through  the-  country  in 
spring  and  fall.  Many  work  through  the  summer  in  orchards  and  vineyards 
and  in  fruit  drying  and  packing  establishments.  On  the  reservations  they 
raise  cattle,  especially  in  the  mountain  Coahuilla  valley.  They  plant  maize, 
beans,  peas,  potatoes,  watermelons,  squashes,  and,  in  the  mountains,  also 
wheat  and  barley.  All  but  the  last  two  require  irrigation,  and  for  this 
purpose  they  make  in  the  mountains  small  reservoirs,  by  damming  and 
deepening  the  springs,  and  dig  rude  zanjas,  or  irrigating  ditches.  In  the 
Cabezon  valley  they  conduct  the  water  short  distances  out  of  the  canons 
in  which  it  trickles,  or  at  certain  villages  they  irrigate  small  patches  from 
their  wells."  But  the  change  of  diet  that  all  this  implies  is  no  unmixed' 
evil,  and  the  author  believes  that  "  the  heavy  mortality  among  children,  the 
decay  of  teeth,  and  skin  eruptions  that  are  appearing,  are  due  in  large  part 
to  the  abandonment  of  native  foods  for  those  of  civilized  life."  Diseases 
of  civilization  are  making  their  inroads  also.  Dr.  Barrows's  monograph  is 
both  interesting  and  informing,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  other  branches  of  the 
Shoshonean  stock  may  soon  receive  like  treatment. 

Alexander  F.  Chamberlain. 


214  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

Wigwam  Stories  told  by  North  American  Indians.  Compiled  by 
Mary  Catherine  Judd.  With  Illustrations  by  Angel  de  Cora  (Hinook- 
mahiwi-kilinaka).  Boston :  Ginn  &  Co.,  AthenEeum  Press.  1901. 
Pp.  viii  -|-  276. 

This  book  is  a  great  improvement  upon  works  of  its  kind,  and  would 
have  been  still  better  had  the  author  not  depended  so  much  upon  School- 
craft for  certain  parts  of  it.  The  volume  is  divided  into  three  parts, 
"Sketches  of  Various  Tribes  of  North  American  Indians"  (pp.  1-75), 
"  Traditions  and  Myths  "  (pp.  77-214),  and  "  Stories  recently  told  of  Men- 
abozho  and  other  Heroes,"  making  altogether  seventy-eight  items  of  tales 
and  descriptions.  Besides  twenty-eight  full-page  illustrations  from  photo- 
graphs. Miss  Angel  de  Cora,  the  young  Indian  artist,  has  contributed  three 
full-page  sketches,  the  design  for  the  cover,  the  chapter  initials,  etc.,  Miss 
Angel  de  Cora's  pictures,  "  Sequoyah,  the  Indian  Scholar,"  "  The  Indian 
Story-Teller,"  and  "  The  Indian  of  To-Day,"  being  reproduced  from  her 
original  paintings.  The  author,  besides  Schoolcraft,  has  used  to  great 
advantage  the  collections  of  myths  and  tales  in  the  Reports  of  the  Bureau 
of  American  Ethnology,  and  her  selections  are,  on  the  whole,  very  judicious. 
Naturally  enough,  the  great  Algonkian  family,  who  have  influenced  more 
than  any  other  Indian  people,  the  European  settlers  in  the  United  States, 
are  best  represented  in  this  book,  but  the  Iroquois,  the  Zuiii,  and  other 
tribes  of  the  South  and  West  come  in  for  their  share,  the  first  especially. 
"  Wigwam  Stories  "  is  intended  for  general  use  and  for  supplementary 
reading  in  the  schools,  and  for  that  end  is  well  suited  and  cannot  fail  to  be 
both  interesting  and  profitable.  A  few  errors  have  crept  into  the  text, 
which  ought  to  be  eliminated  in  future  editions.  That  the  Iroquois  are 
"akin  to  the  Sioux"  (p.  274)  lacks  proof  entirely,  and  John  Eliot  was  of 
Massachusetts,  not  of  Rhode  Island  (p.  3).  While  Siwash  is  localized  to 
designate  "  a  tribe  of  Indians  living  near  Puget  Sound  and  northward " 
(p.  276),  it  would  be  well  to  state  also  that  siwash  (from  French  sauvagf, 
Canadian-French  savage)  is  really  the  Chinook  Jargon  word  for  "  Indian." 
A  note  ought  to  be  added  to  page  13  to  indicate  that  the  Delaware  Namesi 
Sipu  is  7iot  the  etymology  of  Mississippi.  The  section  on  "  The  Indian  at 
Home"  (pp.  31-34)  wilfbear  amplification,  especially  so  as  to  bring  out 
the  fact  that  with  some  tribes  the  position  of  woman  was  high,  and  she  was 
by  no  means  a  slave,  even  "  a  willing  one." 

For  the  folk-lorist  the  most  important  section  of  this  volume  is  Part  III., 
which  records  stories  gathered  from  the  Ojibwa  of  Minnesota  and  Wiscon- 
sin in  1894-1900,  besides  stories  from  the  Iroquois,  Micmac,  Dakota,  etc. 
In  the  brief  "Story  of  the  Deluge"  (pp.  227-229),  obtained  in  1900,  the 
flood  comes  as  the  result  of  the  enmity  between  Menabozho,  "  the  great 
land  manitou,"  and  the  water-spirits.  After  the  muskrat  has  brought  up 
sand  from  the  deep  in  his  paw :  "  Menabozho  held  the  sand  in  his  own 
hand,  and  dried  it  in  the  sunshine.  He  blew  it  with  his  breath  far  out  on 
the  water,  and  it  made  a  little  island.  Afenabozho  called  the  sand  back  to 
him.  He  dried  it  in  his  hand  again,  and  then  blew  it  to  its  place  on  the 
deep  water.     He  did  this  for  two  day<;,  and  the  island  grew  larger  every 


Bibliographical  Notes,  2 1 5 

time  it  was  sent  back."  The  story  of  "  Menabozho  Caught  "  (pp.  230- 
233),  obtained  from  an  Ojibwa  Indian  in  Wisconsin  in  1895,  deals  with  the 
same  incident  as  "A  Mississaga  Legend  of  Na'nib5ju  "  (Jour.  Amer.  Folk- 
Lore,  vol.  v.  pp.  291,  292).  Very  beautiful  is  the  "  Legend  of  the  Arbutus  " 
(pp.  253-256)  and  very  poetical,  but  perhaps  the  Indian  who  told  it  had  a 
dash  of  civilization  about  him.  Among  the  books  of  Indian  lore  compiled 
by  those  not  ethnologists  vom  Fach,  "  Wigwam  Stories  "  deserves  to  rank 
high,  containing,  as  it  does,  so  much,  and  of  that  much  so  large  an  amount 
of  the  good. 

Alexander  F.  Chamber-lain. 

Anting-Anting  Stories,  and  other  Strange  Tales  of  the  Filipinos. 
By  Sargent  Kayme.  Boston :  Small,  Maynard  &  Co.  1901.  Pp. 
vii  +  235. 

From  the  title  of  this  book  one  would  be  led  to  believe  its  folk-lore 
content  greater  than  it  really  is.  It  is  named  from  the  anting-anting,  con- 
cerning which  the  editor  says  in  the  preface,  "No  more  curious  fetich  can 
be  found  in  the  history  of  folk-lore.  A  button,  a  coin,  a  bit  of  paper  with 
unintelligible  words  scribbled  upon  it,  a  bone,  a  stone,  a  garment,  anything 
almost  —  often  a  thing  of  no  intrinsic  value  —  its  owner  has  been  known 
to  walk  up  to  the  muzzle  of  a  loaded  musket  or  rush  upon  the  point  of  a 
bayonet  with  a  confidence  so  sublime  as  to  silence  ridicule  and  to  com- 
mand admiration  if  not  respect."  The  eleven  rather  interesting  stories,  in 
which  the  white  man,  more  often  than  the  Filipino,  is  the  chief  figure,  have 
most  of  them  something  to  do  with  the  native  belief  in  the  anti?ig-antiftg,  on 
which  the  denouement  sometimes  depends.  Otherwise,  they  have  more  a 
literary  than  a  folk-lore  cast.  They  will  doubtless  be  enjoyed  by  the  large 
circle  of  readers  who  turn  eagerly  to  the  human  experiences  of  new  lands 
which  necessarily  seem  to  be  of  a  more  or  less  occult  character. 

A  word  or  two  about  the  anthtg-anthig  may  not  be  out  of  place  here. 
De  la  Gironiere  records  a?iien-anten  as  "  a  diabolical  song."  Pardo  de 
Tavera  defines  it  as  "amuleto  que  salva  la  vida,  da  poder  sobre  natural," 
etc.,  etc.  Blumentritt  says  of  some  of  the  Tagals  of  Luzon  that  "  they 
believe  in  a  sort  of  Fortunatus-rod,  or  antin-afitin,  which  can  bring  them 
riches  and  happiness."  Besides  these  significations  the  word  has  also 
the  meaning  of  "  earring  "  probably  of  secondary  origin. 

Alexander  F.  Chamberlain. 

The  Games  and  Diversions  of  Argyleshire.  Compiled  by  Robert 
Craig  Maclagan,  M.  D.  (Publications  of  the  Folk-Lore  Society, 
xlvii.)     London:  D.  Nutt.     1901.     Pp.  vii  +  270. 

The  language  of  the  Gael  is  exceptional,  in  that  it  has  hitherto  been  un- 
represented among  the  collections  of  children's  games  ;  it  is  therefore  with 
interest  that  one  approaches  the  book  of  Mr.  Maclagan.  A  high  degree  of 
antiquity  is  frequently  ascribed  to  things  Celtic  ;  and  it  would  seem  likely 
that  a  gathering  from  the  Highlands  of  Scotland  or  Ireland  would  furnish 
instruction  on  dark  problems  of  European  games.     It  is  through  the  for- 


2 1 6  journal  of  American  Folk-L ore. 

mulas  by  which  games  are  directed,  especially  rounds  or  dances  to  song, 
that  the  history  of  the  amusements  is  most  easily  traced ;  and  it  is  these 
which  it  is  natural  first  to  consider.  A  division  at  once  presents  itself 
according  to  language,  inasmuch  as  the  population  of  Argyleshire  is  bi- 
lingual, and  this  division  corresponds  to  a  diversity  of  character.  The 
dramatic  games  are  entirely  English,  Gaelic  examples  of  rounds  being  com- 
pletely absent ;  further,  the  rhymes  exhibit  modern  and  debased  variants 
of  English  types,  in  no  one  instance  furnishing  any  version  of  much  inter- 
est or  value ;  this  quality  clearly  implies  a  very  recent  transmission.  So 
far,  the  result  is  in  accordance  with  previous  observations,  which  go  to 
show  that  the  West  European  ballad  and  round  failed  to  find  acceptance 
on  Gaelic  territory,  a  deficiency  no  doubt  due  to  isolation  and  severance  of 
the  peasantry  from  the  higher  class  by  whom  such  usages  and  songs  were 
introduced  and  naturalized. 

Turning  to  the  Gaelic  lore,  this  is  of  a  very  tenuous  character ;  such 
paucity  also  must  be  modern,  for  we  cannot  suppose  that  Scottish  and  Irish 
usage  should  not  have  once  been  curious  and  interesting.  In  this  part  of 
the  material  also  appear  traces  of  borrowing  from  the  European  stock  ;  nor 
do  the  formulas  show  clear  marks  of  any  great  age ;  their  generally  puerile 
nature  implies  the  reverse.  It  would  seem  likely,  therefore,  that  we  have 
not  much  to  expect  from  future  Gaelic  collection ;  but  it  would  hereafter 
be  well  to  separate  the  Gaelic  from  the  English  matter.  That  the  result  of 
the  gathering  is  a  disappointment  does  not  of  course  diminish  the  merit  of 
Mr.  Maclagan's  essay.  » 

One  item  may  here  be  noticed.  In  dancing,  in  case  of  the  absence  of 
instruments,  "  ports  "  or  isolated  verses  are  used  to  direct  the  dance  ;  these 
are  sung  by  young  women,  and  are  usually  meaningless,  being  purely 
mnemonic. 

Mr.  Maclagan  has  completed  his  record  by  illustrations  of  implements 
used  in  ball,  archery,  and  puzzles. 

W.  W.  Newell. 

T.  HE  Fundamental  Principles  of  New  and  Old  World  Civilizations. 
By  Zelia  Nuttall.  (Archaeological  and  Ethnological  Papers  of  the 
Peabody  Museum  of  Harvard  University.  Vol.  ii.)  Cambridge,  Mass. 
igoi.     Pp.  602. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  problems  which  confront  the  modern  student 
of  ethnology  and  archa}ology  is  the  question,  whether  human  advancement 
on  the  different  continents  is  the  product  of  independent  evolutions,  or 
the  common  inheritance  of  prehistoric  migrations.  Not  so  long  ago  serious 
writers  on  the  subject  were  wont  to  deduce  relationships  between  distant 
peoples  from  very  inadequate  data.  One  result  of  such  methods  was  the 
well-known  fact  that  the  Indians  of  America  have,  in  various  learned  works, 
been  placed  on  the  genealogical  tree  of  nearly  every  nation  known  to  antiq- 
uity. These  reckless  theories  have  caused  a  natural  reaction.  An  influ- 
ential school  of  anthropologists  now  expresses  the  conviction  that  the 
American  Indian  was  separated  from  his  human  relatives  in  savage  times. 


Bibliographical  Notes.  2 1 7 

if,  indeed,  his  birth  was  not  the  result  of  an  independent  evolution.  All 
analogies  are  to  them  merely  the  results  of  like  forces  and  like  environ- 
ments acting  independently.  When  these  analogies  are  based  on  the  kind 
of  evidence  which  they  usually  ridicule,  few  fair-minded  students  will  ques- 
tion that  they  are  right.  But  the  real  question  is  whether  all  analogies 
can  be  regarded  as  products  of  general  law.  Many  students  of  the  subject 
are  convinced  that,  in  spite  of  the  vagaries  of  former  and  less  scientific 
times,  there  is  a  point  at  which  this  general  law  ceases  to  perform  satisfac- 
tory service.  At  this  point  they  find  it  necessary  to  dismount  from  general 
principles  to  find  in  the  transmitted  idiosyncracies  of  tribes  and  individuals 
the  only  satisfactory  support  across  a  stream  of  complex  and  arbitrary 
analogies.  Obviously  we  can  best  settle  the  merits  of  the  question  involved 
by  examining  the  nature  of  the  analogies  which  occur.  For  this  purpose 
the  recently  published  work  of  Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall  is  especially  valuable, 
because  in  her  steadies  she  has  entered  into  a  seldom  trodden  field  where 
there  is  much  to  learn.  Independent  of  the  problem  mentioned  this  field 
is  a  most  attractive  one,  for  there  the  human  mind  probably  made  its 
earliest  attempt  to  understand  itself  and  the  relation  to  the  great  and  ever 
present  mystery  of  the  sky. 

We  may  accept  the  author's  explanation  of  the  analogies  which  she 
points  out,  or  we  may  explain  them  ourselves  in  another  manner,  but  we 
can  seldom,  if  ever,  deny  that  they  exist  and  are  worthy  of  careful  consid- 
eration. The  work  opens  with  an  interesting  study  of  the  varieties  and 
distribution  of  the  svastika.  The  form  of  this  symbol  is  believed  to  have 
originated  in  the  revolution  of  the  stars  of  Ursa  Major  about  Polaris. 
This  theory  is  both  novel  and  plausible.  In  so  far  as  it  associates  the 
svastika  with  celestial  motion,  it  is  in  accord  with  the  generally  received 
opinion,  and  if  there  has  been  a  tendency  to  connect  that  motion  with  the 
solar  journey  along  the  ecliptic,  it  must  at  least  be  admitted  that  a  deriva- 
tion from  stellar  rather  than  solar  motion  is  more  consistent  with  primitive 
conditions.  There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  the  svastika  presents  to  the 
eye  a  faithful  summary  of  the  revolution  of  the  stars  of  what  we  call  the 
Dipper,  nor  is  it  doubtful  that  primitive  peoples  watched  the  movements  of 
the  stars  with  great  care,  and  gained  a  surprisingly  accurate  knowledge  of 
the  apparent  revolution  of  the  heavens.  The  pole  is  a  natural  focus  to  which 
all  celestial  motion  points.  It  must  therefore  have  attracted  the  attention 
of  the  earliest  star-gazers,  who  would  soon  learn  the  importance  of  know- 
ing the  only  immovable  point  in  their  sky.  Various  tribes  of  North  Amer- 
ica, for  example,  who  name  but  few  constellations,  seem  to  have  been 
acquainted  with  the  pole-star  from  pre-European  times,  and  they  relate  an 
elaborate  myth  of  the  revolution  of  Ursa  Major  around  it.  Mrs.  Nuttall 
describes  numerous  instances  in  which  these  stars  play  a  conspicuous  part 
in  the  Mexican  ritual.  She  regards  the  god  Tezcatlipoca  as  the  personi- 
fication of  this  asterism,  and  thinks  that  there  existed  in  Peru  a  marked 
reverence  for  the  north  due  to  the  memory  of  Polaris  worship  amongst 
emigrants  from  that  direction.  This  reverence  was,  to  some  extent,  trans- 
ferred to  the  Southern  Cross,  which,  as  the  writer  has  shown  in  his  studies 

VOL.  XIV.  —  NO.  54.       15 


2 1 8  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

of  the  Salcamayhua  chart,  was  distinctly  associated  with  the  south  pole  by 
the  Peruvians. 

But  to  return  to  the  northern  hemisphere,  the  curve  of  the  stars  of  the 
Dipper  is  also  connected  with  the  symbols  of  the  scorpion's  tail,  while 
Cassiopeia  becomes  the  serpent  and  the  sacred  bird  with  outspread  wings, 
which  figures  in  the  contest  with  the  ocelot,  yet  another  symbol  of  Ursa 
Major.  While  we  may  not  follow  Mrs.  Nuttall  in  all  these  identifications, 
those  who  deny  them  must  possess  no  mediocre  knowledge  of  the  Nahuatl 
and  Mayan  glyphs  to  meet  the  arguments  which  she  bases  on  a  system  of 
rebus  reading  that,  to  the  writer  at  least,  seems  too  consistent  with  the 
genius  of  the  American  peoples  to  be  other  than  correct  in  principle.  The 
svastika  has  been  called  by  some  writers  the  trademark  of  the  Phoenicians. 
Placed  in  this  light,  its  unquestionable  appearance  in  America  takes  on 
additional  interest.  The  late  Dr.  Brinton  stated  that  the  ignorance  of  the 
wheel  on  this  continent  is  a  fatal  objection  to  the  view  of  those  who  derive 
the  svastika  from  this  source.  He  seems  not  to  have  considered  the  pos- 
sibility of  such  a  simple  derivation  as  is  proposed  by  Mrs.  Nuttall.  The 
Anglo-Saxon  fylfot  or  falling  foot,  a  form  of  the  svastika,  clearly  suggests 
the  motion  of  revolution  symbolized  by  a  man  running  around  a  fixed 
object,  and  is  a  good  companion  for  the  Mexican  gladiator  tied  to  the  sac- 
rificial stone  around  which  he  moves,  according  to  Mrs.  Nuttall,  in  imita- 
tion of  Ursa  Major. 

Our  author  passes  from  the  svastika  into  what  is  perhaps  the  most  inter- 
esting and  important  department  of  her  extensive  researches.  This  is  con- 
cerned with  the  existence  in  all  parts  of  the  world  of  a  "  Great  Plan  "  in 
accordance  with  which  the  lands  and  population  were  divided,  and  the 
governments  and  religions  arranged.  This  plan  was  supposed  to  reflect 
on  earth  conditions  which  the  study  of  nature  indicated  to  exist  in  the 
celestial  world.  After  reading  the  evidence  bearing  upon  this  subject, 
there  is  no  room  for  skepticism.  Some  such  plan  undoubtedly  existed, 
though  as  before  we  may  differ  as  to  the  explanation  of  details.  It  is  the 
material  bearing  upon  this  Plan  which  offers  most  interesting  opportunities 
for  testing  the  question  of  intercommunication  versus  independent  origins, 
and,  whichever  explanation  may  be  accepted,  the  plan  affords  a  striking 
demonstration  of  the  essential  unity  of  human  thought  in  the  most  distant 
regions  of  time  and  locality.  We  start  with  the  observation  of  the  celestial 
pole,  the  one  central,  stable,  and  unmovable  spot  about  which  all  else  in  the 
heavens  revolves.  As  in  the  sky  so  on  earth.  Eagerly  man  in  his  earliest 
advancement,  driven  from  place  to  place  by  battle  and  earthquake  and  the 
turmoil  of  the  elements,  seeks  for  a  like  terrestrial  ideal,  for  a  paradise  in 
the  centre  of  the  world  where  he  may  dwell  in  quiet  and  harmony  with 
nature,  in  the  ideal  home.  So  arises  the  sacred  unmovable  centre  identified 
with  so  many  sacred  cities.  And  the  vision  which  at  first  beholds  Polaris, 
lord  of  the  centre,  gradually  sees  more  clearly  and  yet  more  clearly  until 
the  star  is  supplanted  by  the  infinite,  invisible  Spirit,  the  unknown  god, 
the  god  whose  name  is  concealed  except  from  the  initiate.  Around  this 
name  is  thrown  the  darkest  veil,  yet  through  it  there  still  appears,  in  the 


Bibliographical  Notes.  219 

Egyptian  Book  of  the  Dead,  the  form  of  the  god  of  the  centre  associated 
with  the  bull.  Behind  that  still  occur  suggestions  of  a  singular  romance 
of  truth.  Looking  outward  from  the  centre,  man  sees  in  the  four  so-called 
elements,  fire,  earth,  air,  and  water,  and  in  the  four  seasons  corresponding 
to  the  four  celestial  regions  divided  by  the  solstice  and  equinoxes,  sufficient 
reason  for  dividing  the  earth  into  four  regions,  often  bounded  by  roads 
leading  from  the  central  temple  to  what  the  late  R.  G.  Haliburton  aptly 
termed  the  four  diagonal  points.  To  each  region  there  is  assigned  a  god. 
Celestially  and  terrestrially  the  rule  of  the  centre  is  the  supreme  lord  of 
the  whole.  Under  him  are  the  lords  of  the  four  regions.  But  in  addition 
to  this  horizontal  division  there  is  the  vertical  division  into  above,  centre, 
and  below,  making  seven  in  all  as  the  centre  is  repeated.  Hence  the  well- 
known  prominence  of  the  number  seven  in  symbolism.  A  yet  more  com- 
plex division  parallels  the  twelve  months  with  twelve  provinces.  There  is 
a  conspicuous  example  of  this  in  Peru  which  the  late  Col.  William  S.  Beebe 
first  pointed  out,  and  the  present  writer  has  elaborated.  Both  the  wards  of 
Cuzco  and  the  provinces  of  the  empire  seem  to  have  been  arranged  on 
this  basis.  The  inhabitants  of  the  different  regions  here  and  elsewhere 
were  distinguished  by  peculiarities  of  dress  and  adornment.  Although  as 
a  whole  this  Plan  tended  to  promote  the  interests  of  law  and  order,  it 
offered  at  times  an  excuse  for  tyranny  and  other  abuses.  The  representa- 
tives of  the  upper  world  in  the  vertical  division  in  some  instances  claimed 
the  right  to  hold  those  of  the  lower  world  in  slavery,  while  the  excesses 
committed  by  the  followers  of  the  sky  father  and  the  earth  mother  are 
well  known.  In  presenting  the  evidence  bearing  on  the  Great  Plan,  Mrs. 
Nuttall  does  not  confine  herself  to  historical  governments.  Some  of  her 
most  interesting  material  is  obtained  from  the  description  of  the  ideal 
republics  of  Plato  and  other  philosophers.  She  argues  very  forcibly  that 
the  influence  of  these  men  and  of  the  ideals  which  they  perfected  must 
have  been  sufficiently  powerful  to  induce  the  foundation  of  more  than  one 
colony  upon  the  basis  proposed  by  them.  When  we  find  an  identical 
scheme  at  the  basis  of  many  actually  existing  governments,  it  is  not  unrea- 
sonable to  suppose  that  it  originated  amongst  the  followers  of  a  similar 
philosophy  who  carried  their  ideas  with  them  around  the  world.  Indeed, 
she  regards  it  as  possible  that  the  followers  of  Themistius,  the  philosophic 
contemporary  of  Constantine,  driven  from  their  own  land  by  Christian 
persecutors,  established  at  last  in  the  New  World  the  empire  of  Temistitlan, 
the  land  of  Temis,  the  later  Mexico,  which  at  the  time  of  Cortez  was  still 
an  epitome  of  the  Themistian  philosophy. 

Such  in  outline  are  a  few  of  the  more  important  elements  of  this  ably 
written  volume.  It  contains  many  minor  suggestions  of  much  interest. 
Space  will  only  permit  the  briefest  mention  of  one.  There  is  a  compari- 
son of  the  Peruvian,  Mayan,  and  Nahuatl  cultures  which  reveals  many  ele- 
ments in  common.  The  first  and  last  do  homage  to  the  noble  knights  of 
the  eagle  and  the  tiger,  orders  not  inconspicuous  in  the  Old  World. 

Several  recent  writers,  notably  Hewitt,  d'  Alviella,  and  Allen,  have  inci- 
dentally touched  upon  the  symbolism  and  astronomy  of  the  American  In- 


2  20  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

dians,  but  Mrs.  Nuttall  is  the  first  to  centre  these  studies  on  this  continent. 
Possibly  she  has  assigned  to  the  polar  element  of  astronomical  symbolism 
some  of  the  concepts  which  belong  to  the  solar  and  other  cults.  Even 
allowing  for  secrecy,  the  polar  cult  does  not  seem  to  play  the  widespread 
role  in  myth  and  legend  which  a  very  general  recognition  of  this  Plan 
would  seem  to  necessitate.  The  supreme  deity,  for  example,  is  much  more 
often  associated  with  the  sun  than  with  the  pole  and  about  as  often  with 
the  Pleiades  and  with  Orion.  The  land  of  the  hereafter  is  also  associated 
with  the  Pleiades  at  least  as  often  as  with  the  pole,  as  the  researches  of 
R.  G.  Haliburton  have  clearly  shown.  On  the  other  hand,  the  important 
role  played  by  pole  worship  has  probably  not  been  appreciated  by  students. 
At  least  Mrs.  Nuttall's  book  cannot  fail  to  arouse  and  maintain  interest  in 
the  subjects  to  which  it  refers.  It  is  a  valuable  work,  a  worthy  supplement 
to  the  author's  earlier  studies  of  the  Mexican  calendar.  She  has  given  us 
impressive  evidence  of  the  important  and  but  recently  suspected  role 
played  by  symbolism  in  America,  and  we  may  well  be  glad  to  learn  that 
this  volume  will  before  long  be  followed  by  others  bearing  upon  related 
topics.  Professor  Putnam  contributes  a  brief  editorial  note  which  lucidly 
explains  the  contents  of  the  volume. 

Stansbury  Hagar. 


JOURNALS. 

RECENT   ARTICLES   OF   A   COMPARATIVE   NATURE    IN     FOLK-LORE    AND    OTHER 
PERIODICALS   (not   IN    ENGLISH). 

Basset,  R.  Notes  sur  les  Mille  et  una  Nuits.  VIII.  Le  marchand  et  le  gdnie. 
IX.  Le  dormeur  €\€\\\€.  Rev.  de  Trad.  Pop.,  Paris,  1901,  xvi.  28-35,  74-88,  193. 
These  "  Notes,''  continued  from  vol.  xiv.,  are  critical  (both  as  to  literature  and 
folk-lore)  and  are  accompanied  by  a  wealth  of  bibliographical  references.  The 
redaction  of  the  "  Merchant  and  Genius,"  the  author  thinks,  dates  from  the  fifth 
century  of  the  Hegira,  about  the  second  half  of  the  tenth  century  A.  D.  The 
second  part  of  the  "  Sleeper  Awakened  "  is  independent  of  the  first,  to  which  it 
has  been  more  or  less  adroitly  attached,  and  is  based,  in  all  probability,  upon  a 
real  event.  The  first  part  is  a  development  of  the  widespread  theme,  IJ^  I  were 
king. 

BoucHAL,  L.  Indonesische  Wertiger.  Mitt.  d.  Anthrop.  Ges.  in  Wien,  1900, 
XXX.,  N.  F.  X.  Sitzber.,  154-156.  Brief  notes  on  Werwolf  beliefs  in  Java,  Celebes, 
etc.  —  Bezoarsteine  in  Indonesien.  Ibid.,  179,  180.  Gives  etymologies  of  names 
of  the  bezoar-stone  in  use  among  Indonesian  peoples.  —  Noch  einige  Belegstellen 
fiir  Geophagie  in  Indonesien.  Ibid.,  iSo,  191.  Notes  occurrence  of  "earth- 
eating"  in  New  Caledonia,  Nusalaut,  Saparua,  Ambona,  Java,  Sumatra,  and  gives 
etymology  of  several  of  the  names  for  "edible  earth"  in  Malay  languages. 

Capitan,  L.  Les  pierres  ii  cupule.  Rev.  de  VEcole  d' Anthrop.  de  Paris, 
1901,  xi.  114-127.  Discusses  (with  13  text-illustrations)  the  various  theories  as 
to  the  origin  and  significance  of  the  so-called  "cup-marked"  or  pitted  stones  and 
rocks  in  various  regions  of  the  globe. 

Chervin,  Dr.  Traditions  populaires  relatives  k  la  Parole.  Rev.  d.  Trad.  Pop., 
Paris,  1900,  241-263.     Treats  of  superstitions  and  customs  relating  to  "tongue 


Bibliographical  Notes.  221 

cutting  "  in  children  in  various  countries  of  Europe  (Italy  in  particular),  gives  a 
list  of  proverbial  expressions  in  divers  languages  relating  to  the  subject,  notes 
"  medical  theurg)'  of  speech,"  folk-lore  of  deaf-mutes,  etc.,  and  concludes  with  a 
list  (pp.  260-263)  of  French,  Italian,  Spanish,  Bulgarian,  English,  and  German 
proverbs  relating  to  the  tongue  and  speech. 

COELHO,  T.  O  senhor  sete.  A  Tradifdo,  Serpa,  1901,  iii.  33,  34,  56,  57.  Con- 
tinuation of  detailed  discussion  of  "  seven  "  in  folk-lore. 

CoLSON,  O.  Fetichisme.  Wallonia,  Liege,  1901,  ix.  25-35.  Cites  instance 
of  fetichistic  survivals  in  the  folk-Christianity  of  Belgium,  popular  practices  which 
exist  side  by  side  with  the  sacerdotal  religion,  —  a  sort  of  barbaric  ambiante.  One 
of  the  most  common  examples  is  the  "  particularist  faith,"  and  the  "  specialization  " 
of  the  powers  of  saints,  notably  as  curers  of  disease.  Another  is  the  animism  of 
religious  statues.  The  ancient  custom  of  placing  in  a  consecrated  place  a  nail  or 
a  pin  to  cure  a  sick  person,  comes,  the  author  thinks,  from  a  belief  similar  to  that 
of  the  Congo  negroes  who  have  fetiches  stuck  full  of  nails,  etc.  The  "  mortifica- 
tion of  the  god"  exists  still  in  the  region  of  Chimay.  Love  affairs  have  also  their 
fetichistic  side.  —  Le  loup-garou.  Ibid.,  49-59-  Names,  nature,  and  lore  of  wer- 
wolf in  Belgium,  etc. 

De  Cock,  A.  De  Doode  te  gast  genood.  Volkskutide,  Gent,  1900-1901,  xiii. 
77-81.  Brief  notes  on  "  Death  as  Guest "  in  the  folk-thought  of  Belgium,  France, 
Germany,  Denmark,  China,  Spain.  The  Flemish  version  is  closely  related  to  the 
"Don  Juan"  tale  from  the  Iberian  peninsula.  —  Spreekwoorden  en  zegswijzen 
over  de  vrouwen,  de  liefde  en  het  huwelijk.  Ibid.,  84-87,  122,  123.  Nos.  187- 
227  of  Dutch  proverbs  and  folk-sayings  about  women,  love,  and  marriage,  with 
references  to  literature  and  some  citations  of  parallels  from  other  languages.  — 
Spreekwoorden  en  zegswijzen  afkomstig  van  oude  gebruiken  en  volkszeden.  Ibid., 
151-160,  183-186,  231-237.  Nos.  344-391  of  Dutch  proverbs  and  folk-sayings 
relating  to  wooing,  marriage,  spinning,  etc.,  with  references  to  literature  and 
comparative  notes.  —  De  Arabische  Xachtvertellingen.  Ibid.,  173-182,  216-230. 
Critical  review  on  the  occasion  of  the  appearance  of  the  first  three  parts  of  the 
Krebbers-Stamperius  edition  of  the  "  Arabian  Nights  "  for  the  young.  Also  a 
comparative  study,  with  reference  to  twenty-four  variants  in  divers  languages,  of 
the  "  Story  of  the  Little  Hunchback."  —  Le  gargon  au  bonnet  rouge.  Rev.  d.  Trad. 
Pop.,  Paris,  1901,  xvi.  217-231.  Besides  giving  the  Flemish  text  of  "the  red-cap 
boy,"  a  variant  of  the  "  pursuit-tale,"  the  author  refers  to  some  forty  other  similar 
stories  from  Europe,  Asia,  Africa,  America,  and  Oceanica. 

Delafosse,  M.  Sur  des  traces  probables  de  civilisation  Eg}-ptienne  et 
d'hommes  de  race  blanche  k  la  Cote  d'l voire.  Anthropologie,  Paris,  1900,  xi. 
431-451,  543-568,  677-690.  Author  cites  evidence  to  show  that  the  Baoule,  of 
the  Ivory  Coast  of  West  Africa,  have  been  influenced  in  the  past  by  Eg}'ptian 
civilization:  that  an  "  island"  of  white  men  has  existed  somewhere  in  this  region. 
The  folk-lore  evidence  relates  to  cosmology,  astronomy,  medicine,  religion,  funeral 
rites,  cult  of  the  dead,  etc. 

Drechsler,  p.  Der  Wassermann  im  schlesischen  Volksglauben.  Ztschr.  d. 
Ver.  f.  Volkskunde,  Berlin,  1901,  xi.  201-207.  Discusses  the  folk-lore  of  the 
"water  man"  and  "water  woman  "  in  German  and  Polish  Silesia. 

Ellox,  F.  Verzeichniss  der  japanisch-buddhistischen  Holzbildwerke  in  der 
Sammlung  Ellon.  Ethnol.  Notizbl.,  Berlin,  1901,  ii.  41-57.  Explanatory  list  of 
141  Japanese-Buddhistic  wood-carvings  presented  by  Herr  F.  Ellon  to  the  Royal 
Ethnological  Museum  in  Berlin.  Brief  notes  are  added  (pp.  58,  59)  by  F.  W.  K. 
Miiller.  The  names  of  some  of  these  are  very  interesting  from  the  standpoint  of 
etymology. 

Gallee,  J.  H.     Sporen  van  Indo-germaansch  ritueel  in  Germaansche  lijkplech- 


222  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

tigheden.  Volkskimde,  Gent,  1900-1901,  xiii.  89-99,  124-145.  An  endeavor  to 
discover  in  Germanic  funeral  ceremonies  traces  of  Indo-Germanic  rites.  Many 
interesting  analogies  and  coincidences  are  pointed  out  and  remarked  upon. 

Heusler,  a.  Die  altnordischen  Ratsel.  Ztschr.  d.  Ver.  f.  Volksktuide,  Ber- 
lin, 1901,  xi.  101-147.  A  somewhat  detailed  study  of  "Old  Norse  Riddles."  Lit- 
erary form,  variants,  prosody,  content,  motif,  seriation,  solutions,  reflection  of 
nature  and  environment,  etc.,  are  considered,  likewise  their  relation  to  literature 
proper.  Comparison  with  English  riddles  of  the  eighth  century  and  with  old 
German  riddles  reveals  the  fact  that  these  Old  Norse  rhymes  are  largely  sui 
generis. 

JiRiczEK,  O.  L.  Hamlet  in  Iran.  Ztschr.  d.  Ver.f.  Volksktmde,  Berlin,  1900, 
X.  353-364.  According  to  the  author,  there  is  a  rapprochejne7it  between  Hamlet 
and  the  story  of  Kei  Chosro  in  the  Shah  Nameh.  Resemblances  with  other 
legends  are  also  noted. 

KiJHNAU,  Dr.  Die  Bedeutung  des  Brotes  in  Haus  und  Familie.  Mitt.  d. 
Schles.  Ges.  f.  Volkskunde,  Breslau,  1901,  25-44.  A  comparative  study  of  the 
folk-thought  of  various  regions  of  Germany  concerning  bread  in  its  relations  to 
the  welfare  of  the  house  and  its  inmates,  family,  birth,  marriage,  death,  etc.,  and 
also  to  the  powers  of  nature.  The  basis  of  the  bread-cult  is  the  vegetative  life  of 
the  field  and  its  harvests. 

Lasch,  R.  Weitere  Beitrage  zur  Geophagie.  Mitt.  d.  Anthrop.  Ges.  in  Wien, 
1900,  Sitsgber.,  181-183.  Addenda  to  article  published  in  1898  on  "earth  eating." 
—  Die  Anfiinge  des  Gewerbestandes.  Ztschr.  f.  Socialwiss,  Berlin,  1901,  iv,  73- 
89.  A  useful  discussion  with  references  to  literature  (Mason,  McGuire,  Gushing, 
Holmes,  etc.,  ought  to  be  added)  of  the  beginnings  of  the  industrial  classes  among 
primitive  peoples.  The  folk-lorist  is  interested  in  the  development  of  special 
deities  for  the  various  professions. 

Lefebvre,  E.  Mirages  visuels  et  auditifs.  Mehisine,  Paris,  1900,  25-39,  49~ 
56.  A  detailed  account,  with  abundant  bibliographical  references,  of  the  folk-lore 
of  eye  and  ear  deception  and  kindred  phenomena  in  ancient  and  modern  times, 
Among  the  topics  treated  are :  INIirages  on  land  and  water,  phantasmagoria, 
peculiar  noises,  sounds  and  music,  voices,  echoes,  singing  sands,  etc.  —  L'arc-en- 
ciel.  I/nd. ,  gy-iii,  121-125,  146-153,  178-1S6,  A  valuable  study,  accompanied 
by  abundant  bibliographical  references,  and  a  wealth  of  citations  from  the  poetical 
literature  of  many  lands,  of  "the  rainbow  in  poetry."  Circumstances  attending 
the  rainbow,  appearance  and  disappearance,  form,  color,  nature  and  composition, 
r61e  and  symbolism,  rainbow  as  woman,  fairy,  etc.,  are  some  of  the  topics  dis- 
cussed.    For  psychologists  and  folk-lorists  alike  this  study  is  of  great  interest. 

LEFfevRE,  A.  Le  saint  graal.  Rev.  de  VEcole  d^ Anthrop.  de  Paris,  1901,  xi. 
178-183.  Brief  general  discussion.  The  author  considers  the  story  of  the  Holy 
Grail  to  be  a  remarkable  instance  of  the  sur\'ival  of  myth  in  spite  of  religion. 
Behind  the  Christian  gradalis  lies  the  ceremonial  vessel  of  the  Celtic  bards. 

Leroy,  Mgr.  Usages  des  ndgrilles  d'Afrique  et  des  ncgritos  d'Asie.  Arch,  p- 
I.  Stud.  d.  Trad.  Pop.,  Palermo,  1900,  xix.  117,  118.  Enumeration  of  customs  of 
African  negrillos  and  Asiatic  negritos  concerning  birth,  circumcision,  adolescence, 
marriage,  death,  funerals,  etc. 

VON  LuscHAN,  F.  Ueber  kindliche  Vorstellungen  bei  den  sogenannten  Natur- 
volkern.  Ztschr./.  Pad.  Psychol.  11.  Pathol.,  Berlin,  1901,  iii,  89-96.  This  inter- 
esting discussion  of  the  mental  "childlikeness  "  of  primitive  peoples  should  be 
read  in  connection  with  the  Address  of  Dr.  Franz  Boas  on  "  The  Mind  of  Primitive 
Man  "  (Journ.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  vol.  xiv.  pp.  i-i  i). 

Magiera,  J.  F.     Uwagi  nad  przyswojeniami  w  gwarach  naszych.     IVisla, 


Bibliographical  Notes.  223 

Warzawa,  1901,  xv.  145-152.  Contains  interesting  examples  of  assimilation  in 
foreign  words  and  folk-etymolog}'  in  Polish  dialects. 

IVIoCHi,  A.  Gli  oggetti  etnografici  delle  popolazioni  etiopiche  posseduti  dal 
Museo  Nazionale  d'  Antropologia  in  Firenze.  Arch.  p.  V  Anirop.  e  la  Etnol., 
Firenze,  1900,  xxx.  87-172.  The  folk-lore  material  of  this  paper  consists  in  the 
description  of  a  number  of  personal  ornaments,  amulets,  sacred  pictures,  and 
similar  objects  from  the  Erythreans  and  Abyssinians,  Danakil,  Somal,  and  Galla. 
These,  as  well  as  the  other  ethnographic  data,  demonstrate  the  antiquity  of  contact 
with  Europe,  as  well  as  the  influence  of  Semitic  intruders  and  neighbors. 

DE  MoRTiLLET,  A.  La  circoncision  en  Tunisie.  Bull,  et  Mem.  SoccTAnthrop, 
de  Paris,  v'  s.,  i.  1900,  538-543.  Describes,  after  Dr.  A.  Loir,  circumcision  as 
diversely  practised  by  the  Arabs  and  the  Jews  of  Tunis. 

MuszYXSKi,  S.  Presn  o  Ameryce.  ^F/j-Az,  Warszawa,  1901,  xv.  197-199.  Text 
of  a  Polish  folk-song  about  America. 

vox  Negeleix,  J.  Die  Reise  der  Seele  ins  Jenseits.  ZtscJir.  d.  Ver.f.  Volks- 
kmtde,  Berlin,  1901,  xi.  149-158.  This  second  section  deals  with  the  journey  and 
path  of  the  soul,  the  "path  of  death,"  its  direction,  length,  width,  straightness, 
etc.,  and  the  time  consumed  on  the  way,  the  obstacles  en  rotite,  etc. 

Olbrich,  Dr.  Aal  und  Schiange.  Mitt,  der  Schles.  Ges.f.  Volkskunde, 
Breslau,  1901,  1-3.  Brief  account  of  some  of  the  German  folk-ideas  springing 
from  the  resemblances  between  the  eel  and  the  snake.  These  vary  from  "  hissing  " 
to  imparting  a  knowledge  of  beast-speech. 

PiCHLER,  F.  Ladinische  Studien  aus  dem  Enneberger  Thale  Tirols.  CorrbL 
d.  deutschen  Ges.  f.  AntJirop.,  Miinchen,  1901,  xxxii.  39-45.  Contains  interesting 
etymological  notes  and  a  list  of  some  560  folk-names  of  places  (mountains, 
valleys,  villages,  streams,  lakes,  etc.)  with  here  and  there  historical-etymological 
explanations. 

DE  Pratt,  A.  A  sepultura  de  Herodes.  A  Tradifdo,  Serpa,  1901,  iii.  81-85. 
Treats  of  the  legend  which  makes  Herod  Antipas  die  in  Portugal,  where  his  tomb 
is  said  to  exist  in  a  little  village  named  Redinha,  between  Pombal  and  Condeixa. 
Folk-etymology  makes  of  Redinha  (the  cavern  where  the  remains  of  Herod  are 
supposed  to  rest)  a  memory  of  the  noted  exile,  —  Redinha,  Rodinho,  Rodiolum, 
Rodim  (cf.  Rodao,  Rodio,  Roda,  etc.). 

Radlixski,  L  Apokryfy  ludaistyczno-Chrzescijanskie.  Wisla,  Warszawa, 
1901,  XV.  184-196.  The  first  part  or  preliminary  note  of  a  study  of  Polish  apocry- 
phal JudcEO-Christian  literature  concerning  the  apocal\-pses,  assumptions,  ascen- 
sions, etc.,  of  Moses,  Baruch,  Isaiah,  etc. 

Regnault,  F.  L'dvolution  du  costume.  Btdl.  et  Mem.  Soc.  d'' Anthrop.  de 
Paris,  v"  s.,  i.  1900,  328-344.  General  discussion  of  the  origin  and  development 
of  dress.  The  factors  of  need,  ornament,  modesty,  climate,  etc.,  are  considered, 
and  the  "laws  "of  imitation,  exaggeration,  and  misoneism  brought  out.  When 
fashion  no  longer  rules,  we  shall  see,  the  author  thinks,  a  real  gain  for  taste  and 
aesthetics.     The  article  is  illustrated  with  seven  figures  in  the  text. 

Retzius,  G.  Om  trepanation  af  hufudskulen,  sasom  folksed  i  forna  och  nyara 
tider.  Vmer,  Stockholm,  1901,  xvi.  11-28.  General  discussion  of  trepanning  in 
connection  with  the  recent  discovery  of  trepanned  skulls  from  prehistoric  burial- 
places  in  Sweden. 

Sabbe,  M.  Peter  Benoit  en  het  vlaamsche  Volkslied.  Volkskunde,  Gent- 
1900-1901,  xiii.  209-21 5.  A  brief  account  of  the  work  of  Benoit,  the  first  composer 
in  Flanders  to  prove  the  great  value  of  folk-melody  for  musical  purposes. 

VON  DEN  Steixex,  K.  Der  Paradiesgarten  als  Schnitzmotiv  der  Paragua- 
Indianer.     Ethnol.  Notizbl.,  Berlin,  1901,  ii.  60-65.     Describes  and  discusses  the 


2  24  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

use  (for  decorative  purposes  on  medicine  pipes)  by  the  Paragua  Indians  of  the 
garden  of  Eden  viotif,  as  obtained  from  the  missionaries.  See  Journal  of 
American  Folk-Lore,  vol.  xiv.  p.  98.  ,   ,       , 

Zachariae,  T.  Zu  Goethe's  Parialegende.  Ztschr.  d.  Ver.  f.  Volkskunde, 
Berlin,  1901,  xl.  186-192.  The  author  concludes  that  the  source  of  Goethe's 
poem  is  the  story  of  Mariatale  as  given  in  Sonnerat's  "  Reise  nach  Ost  Indien 

und  China"  (Ziirich,  1783). 

A.  F.  C. 


THE  JOURNAL   OF 

AMERICAN  FOLK-LORE. 

Vol.  XIV.  — OCTOBER-DECEMBER,  1901.  — No.  LV. 


EPISODES   IN   THE    CULTURE-HERO   MYTH    OF   THE 
SAUKS   AND    FOXES. 

The  Sauks  and  Foxes  are  wont  to  gather  on  wintry  nights  round 
about  the  fires  in  their  lodges,  and  listen  to  a  story  which  to  them  is 
held  sacred.  The  story  tells  of  their  creation  by  a  divinity  that 
came  long  before,  and  prepared  the  earth  for  them  to  live  in.  It 
recounts  the  divinity's  benevolent  acts  towards  men,  his  teaching 
the  people  the  way  to  live,  and  his  preparation  for  them  of  a  home 
after  death  in  the  spirit  world. 

The  narrative  below  is  made  up  of  certain  episodes  which  deal  with 
the  main  thread  of  the  divinity's  career.  It  is  not  so  full  of  detail 
as  might  be,  but  the  incidents  and  such  parts  of  them  as  are  here 
told  occur  in  the  order  of  their  sequence.  Furthermore,  the  frag- 
ments —  for  they  are  nothing  more  —  are  rendered  freely  in  a  simple, 
straightforward  idiom  rather  than  formally  in  a  literal,  bald  transla- 
tion. English  equivalents  for  Indian  terms  are  used  wherever  pos- 
sible, and  brief  notes  along  the  way  will  add  certain  explanations. 

Once  on  a  time  the  manitous  dwelt  upon  this  earth.  They  also 
dwelt  beneath  the  earth,  and  far  away  where  the  stars  are  now. 
They  were  like  people,  marrying  and  rearing  children  just  as  people 
do  now,  and  they  were  tall  and  big  and  mighty.  Over  them  ruled 
Gisha'  Mu'netoa,^  the  greatest  manitou  of  them  all.  He,  too,  had 
taken  to  himself  a  wife,  and  of  the  four  sons  who  were  born  to  him 
two  were  destined  to  become  great  manitous. 

Now  the  elder  of  the  two  sons  was  Wi'sa'ka,^  and  the  younger 
Klyapata.^  They  were  different  from  all  other  children  before  them, 
for,  even  when  very  young  and  small,  they  were  mightier  manitous 
than  those  who  were  older  than  they.  And  the  older  they  grew, 
the  stronger  they  walked  in  their  might  as  manitous.  The  mani- 
tous beheld  the  growing  might  of  the  two  boys,  and  became  jealous. 
And  then  drawing  apart,  they  made  talk  one  with  another  about  it. 
At  last  the  youths  became  equal  in  power  with  their  father  ;  and  on 
seeing  it,  the  father  was  greatly  angered.  Then  he,  too,  became 
jealous. 


226  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore. 

Gisha'  Mu'netoa  then  called  a  council  of  all  the  chiefs  and  fore- 
most manitous  upon  earth,  and  when  they  were  gathered  together 
within  his  lodge,  this  was  what  he  said  :  — 

"  Oh,  my  kindred,  I  have  called  you  together  to  tell  you  of  my 
trouble.  I  have  long  kept  it  to  myself,  but  I  cannot  any  longer. 
You  know  well  my  two  elder  sons,  Wi'sa'ka  and  Kiyapata.  You 
have  seen  them  grow  up,  till  now  they  are  full-grown  boys.  Alas, 
you  have  also  seen  how  they  have  grown  in  their  might  as  manitous. 
And  now  you  see  how  they  surpass  the  greatest  of  you,  and  are  even 
equal  with  me.  It  will  not  go  well  with  us  if  these  youths  continue 
in  their  might,  the  older  they  grow.  By  and  by  they  will  drive  us 
away  from  the  places  where  we  now  dwell.  Then  Wi'sa'ka  will  cre- 
ate a  people  ;  these  he  will  put  to  live  in  the  places  where  we  now 
live,  and  then  he  and  not  I  will  be  Gisha'  Mii'netoa.  So  for  the  wel- 
fare of  me  and  of  you  and  of  us  all  these  two  boys  of  mine  must 
die." 

Thereupon  the  manitous  burst  forth,  talking  angrily  one  with 
another.  And  the  din  of  their  voices  was  like  the  growl  of  the 
thunderers  in  their  wrath.  And  the  whole  earth  trembled.  The 
manitous  all  agreed  that  Wi'sa'ka  and  Kiyapata  should  live  no  longer  ; 
and  when  they  had  hushed,  Gisha'  Mii'netoa  spoke  to  them  again. 

"  My  kindred,  go  to  Hu'kl's*  lodge,  for  it  is  there  the  youths  dwell. 
She  loves  them,  and  she  uses  every  effort  to  keep  them  always  with 
her.  Go  to  the  lodge  when  the  boys  are  away.  Tell  Hiikl  all  that 
I  have  told  you,  and  persuade  her  to  be  on  our  side  ;  for  without  her 
help  we  shall  not  succeed." 

Up  then  rose  the  manitous,  all  of  them  together ;  and,  rushing 
out  of  the  lodge,  they  hurried  to  the  place  where  Hu'kl  dwelt.  And 
the  tramp  of  their  feet,  as  they  went,  was  so  heavy  that  the  whole 
earth  shook  beneath  them.  On  coming  to  the  lodge,  they  found 
that  the  boys  were  away  ;  and  so  they  entered,  and  beheld  the  aged 
woman  seated  upon  the  otasdni.^ 

Straightway  they  told  Hu'kl  all  that  their  chief  had  commanded 
them.  She  tried  at  first  to  put  them  off,  and  have  them  talk  of 
other  things.  But  the  manitous  would  listen  to  nothing.  Then 
Hii'kl  pleaded  for  her  grandsons,  beseeching  that  their  lives  be  saved. 
But  the  manitous  would  not  hearken  to  her  prayers  in  behalf  of 
Wi'sa'ka  and  Klydpata. 

Then  the  aged  woman  was  sad.  She  bowed  her  head,  bent  far 
forward,  and  hid  her  face  in  the  palms  of  her  hands.  And  there  she 
sat  in  silence  and  in  thought.  By  and  by  she  lifted  her  head,  lifted 
it  slowly  ;  and  as  she  looked  at  the  manitous,  this  is  what  she  told 
them  :  — 

"  You  may  kill  Kiyapata,  but  I  give  you  this  warning.     You  will 


The  Culture-Hero  Myth  of  the  Sauks  and  Foxes.     227 

gain  nothing  by  slaying  him.  He  is  now  great,  and  if  you  slay  him, 
it  will  be  the  means  of  his  becoming  even  a  greater  manitou.  He 
will  live  forever. 

"And  as  for  Wl'sa'ka,  he  is  a  mightier  manitou  than  his  younger 
brother.  You  will  never  be  able  to  slay  him,  however  much  you 
may  try.  And  if  you  make  the  attempt,  it  will  be  the  fiercest  fight 
ever  fought  by  manitous.  But  you  will  not  listen  to  me.  You  per- 
sist in  demanding  the  death  of  Wl'sa'ka  and  Klyapata  on  the  ground 
that  it  will  be  for  the  welfare  of  us  all.  Very  well,  have  your  own 
way.  If  you  demand  that  I  must  be  on  your  side  in  this  fight,  I 
suppose  I  must  do  what  you  say.  But  this  much  I  will  not  do.  I 
will  take  no  active  part  in  this  war  against  my  own  grandsons." 

Then  the  manitous  rushed  joyfully  out  of  the  lodge,  joyfully 
because  they  could  tell  Gisha'  Mu'netoa  that  Hu'kl  had  yielded  to 
their  demands.  They  doubted  much  the  things  she  said  about  the 
might  of  her  grandsons.  They  had  made  up  their  minds  to  slay  the 
two  boys,  and  at  once  set  to  work  to  accomplish  their  purpose. 

The  manitous  called  a  council  to  which  came  all  the  manitous, 
old  and  young ;  and  they  invited  Wl'sa'ka  and  Klyapata  to  be  pre- 
sent. When  the  two  boys  came  and  entered  the  gathering,  this  is 
what  the  manitous  told  them  :  — 

"All  of  us  are  going  on  a  journey.  It  is  over  the  beautiful  coun- 
try which  belongs  to  Gisha'  Mu'netoa,  and  we  ask  you  boys,  his  sons, 
to  come  with  us.  There  are  two  parties  of  us.  One  is  of  the  old, 
the  other  of  the  young.  We  should  like  you,  Wl'sa'ka,  to  accom- 
pany the  older  manitous,  and  you,  Klyapata,  to  go  along  with  the 
younger  ones." 

The  youths  consented,  and  joined  each  his  own  party.  Thereupon 
the  manitous  departed  from  the  gathering,  the  older  ones  with 
Wl'sa'ka  going  one  way,  and  the  younger  ones  with  Klyapata  the 
other.  In  a  little  while  the  two  parties  were  out  of  sight  of  each 
other.  On  coming  into  the  beautiful  country,  Wl'sa'ka  noticed  that 
the  manitous  one  after  another  kept  dropping  out  along  the  way. 
By  and  by  the  company  dwindled  down  to  a  few  very  old  manitous. 
These  few  chose  Wl'sa'ka  their  leader,  and,  pushing  him  ahead,  bade 
him  to  lead.  On  nearing  a  cluster  of  hills,  Wl'sa'ka  stopped  and 
glanced  over  his  shoulder.  And  as  he  looked,  he  beheld  only  one 
manitou  behind  him,  one  very  aged  manitou,  who  was  in  the  act  of 
stooping. 

"  Go  on,  do  not  stop  for  me,"  said  the  old  manitou.  "  I  shall  be 
up  and  following  you  as  soon  as  I  shall  have  tied  my  moccasin 
string  ! " 

Wl'sa'ka  continued  on,  making  no  reply.  On  coming  into  a  hollow 
between  the  hills,  he  looked  again  over  his  shoulder ;  and  this  time 


2  28  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

he  found  he  was  alone.  Straightway  he  hurried  to  the  top  of  a  hill 
ahead  of  him ;  but,  before  reaching  it,  he  suddenly  felt  a  twitch 
through  his  body,  and  then  heard  a  cry  from  afar,  **  Oh,  Wi'sa'ka, 
my  elder  brother,  I  am  dying ! " 

Wi'sa'ka  listened,  and  heard  the  cry  repeated.  Then  he  looked 
everywhere  round  about  him  ;  and  while  he  did  so,  he  heard  the 
voice  calling  to  him  as  before.  But  he  was  unable  to  find  whence  it 
came,  no,  not  even  after  he  had  heard  the  cry  calling  to  him  a  fourth 
time. 

Then  Wi'sa'ka  ran  from  crest  to  crest,  hoping  to  catch  sight  of  his 
younger  brother.  But,  alas  !  nowhere  could  he  see  even  a  single 
manitou.  He  then  returned  home,  but  even  there  Wi'sa'ka  was  un- 
able to  find  Klyapata.  Then  it  was  he  began  to  suspect  that  some 
harm  had  befallen  his  younger  brother  at  the  hands  of  the  manitous. 

Wi'sa'ka  set  out  to  search  for  Klyapata,  going  from  lodge  to  lodge  ; 
but  from  each  he  was  turned  away  with  the  answer,  "  I  went  with 
such  and  such  a  party,  and  how  can  I  know  where  your  younger 
brother  has  gone  or  what  has  become  of  him  .■' " 

Wi'sa'ka  searched  for  Klyapata  in  every  lodge  of  the  manitous,  and 
did  not  leave  off  asking  for  him  until  night.  Failing  to  find  a  sign 
of  him,  Wi'sa'ka  returned  home.  He  was  sorely  grieved,  because  he 
was  now  sure  that  the  manitous  had  harmed  his  younger  brother. 

Wi'sa'ka  went  out  the  next  day  to  weep.  He  wept  for  four  days, 
and  on  the  evening  of  the  fourth  day  he  returned  to  his  lodge. 
There,  in  the  middle  of  the  lodge,  he  sat  himself  down  on  a  mat,  and 
wept  more  bitterly  than  ever.  And,  lo,  while  he  wept  for  his 
younger  brother,  he  heard  a  footstep  approaching  without.  At  that 
Wi'sa'ka  hushed,  and  hearkened  at  the  tread  of  the  step,  which 
grew  softer  the  nearer  it  approached. 

The  footstep  stopped  at  the  entrance-way  ;  a  tap  sounded  on  the 
wood,  and  a  voice  in  an  undertone  called,  "  Open  to  me,  my  elder 
brother;  I  would  come  in." 

It  was  the  ghost  of  Klyapata  ! 

"Do  not  rap,  my  younger  brother,"  whispered  Wi'sa'ka,  "and  do 
not  ask  to  come  in.  I  must  not  let  you  enter.  I  have  a  better 
place  than  this  where  you  may  dwell.  It  is  in  the  West,  beyond 
the  place  where  Sun  goes  down.  Thither  you  shall  go,  and  you  shall 
not  be  alone.  I  will  create  a  people  after  the  race  of  our  mother, 
and  they  shall  follow  you,  and  live  with  you  there  forever.  And  there 
they  shall  call  you  ChTbTabosa  ^  because  you  shall  watch  over  them 
in  the  spirit  world.  The  manitous  have  already  heard  me  weep  for 
you.  So  now  you  must  leave  this  place  ;  and,  as  you  go,  take  with 
you  this  drum  and  this  fife  and  this  gourd-rattle  and  this  fire.  You 
will  need  these  things  when  you  welcome  our  nephews  and  our 
nieces"  into  the  world  of  spirits." 


The  Culture-Hero  Myth  of  the  Sauks  and  Foxes.     229 

Thereupon  the  ghost  reached  its  hand  through  the  crack  in  the 
entrance-way,  and  received  the  drum  and  the  fife  and  the  gourd- 
rattle  and  the  fire.  And  as  the  ghost  started  to  go,  it  blew  upon 
the  fife,  beat  upon  the  drum,  and  whooped.  And  there  straightway 
sprang  from  the  ground  a  vast  throng  of  ghosts,  whooping  as  they 
rose,  and  accompanied  the  ghost  of  Klyapata  on  its  way  to  the  land 
beyond  the  place  where  Sun  goes  down. 

After  a  time  Wl'sa'ka  went  forth  to  find  the  manitous  that  had 
slain  his  younger  brother.  He  went  far  and  hunted  long.  He  was 
pacing  the  shore  of  the  sea  ^  one  day,  weeping  and  sad.  As  he  went 
along,  little  Ge'tchi  Kanana^  flew  across  his  path,  and  fluttered  over 
his  head.  The  little  bird  would  have  his  elder  brother  stop  and 
look  up,  for  he  wished  to  talk  with  him.  Seeing  Wl'sa'ka  would  not 
stop,  Ge'tchi  Kanana  fluttered  near,  so  near  that  he  flapped  his  wings 
against  Wl'sa'ka's  cheek. 

Thereupon  Wl'sa'ka  stopped  and,  in  an  anger,  scolded,  "  Away, 
you  naughty  little  bird  !     Do  not  bother  me !  " 

"  Oh  !  "  exclaimed  little  Ge'tchi  Kanana,  "  I  had  something  to  tell 
my  elder  brother.  It  was  about  the  manitous  that  slew  Klyapata, 
but  I  see  he  does  not  care  to  know." 

"  I  am  not  angry,  my  younger  brother,"  said  Wl'sa'ka  in  a  pleasant 
tone.  "  Come,  tell  me  this  that  you  know.  Tell  me,  and  I  will 
paint  your  little  eyes." 

The  little  bird  was  happy,  and  this  is  what  he  told  Wl'sa'ka  :  "  You 
see  that  island  yonder,  round  and  formed  wholly  of  sand.  There  is 
a  hole  in  the  centre  of  that  island,  and  it  goes  deep  underground  into 
a  huge  cave.  And  in  that  cave  dwell  two  manitous.  They  are 
among  the  foremost  leaders,  and  mighty.  It  is  they  who  had  most 
to  do  with  the  death  of  your  younger  brother.  They  come  forth 
early,  and  lie  at  the  mouth  of  the  cave  sunning  themselves  most  of 
the  morning.  And  while  they  lie  there,  they  look  out  over  the  sea 
toward  the  shore  on  the  north  and  toward  the  shore  on  the  south. 
Thus  they  guard  the  island,  and  they  never  let  anything  reach  it 
alive." 

Then  Wl'sa'ka  took  little  Ge'tchi  Kanana  in  his  hand,  and  painted 
him  as  he  had  promised.  And  ever  since  that  day  Ge'tchi  Kanana 
has  been  red  beneath  the  eyes. 

Wl'sa'ka  went  out  to  the  shore  of  the  sea  early  on  the  morning  of 
the  next  day ;  and,  hiding  himself,  he  watched  for  the  appearance 
of  the  two  manitous.  And  sure  enough,  as  Sun  rose,  out  came  the 
manitous,  as  Ge'tchi  Kanana  had  said.  And  they  lay  stretched  out 
close  to  the  mouth  of  the  cave,  and  there  they  basked  in  the  sun- 
shine. 

Wl'sa'ka  set  to  planning  how  he  might  get  over  to  the  island ;  and, 


230  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

as  he  thought,  he  looked  away  to  the  northwest  to  a  mountain  which 
reached  high  above  the  clouds.  Thither  Wi'sa'ka  went  and  gained 
the  highest  peak.  As  he  sat  there,  he  was  able  to  look  down  upon 
the  manitous  without  having  them  see  him,  for  the  clouds  hid  him 
from  view.  It  was  in  the  autumn  when  Wi'sa'ka  sat  upon  the  peak, 
and  looked  down  on  the  island.  As  the  wind  blew  past,  it  carried 
along  dry  leaves  and  withered  flowers  and  seasoned  blades  of  grass 
and  all  things  small  and  light.  Wi'sa'ka  beheld  many  of  these 
things  drop  along  the  way,  some  of  them  falling  about  the  place 
where  the  manitous  lay.  He  noticed,  too,  that  the  manitous  did  not 
move  when  these  things  dropping  from  the  air,  fell  about  them. 

As  Wi'sa'ka  bowed  his  head  in  thought,  he  beheld  a  small  white 
flower  growing  from  the  ground  at  his  feet.  It  was  a  fluffy-headed 
flower,  round  as  a  little  ball,  with  a  slender  stem.  Plucking  the 
flower  and  bringing  the  ball  close  to  his  lips,  Wi'sa'ka  blew  upon  it. 
Instantly  the  ball  burst  into  a  shower  of  fluffy  particles  which  the 
wind  carried  away  toward  the  island.  The  wind  must  have  blown 
upon  other  heads  of  the  same  flower,  for  presently  the  air  was  dense 
with  the  little  seed-wings,  like  snowflakes  at  the  time  of  a  heavy 
snowfall.  And  some  of  the  broken  parts  of  the  flower  fell  by  the 
hole  where  the  manitous  lay.  Quickly  the  manitous  slid  back  into 
their  cave,  for  they  suspected  the  wiles  of  Wi'sa'ka.  By  and  by 
they  reappeared,  slowly  and  slyly  at  first,  for  it  was  their  fear  that 
Wi'sa'ka  might  be  trying  to  cross  over  to  the  island. 

"You  cannot  get  over  to  the  island  in  that  flower,  my  elder 
brother,"  said  Ge'tchI  Kanana,  as  he  sat  perched  on  a  limb  near  by 
Wi'sa'ka.  "  Waft  a  spider's  web  over  there  as  you  did  the  flower. 
I  am  sure  the  web  will  help  you  better." 

Wi'sa'ka  did  as  Ge'tchI  Kanana  told  him.  And  he  and  the  little 
bird  together  watched  the  wind  carry  the  web  over  to  the  island  and 
drop  it  between  the  two  manitous.  The  instant  it  touched  the  sand 
the  manitous  grasped  and  swallowed  it,  for  they  suspected  Wi'sa'ka 
might  be  in  it.  Wi'sa'ka  wafted  another  web,  and  this  time  the 
manitous  only  looked  at  it.  The  third  web  they  did  not  even  cast 
eyes  upon. 

"Now  is  your  chance,  my  elder  brother,"  said  little  Ge'tchI 
Kanana,  "and  the  manitous  yonder  shall  not  see  you." 

Then  taking  another  web,  Wi'sa'ka  floated  it  as  before.  And  as 
the  web  lifted,  he  climbed  into  it,  wrapping  himself  about  with  it. 
And,  lo,  as  he  did  so,  he  became  invisible  ;  only  the  web  could  be 
seen  floating  toward  the  island.  When  the  web  fell,  it  dropped  softly, 
noiselessly,  between  the  two  manitous.  The  instant  it  touched  the 
sand,  Wi'sa'ka  resumed  his  own  form  and  quickly  shot  the  manitous, 
first  one,  then  the  other,  piercing  each  in  the  side  with  his  arrows. 


The  Ctdture-Hcro  Myth  of  the  Sauks  and  Foxes.     231 

And  then  there  was  a  fight !  Wi'sa'ka  would  have  slain  the  two 
manitous  there  on  the  spot ;  but  they  howled  so  loud  with  pain  that 
the  earth  trembled,  and  the  other  manitous,  hearing  the  cry,  came 
at  the  top  of  their  speed  to  the  rescue.  Wi'sa'ka  caught  the  heavy 
tramp  of  the  manitous  hurriedly  approaching,  and,  before  he  was  able 
to  bring  about  the  death  of  his  enemies,  he  had  to  flee  for  his  own 
life. 

The  manitous  found  their  wounded  friends  in  the  water,  where 
they  had  sought  safety  when  hard  pressed  by  Wi'sa'ka.  The  rescuers 
carried  their  wounded  to  a  big  lodge.  There  they  held  a  council  to 
find  means  of  healing  the  wounded  and  of  taking  revenge  upon 
Wi'sa'ka,  for  they  were  sure  it  was  he  who  had  come  so  near  to  slay- 
ing the  two  chiefs.  They  were  sorely  wroth  to  think  that  Wi'sa'ka 
had  been  able  to  reach  the  island.  But  they  were  even  more 
wrought  up  to  think  that  he  had  been  able  to  get  away  without  their 
knowing  whither  he  had  gone.  They  had  decided  in  the  council  to 
go  at  once  to  Hu'kl's  lodge;  and  on  their  way,  they  hurried  as  fast 
as  they  could  run.  When  they  arrived  at  the  lodge,  they  did  not 
tarry  without ;  but  they  burst  through  the  entrance-way,  wailing  and 
crying  out,  "  Oh,  our  grandmother  !  our  grandmother  !  Wi'sa'ka  has 
wounded  two  of  our  chiefs.  We  beg  of  you  to  send  for  Metem5 
Mamaka,^^  the  great  healer.  Send  for  her  at  once,  tell  her  to  come 
quickly,  or  else  our  two  chiefs  will  die." 

"Go  to  your  chiefs,"  Hu'kl  replied.  "I  will  go  now  to  find  the 
great  healer,  I  will  send  her  to  you  as  soon  as  I  shall  have  spoken 
to  her." 

On  hearing  this,  the  manitous  pushed  out  of  the  lodge  and  hurried 
back  to  the  place  where  the  wounded  lay.  And  as  they  went,  the 
earth  shook  beneath  the  heavy  tramp  of  their  feet. 

As  soon  as  the  manitous  were  out  of  sight  of  her  lodge,  Hu'kl 
went  out  and  made  her  way  to  the  great  healer's  home.  On  arriv- 
ing there,  she  straightway  entered,  and  beheld  the  old  woman  seated 
at  one  end  with  all  her  daughters  around  her.  They  were  busy  pre- 
paring medicine  from  roots  and  herbs.  Hii'kl  went  into  their  midst 
and  said,  "  Oh,  Metem5  Mamaka,  I  am  told  that  two  chiefs  of  the 
manitous  are  wounded  and  about  to  die.  And  indeed  they  will  die 
unless  you  go  at  once  and  heal  them."  Saying  this  Hu'kl  went  out 
of  the  lodge  and  returned  home. 

After  Hu'kl  had  gone,  Metemd  Mamaka  rose  to  her  feet  with  the 
help  of  a  cane,  and  called  to  all  her  daughters,  "  Up,  my  daughters, 
and  on  your  feet.  Come  with  me  to  the  hills  and  hollows,  along  the 
rivers  and  through  the  woods.  Help  me  find  a  medicine  that  shall 
heal  the  chiefs  of  the  manitous."  Saying  this  she  moaned  a  lament, 
and  led  the  way  out.     Her  daughters  followed,  all  of  them  in  line, 


232  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

one  behind  the  other.  And  as  they  followed,  they  joined  in  chorus, 
wailing  the  lament.  They  walked  slowly,  each  leaning  upon  her 
staff  and  bending  forward.  They  held  their  faces  close  to  the 
ground,  for  they  were  anxious  to  find  the  roots  and  herbs  that  would 
heal. 

Now  as  Wl'sa'ka  lay  in  hiding,  he  heard  the  wail  of  the  great 
healer  and  her  daughters.  He  knew  by  their  lament  what  they  were 
about ;  and  so  coming  from  his  hiding-place,  he  went  forth  to  meet 
them.  On  the  way,  he  transformed  himself  into  one  of  the  old 
woman's  daughters,  and  joined  their  train  without  having  them  see 
him. 

By  and  by  Metemo  Mamaka  stopped,  and  turned  about  to  see  why 
one  of  her  daughters  was  wailing  so  bitterly  and  was  more  wrought 
up  than  all  the  rest. 

"  My  younger  sisters,"  said  Wl'sa'ka  on  resuming  his  own  form,  as 
the  great  healer  and  her  daughters  stood  round  about  him  :  "  You 
know  who  I  am.  I  am  your  elder  brother.  I  would  have  you  return 
home.  It  was  I  that  wounded  the  manitous.  I  did  it,  because  they 
slew  Klyapata,  my  younger  brother.  You  must  not  heal  them. 
Leave  them  to  me." 

The  old  woman  and  her  daughters  were  happy  to  see  their  elder 
brother,  so  happy  were  they  that  they  forgot  themselves  and  hushed 
their  wails.     And  then  they  turned  homeward. 

The  manitous  were  gathered  about  the  wounded  chiefs,  keeping 
up  an  incessant  din,  when  they  heard  the  heavy  tramp  of  approach- 
ing footsteps.  A  silence  suddenly  fell  upon  them,  for  they  sus- 
pected the  coming  of  Wl'sa'ka.  And  during  the  silence,  in  walked  a 
Metemo  Mamaka,  like  to  the  form  of  the  great  healer,  who  leaned 
on  a  cane  and  wailed  out  of  sadness  for  the  wounded  manitous. 
She  went  and  knelt  beside  the  two  chiefs  as  they  lay  on  the  ground 
in  the  middle  of  the  big  lodge.  She  wailed  in  song  as  she  felt  for 
the  wounds.  This  she  did  for  a  while,  and  then  rose  to  her  feet, 
saying,  "  Kindle  me  here  a  fire.  Put  over  the  fire  two  kettles,  and 
fill  them  with  water.  Place  a  manitou  iron  "  into  the  fire  to  heat. 
And  when  you  have  done  all  that  I  have  told  you,  leave  me  alone 
with  these  wounded  chiefs.  Go  far  away,  so  far  away  that  you  can- 
not see  this  lodge  and  cannot  hear  what  I  am  doing.  Should  you 
remain  to  see  and  to  hear  all  that  I  do,  the  medicine  will  not  be 
strong  and  your  chiefs  will  surely  not  be  healed.  Now  go,  and,  after 
I  am  done  treating  them,  I  will  send  for  you.  And  when  I  send  for 
you,  do  not  tarry,  but  come,  all  of  you." 

The  manitous  now  felt  quite  sure  it  was  the  great  healer,  even  if 
her  step  was  heavier  than  usual.  They  did  all  that  was  told  them, 
and  withdrew  far  away  from  the  lodge  and  out  of  view  of  it. 


The  Culture-Hero  Myth  of  the  Sauks  and  Foxes.     233 

For  a  while  the  wounded  manitous  watched  the  Metemo  Alamaka 
at  work  with  the  medicines.     At  last  they  fell  asleep. 

At  that  Wl'sa'ka  resumed  his  own  form.  The  manitou  iron  was 
by  this  time  red  hot ;  and  quickly  taking  the  cool  end  in  his  hand, 
Wl'sa'ka  thrust  the  other  end  first  into  the  side  of  one  manitou,  then 
into  the  side  of  the  other,  following  each  time  the  track  of  the  wound 
that  he  had  made  with  his  arrow. 

The  manitous  far  away  among  the  hills  heard  a  shriek  of  pain 
coming  from  their  great  lodge ;  straightway  they  beheld  puffs  of 
smoke  shooting  skyward  from  the  roof  of  the  lodge.  And  then  they 
caught  the  smell  of  burning  flesh.  They  hurriedly  gathered  them- 
selves together,  suspecting  ill  of  the  old  woman  and  fearing  that 
after  all  it  might  be  Wl'sa'ka  and  not  she.  "  Go,"  said  one  of  them 
to  Shashaka,^  "  and  find  out  what  is  happening  within  the  lodge.  Go 
under  the  ground  and  enter  the  lodge  behind  the  ketdkdni}^  on  the 
side  away  from  the  old  woman.  Show  only  your  head  abov^e  the 
ground.  Find  out  all  that  is  going  on  and  hurry  back  and  tell  us 
what  you  have  seen." 

In  the  meanwhile  Wl'sa'ka  had  slain  the  two  manitous.  He  cut 
their  flesh  into  bits  and  broke  their  bones,  and  he  put  both  flesh  and 
bones  into  the  two  big  kettles  to  boil.  Then  he  sat  upon  the 
otdsdiii,  watching  his  work.  And  as  he  sat  there,  he  saw  a  little 
head  push  out  from  the  ground  near  by  the  ketdkdni. 

It  was  little  Shashaka.  The  first  thing  he  beheld  was  W'l'sa'ka's 
finger  pointing  straight  at  him  and  beckoning  him. 

"Come,  Shashaka!  "  Wl'sa'ka  called,  "and  sit  up  here  beside  me 
for  a  while." 

Shashaka  climbed  up  and  sat  beside  his  elder  brother. 

"  I  know  why  you  have  come,"  said  Wl'sa'ka.  "  The  manitous  have 
sent  you  to  see  what  I  am  doing  here.  Go  down  to  the  kettles  and 
eat  all  you  can  of  the  meat  which  you  find  there." 

Shashaka  went  to  the  kettles  and  ate  till  he  could  eat  no  more. 

"Now,"  said  Wl'sa'ka,  winding  a  string  of  fat  about  Shashaka's 
neck,  "  fill  your  mouth  so  full  that  you  can  hardly  speak,  and  then 
return  to  the  manitous.  But  before  you  arrive  at  the  place  where 
they  are,  take  out  some  of  the  meat  from  your  mouth,  and  holding 
it  above  your  head,  call  out  to  them  and  say,  '  Oh,  manitous,  see 
what  Wl'sa'ka  has  done  for  me  because  I  went  to  see  him  !  He  has 
made  a  great  feast  of  the  meat  which  you  see  about  my  neck,  and 
he  asks  you  to  come  and  eat  of  it.'  " 

Shashaka  left  the  lodge  so  stuffed  that  he  could  hardly  move. 
He  was  able,  after  some  time,  to  come  within  calling  distance  of  the 
manitous,  and  then  he  told  them  what  Wl'sa'ka  had  bidden  him. 

The  manitous  waxed  wroth  at  the  sight  of  the  cooked  fat,  for  they 


2  34  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

knew  it  was  the  flesh  of  the  two  chiefs.  They  hurried  with  all  speed 
to  the  big  lodge.  On  their  entrance,  they  beheld  no  one  within,  but 
they  saw  the  flesh  and  the  bones  of  the  two  manitous  cooking  in 
the  kettles.  Then  it  was  all  very  clear  to  them  that  Wl'sa'ka  had 
come  to  them  in  the  form  of  the  great  healer  and  had  thus  slain  the 
two  chiefs. 

Then  they  sought  to  find  Wi'sa'ka  to  slay  him.  In  their  anger 
they  howled  and  wailed,  and  the  tramp  of  their  feet  was  so  heavy 
that  the  whole  earth  shook  beneath  them.  They  hurled  fire  into  all 
the  places  where  they  thought  Wi'sa'ka  might  be  in  hiding.  After 
the  fire,  came  the  rain.  The  rivers  rose  and  the  lakes  overflowed, 
and  the  water  ran  over  the  land  everywhere.  By  and  by  the  water 
drove  Wi'sa'ka  from  his  hiding ;  it  pursued  whither  he  fled,  even  to 
the  top  of  a  high  mountain.  It  did  not  leave  off  following  even 
there  ;  it  pursued  him  up  a  lofty  pine  to  the  very  tip  of  the  topmost 
branch.  And  as  the  water  was  about  to  lay  hold  on  him,  Wi'sa'ka 
called  to  the  pine  for  help.  And  lo,  a  canoe  slid  off  from  the  top  of 
the  pine  where  he  was  standing.  The  canoe  floated  upon  the  water, 
and  Wi'sa'ka  sat  within  it,  holding  a  paddle  in  his  hand. 

Then  Wi'sa'ka  went  paddling  about  over  the  water,  and  as  he  did 
so  he  came  upon  a  turtle-dove  floating  dead  on  the  water.  Wi'sa'ka 
drew  him  into  the  canoe,  and,  breathing  his  breath  into  the  bill  of 
the  turtle-dove,  said,  "  I  pity  my  poor  younger  brother." 

Straightway  the  turtle-dove  came  back  to  life. 

In  a  little  while  Wi'sa'ka  came  upon  a  muskrat ;  he  too  was  float- 
ing dead  on  the  water.  Wi'sa'ka  pulled  him  into  the  canoe,  and, 
breathing  into  his  mouth,  said,  "I  pity  my  poor  younger  brother." 

Thereupon  Muskrat  came  back  to  life. 

Now  the  water  covered  the  earth  everywhere.  And  on  the  fourth 
day,  when  Wi'sa'ka  was  paddling  about  in  the  canoe  with  his  two 
little  younger  brothers,  he  said  to  Muskrat,  "  My  younger  brother,  I 
wish  you  to  dive  into  the  water  to  sec  if  you  can  find  some  earth. 
If  you  find  earth,  come  up  and  bring  it  to  me." 

Thereupon  Muskrat  climbed  over  the  side  of  the  canoe  and  slid 
head  first  into  the  water. 

Then  Wi'sa'ka  said  to  the  turtle-dove,  "And  I  wish  you,  my 
younger  brother,  to  fly  over  the  water  till  you  find  a  tree.  If  you 
find  one,  break  off  a  twig  and  fetch  it  to  me." 

At  that  Turtle-dove  lifted  himself  on  his  wings  and  flew  out  over 
the  water.  He  was  long  returning.  Wi'sa'ka  saw  him  coming  from 
afar,  and  paddled  to  meet  him.  But  before  they  met.  Turtle-dove's 
strength  failed  him  and  he  fell  into  the  water  dead.  Wi'sa'ka  pulled 
him  into  the  canoe,  and,  breathing  into  his  bill  again,  said,  "  I  pity 
my  poor  younger  brother." 


The  Culture-Hero  Myth  of  the  Sauks  and  Foxes.     235 

Turtle-dove  instantly  came  back  to  life.  Wl'sa'ka  was  proud  of 
him,  because  he  held  within  his  claws  a  tiny  twig,  holding  it  even 
after  death, 

Wl'sa'ka  and  Turtle-dove  then  looked  out  over  the  flood,  watching 
for  Muskrat  to  appear.  By  and  by  they  found  Muskrat  floating 
dead  on  the  water.  Wl'sa'ka  pulled  him  into  the  canoe,  and,  breath- 
ing again  into  his  mouth,  said,  "I  pity  my  poor  younger  brother." 

Straightway  Muskrat  returned  to  life.  Wl'sa'ka  was  proud  of  him 
too,  for  he  had  brought  up  some  earth  which  he  still  held  under  the 
claws  of  his  forefeet,  even  though  he  had  lost  strength  and  died  in 
the  attempt.  Muskrat  held  up  his  paws  while  Wl'sa'ka  dug  out  the 
earth  into  the  palm  of  his  hand. 

Wl'sa'ka  rolled  the  tiny  grains  of  earth  into  a  ball.  Then  sticking 
the  little  ball  on  to  the  twig  which  Turtle-dove  had  brought,  Wl'sa'ka 
cast  them  both  together  into  the  flood.  And,  lo,  as  soon  as  the  ball 
and  the  twig  touched  the  water,  the  flood  began  to  fall,  till  by  and 
by  the  canoe  was  resting  upon  dry  land.^'^ 

Now  the  flood  had  caused  the  earth  to  be  level  and  flat  every- 
where. Such  was  the  way  it  looked  when  once  on  a  time  Wl'sa'ka 
was  seated  in  front  of  his  lodge,  making  arrows  for  the  people  whom 
he  was  soon  to  create. 

All  of  a  sudden  as  he  sat  there,  he  heard  a  voice  calling  to  him 
from  afar,  "  Oh,  Wl'sa'ka  !  "  He  heard  it  once  more,  and  then  again  ; 
and  at  the  fourth  time  he  looked  up  to  the  sky,  and  lo,  found  that  it 
was  Sun,^^  his  grandfather,  who  was  calling  to  him. 

"Come  up  to  ray  lodge,"  Sun  went  on  to  say,  "and  let  me  give 
you  blue  to  color  your  arrows.  I  have  it  here  in  great  store,  and 
you  may  have  all  you  wish.     Buzzard  will  carry  you  up  on  his  back." 

Wl'sa'ka  was  glad,  and  the  very  next  time  Buzzard  came  on  a  visit 
he  told  him  what  Sun  had  said. 

Now  Buzzard  was  made  unhappy  by  what  Wl'sa'ka  had  told  him. 
At  this  time  he  was  the  most  beautiful  of  all  creatures.  The  blue, 
the  red,  the  yellow,  the  green,  and  the  white  of  his  feathers  were  so 
dazzling  that  they  blinded  the  eyes  of  all  that  looked  upon  him. 
And  Buzzard  became  proud,  so  proud  that  he  dwelt  alone  with  his 
kin  far  away  in  the  sky,  where  no  other  living-kind  could  go  and 
intrude  upon  him.  He  grew  lazy,  and  he  liked  nothing  better  than 
to  look  at  himself  all  the  while.  But  he  knew  better  than  to  refuse 
Sun  and  Wl'sa'ka,  and  so  stooped  to  let  Wl'sa'ka  climb  on  his  back 
and  clasp  him  about  the  neck.  And  when  Wl'sa'ka  was  on.  Buzzard 
spread  his  wings  and  rose  ;  and  up,  up,  up  they  went  till  they 
vanished  from  the  eyes  of  creatures  on  earth. 

The  journey  was  long  and  it  took  many  days.  At  last  Sun  saw 
his  grandson  coming  ;  he  saw  him  coming  from  a  great  distance,  and 


236  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

went  to  meet  him.  By  and  by  Buzzard  drew  near,  near  enough  at 
last  for  Sun  to  reach  down  to  take  Wl'sa'ka  by  the  hand ;  but  as 
Wi'sa'ka  let  go  Buzzard's  neck  with  one  hand  and  started  to  grasp 
Sun's  hand  with  the  other,  Buzzard  flew  quickly  from  beneath  him. 
Then  down  fell  Wi'sa'ka,  now  diving  head  foremost,  now  lying  on 
his  back,  now  plunging  feet  first,  and  now  whirling  over  and  over. 
Thus  Wi'sa'ka  fell ;  and,  had  he  fallen  to  the  earth,  he  would  surely 
have  been  killed.  But  his  grandfather,  the  tree,  saw  him,  and  caught 
him  in  his  arms,  thus  saving  him  from  death. 

Then  was  Wi'sa'ka  in  great  wrath.  And  while  he  was  in  great 
anger,  his  friend  Elk  came  on  a  visit  to  see  him.  Wi'sa'ka  said  to 
him,  "  My  grandfather  Sun  asked  me  one  day  to  come  to  his  lodge 
and  get  blue  for  my  arrows.  He  told  me  Buzzard  would  carry  me 
there,  and  indeed  Buzzard  did  carry  me  as  far  as  my  grandfather's 
country.  But  as  I  reached  out  to  take  my  grandfather's  hand,  Buz- 
zard flew  out  from  under  mc.  And  down  to  earth  I  fell,  I  surely 
would  have  been  killed  had  it  not  been  for  my  grandfather,  the  tree, 
who  caught  me  in  his  arms.  Now  I  want  you  to  bring  Buzzard  to 
me ;  bring  him  any  way  you  can  and  as  soon  as  you  can," 

Elk  went  away  happy,  for  he  was  glad  to  be  on  an  errand  for 
Wi'sa'ka,  whom  he  loved.  He  knew  just  where  to  go.  It  was  at  a 
place  where  all  animal-kind  was  wont  to  frequent,  and  there  he  lay 
himself  down  and  pretended  to  die. 

Wolf  was  the  first  to  find  him,  and  it  pained  when  Wolf  dug  his 
teeth  in  and  began  to  pull  on  the  flesh.  Then  came  Crow,  whose 
sharp  beak  pricked  through  the  skin.  But  Elk  lay  still  as  if  sure 
enough  dead.  By  and  by  Buzzard  lit  on  a  mound  close  by  in  the 
rear.  Presently  he  began  to  sidle  nearer,  hop  by  hop,  till  he  was 
close  enough  to  pull  on  the  flesh.  Elk  endured  it  all  till  Buzzard  got 
his  beak  in  past  the  head.  Then  up  jumped  Elk,  holding  Buzzard 
by  the  head,  and  ran  off  to  Wl'sa'ka's  lodge.^*^ 

Wi'sa'ka  did  not  look  angry,  and  he  did  not  scold  Buzzard.  All 
he  said  was,  "  I  want  you  to  go  home  and  return  at  once  with  your 
kindred.     I  have  a  message  for  them  when  they  are  all  together." 

Buzzard  went  home  thinking  that  Wi'sa'ka  had  forgotten  his  fall 
from  the  land  of  Sun.  It  was  but  a  little  while  before  Buzzard 
returned,  he  and  all  his  kindred.  They  came  and  assembled  them- 
selves before  Wl'sa'ka's  lodge  and  waited  for  him  to  give  them  his 
message. 

By  and  by  he  came  out  to  them,  and  this  is  what  he  said  :  "And  so 
you  thought  it  much  fun,  Ikizzard,  to  drop  me  down  from  my  grand- 
father's country  after  you  had  carried  me  thither.  Of  course  all 
living-kind  will  laugh  on  hearing  about  it,  and  you  think  you  will  be 
greatly  pleased  because  you  are  the  one  who  let  me  fall,     I  am  dis- 


The  Culture- Hero  Myth  of  the  Satiks  and  Foxes.     237 

pleased  with  you,  Buzzard,  for  letting  me  fall,  and  I  mean  to  punish 
you  for  it. 

"  You  see  the  land  is  level  everywhere.  Now  I  wish  you  to  dig 
courses  for  rivers,  to  build  hills  and  mountains,  and  to  give  shape  to 
all  the  earth.  I  shall  create  a  people  when  you  will  have  done  this 
work,  and  I  shall  put  them  to  dwell  on  the  earth.  They  will  look 
upon  you,  and  you  will  be  to  them  the  most  loathsome  of  all  living- 
kind.  The  beautiful  colors  of  your  feathers  shall  change  to  the 
color  of  the  soil  of  the  earth.  And  your  neck  and  head,  once  so  fair 
of  form,  shall  remain  disfigured  as  Elk  made  them  in  dragging  you 
to  me.     So  now  set  to  the  work  that  I  have  commanded  you." 

Thereupon  the  Buzzards  set  to  work,  and  sad  they  were  at  their 
task.  Some  formed  in  line,  one  behind  the  other,  and  pushing 
their  breasts  against  the  soil,  formed  the  river  courses.  Others  dug 
up  the  ground  with  their  talons  and  piled  up  huge  mounds  of  earth. 
Afterwards  they  came  and  soared  slowly  along  the  slopes  of  the 
mounds  and  gave  them  shape  with  the  under  side  of  their  wings.  It 
was  these  that  made  the  hills  and  the  mountains  and  formed  the 
slopes  of  the  valleys  in  between. 

Thus  Wi'sa'ka  prepared  the  world  for  his  people.  But  he  drove 
the  manitous  away  before  he  brought  the  people  into  the  land  which 
he  had  prepared  for  them.  Some  of  the  manitous  fled  under  ground, 
and  to  these  Wi'sa'ka  gave  the  charge  of  fire.  Others  fled  above, 
where  they  may  now  be  seen  as  stars.  Among  them  is  Gisha' 
Mu'netoa.  His  lodge  is  on  the  shore  of  the  White  River ;  ^'  and 
there  he  dwells,  he  and  many  of  the  manitous  that  had  warred  against 
Wi'sa'ka.  Wi'sa'ka  made  thunderers  of  some  of  the  manitous  that 
had  fled  to  the  south,  and  these  he  made  guardians  of  the  people. 

Wi'sa'ka  then  created  the  people,  making  the  first  men  and  the 
first  women  out  of  clay  that  was  as  red  as  the  reddest  blood. ^^  And 
he  made  them  after  the  race  of  his  mother.  He  taught  them  how 
to  hunt,  and  he  taught  them  how  to  grow  food  in  the  fields  ;  he 
taught  them  all  kinds  of  sports,  and  he  taught  them  how  to  live 
peacefully  with  one  another;  he  taught  them  how  to  sing  and  dance 
and  pray,  and  he  taught  them  all  manner  of  other  good  things.  So 
once  on  a  time,  after  he  had  taught  the  people  the  way  to  live, 
Wi'sa'ka  called  them  all  together,  and  said  :  — 

"  I  am  now  going  away  to  leave  you.  I  am  going  away  to  the 
north  and  build  me  a  lodge  amid  the  snow  and  ice.  Thither  you  can- 
not, must  not  come,  unless  it  is  my  will  for  you  to  see  me.  But  I 
shall  appear  to  you  once  every  year,  not  in  the  form  as  you  see  me 
now,  but  in  the  flakes  of  the  first  snowfall.  I  shall  live  in  that  land 
of  snow  till  I  think  you  have  dwelt  long  enough  upon  this  earth. 
Then  I  shall  return  to  you  as  I  am.     I  shall  return  to  you  as  youth- 


238  jfournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

ful  as  when  I  leave  you.  And  this  will  be  the  sign  by  which  you 
will  know  me.  My  braided  hair  will  fall  down  in  front  of  my  two 
shoulders  just  the  same  as  now.  You  will  know  me  by  the  eagle 
feather  in  my  hair  at  the  back,  by  this  bow  which  I  shall  hold  in 
one  hand  and  by  this  arrow  which  I  shall  hold  in  the  other.  Then 
I  shall  take  you  with  me  to  the  west,  to  the  place  where  rules  Chibia- 
bosa,  my  younger  brother,  your  uncle.  There  we  shall  meet  our 
kindred  that  have  gone  before  us,  and  we  shall  dwell  there  with 
them  forever.  After  I  have  taken  you  to  the  new  home,  I  shall 
return  once  more  to  this  world  ;  and  my  return  will  be  to  destroy 
this  world.     Then  I  shall  go  and  live  forever  with  you." 

And  this  is  the  promise  Wi'sa'ka  made  before  he  went  away  to 
the  north. 

William  Jones. 

NOTES. 

[These  notes  include  some  corrections  of  phonetic  notation,  etc.,  which  came 
too  late  to  be  inserted  in  the  text.  For  Kiydpata  and  Wi'sa'ka  read  throughout 
Kiya"pa'ta'ha  and  WT'sa'ka'ha ;  for  Gisha'  Mii'netoa  read  Gisha  Ma'neto'wa;  for 
otasdnT  read  o'tasa'ni ;  for  Chibidbosa  read  Tclpaiyapo'swa ;  for  GS'tchI  Kanana 
read  Gdtci  Ka'nana'ha;  for  Mdtemo  Mdmaka  read  Mdtemo'ha  ma'ma'ka'ha;  for 
Shashaka  read  Sha'shaga'ha;  for  k^idkdtti  rfa.di  kdtaga'ni ;  for  Huki  read  through- 
out Mesd'kamfgo'kwa'ha.  —  A.  f.  c] 

^  Gisha  is  an  adjective  meaning  big,  great,  large ;  G  is  hard  and  a  is  like  a  in 
hat.     Ma'netcVwa  is  for  manitou;  a  is  like  n  in  btiti. 

2  8  The  sign  '  before  k  in  WT'sa'ka'ha,  and  before  p  and  /  in  Kiya"pa'ta'ha  is 
a  slight  aspirate  due  to  the  change  of  position  which  the  tongue  makes  under 
certain  conditions  as  here,  when  about  to  pronounce  a  surd, 

*  Mesd'kamigo'kwa'ha  is  made  of  two  words,  viesd'-kamtgi  —  the  world  over, 
and  {'kwdwa  —  woman.  She  is  the  grandmother  of  the  manitous  and  of  the 
people, 

^  O'tasa'ni  is  a  raised  platform  which  extends  along  both  sides  of  the  interior 
of  a  summer  bark  lodge.  People  sleep  and  eat  upon  it  and  store  thereon  their 
household  goods. 

'  Tclpaiyapo'swa  is  the  name  of  KTya"pa'ta'ha  in  the  stories  of  him  in  the 
spirit  world.  Sun  (1.  37)  should  more  properly  be  written  KT'sheswa,  a  divinity 
that  dwells  in  the  land  of  dawn.  It  is  from  the  tip  of  the  eagle  feather  which  he 
wears  at  the  back  of  his  head  that  the  light  of  day  comes. 

^  It  is  said  that  WIsd'ka'ha  created  the  people,  yet  they  are  called  his  uncles 
and  his  aunts  (not  nephews  and  nieces). 

8  Sea  is  for  Giftci  Guml'we,  a  word  meaning  the  great  expanse.  It  is  also  the 
word  for  the  Great  Lakes,  near  and  about  which  the  Indians  once  lived. 

^  Gdtci  Ka'nana'ha  is  a  small  bird  of  a  bluish  color  with  a  black  stripe  across 
the  eyes. 

'"  Me'temo'ha  is  an  old  woman,  and  ma'mS'ka'ha  is  a  toad. 

'^  Manitou  iron  is  from  vid'fietd'-cvi  ptydpd'kwi,  which  means  more  literally 
vtanitou  metal. 

^-  Sha'shaga'ha  is  a  small  snake,  probably  the  garter-snake.  He  is  a  frequent 
character  in  story. 


The  Culture-Hero  Myth  of  the  Satiks  and  Foxes.     239 

^^  Ketaga'ni  is  a  tall  post  which  stands  in  the  middle  of  a  summer  bark  lodge. 
It  helps  to  hold  up  the  ridgepole. 

"  Some  leave  out  the  incident  of  the  canoe.  It  is  said  by  these  that  Wi'sa- 
'ka'ha  was  out  of  reach  of  the  water  when  he  stood  at  the  top  of  the  pine.  Aside 
from  this  difference  the  story  is  pretty  much  the  same  as  here. 

^^  See  note  6. 

^®  The  paragraph  is  an  epitome  of  a  long  narrative  that  is  told  with  much  lively 
detail. 

"  The  White  River  is  the  "  Milky  Way." 

1^  Hence  Meskwa'kia'gi,  Red-Earths.  The  name  is  applied  especially  to  that 
part  of  the  tribe  known  as  Foxes.  The  name  Foxes,  so  the  story  runs,  was 
given  by  the  English.  The  English  got  it  from  Les  Renards,  a  name  which  the 
French  in  turn  got  from  Wa'goha'gi,  a  plural  form  denoting  members  of  the  Fox 
clan.  It  is  said  that  members  of  this  clan  were  the  first  in  the  tribe  to  see  white 
men.  The  occasion  was  on  a  hunt  north  of  the  Great  Lakes,  and  the  white 
men  were  French. 


240  journal  of  American  Folk- Lore, 

FOLK-LORE   OF   THE   FLATHEAD   INDIANS   OF 
IDAHO:    ADVENTURES    OF    COYOTE. 

I.  HOW  SPOKANE  FALLS  WERE  MADE. 

Coyote  and  Fox  were  travelling  together  and  they  were  coming 
up  from  below.  When  they  got  to  where  Spokane  Falls  now  is, 
Coyote  said  to  Fox,  "  I  believe  I  '11  get  married.  I  '11  take  one  of 
the  Pcnd  d'Oreille  women  for  my  wife." 

So  he  went  to  see  the  chief  of  the  Pend  d'Oreilles  about  getting 
one  of  the  women  for  a  wife.  The  chief  was  not  willing  to  let  his 
women  intermarry  with  other  tribes,  so  he  told  Coyote  he  could  not 
have  any  of  the  Pend  d'Oreille  women  for  a  wife. 

Coyote  said,  "  Now  I  '11  put  falls  right  here  in  the  river,  so  the 
Salmon  cannot  get  past  them."  That  is  how  Spokane  Falls  were 
made. 

n.     COYOTE    KILLS    THE    GIANT. 

From  Spokane  Falls  Coyote  came  on  up  to  Ravalli.  There  he 
met  an  Old  Woman,  who  was  camped  close  to  where  Ravalli  Station 
is  now.     The  Old  Woman  said  to  Coyote,  "Where  are  you  going?" 

"  Oh,"  said  Coyote,  "  I  am  going  to  travel  all  over  the  world." 

"  Well,"  said  the  Old  Woman,  "  you  had  better  go  back  from  here." 

"  Why  should  I  go  back  from  here .-'  "  asked  Coyote. 

"  Because  there  is  a  Giant  in  this  valley  who  kills  every  one  that 
goes  through,"  replied  the  Old  Woman. 

"  Well,"  said  Coyote,  "  I  will  fight  with  him  and  kill  him." 

Then  Coyote  started  on  the  trail  again.  He  saw  a  great  big 
tamarack-tree  growing  on  the  hillside,  and  he  pulled  it  up  and  threw 
it  over  his  shoulder  and  went  on  his  way.  He  said  to  himself,  "  I  '11 
choke  that  giant  with  this  tamarack-tree.     That  's  what  I  '11  do." 

Pretty  soon  he  saw  a  woman  that  was  nearly  dead.  "  What  is  the 
matter  with  you  .-*  "  asked  Coyote.     "  Are  you  sick  }  " 

The  woman  said,  "  No,  I  am  not  sick." 

Coyote  said,  "  I  am  going  to  choke  the  Giant  with  this  tamarack- 
tree." 

The  woman  said,  "  You  might  as  well  throw  that  stick  away- 
Don't  you  know  that  you  are  already  in  the  Giant's  belly  ?" 

Then  Coyote  threw  the  tamarack  against  the  hillside,  and  it  can 
be  seen  close  to  Arlee,  a  little  station  on  the  Northern  Pacific  Rail- 
road. It  stuck  against  the  hillside  and  grew.  All  of  what  is  now 
Jacko  Valley  was  filled  by  the  Giant's  belly. 

Coyote  went  on  from  there  and  he  saw  lots  of  people  lying  around. 
Some  of  them  were  dead,  and  some  were  pretty  nearly  dead.  "What 
is  the  matter  with  you  people  ? "  asked  Coyote. 


Folk-Lore  of  the  Flathead  Indians  of  Idaho.  24 1 

They  all  said,  "  We  are  starving  to  death." 

Coyote  said,  "  What  makes  you  starve  ?  There  is  plenty  to  eat  in 
here,  lots  of  meat  and  fat." 

Then  Coyote  cut  chunks  of  grease  from  the  sides  of  the  Giant 
and  fed  them  to  the  people,  who  got  better.  And  then  Coyote  said, 
"  Now,  all  of  you  people  get  ready  to  run  out.  I  am  going  to  cut 
the  Giant's  heart.  When  I  start  to  cut  you  must  all  run  out  at 
O'Keef's  Canyon  or  over  at  Ravalli." 

The  Giant's  heart  was  the  rounded  cluster  of  mountains  north  of 
Flathead  Agency,  and  there  are  marks  on  the  side  which  show  the 
place  that  Coyote  cut  with  his  stone  knife. 

Coyote  began  to  cut  the  Giant's  heart  with  his  stone  knife.  Pretty 
soon  the  Giant  said,  "  Please,  Coyote,  let  me  alone.  You  go  out.  I 
don't  want  you  to  stay  in  here.     You  can  go  out." 

Coyote  said,  "  No,  I  won't  go  out.  I  am  going  to  stay  right  here. 
I  'm  going  to  kill  you." 

Then  he  started  to  cut  the  Giant's  heart.  He  cut  the  Giant's 
heart  off  and  then  ran  out.  The  Giant  was  dying,  and  his  jaws 
began  to  close.  Woodtick  was  the  last  to  come  out.  The  Giant's 
jaws  were  just  closing  down  on  him  when  Coyote  caught  him  and 
pulled  him  out. 

"  Well,"  said  Coyote,  "  you  will  always  be  flat.  I  can't  help  it 
now.     You  must  be  flat."     That  is  the  reason  Woodtick  is  so  flat. 

III.     COYOTE    AND    THE    TWO    SHELLS. 

From  there  Coyote  went  on  down  to  where  Missoula  now  is.  Coyote 
was  walking  along  between  Lolo  and  Fort  Missoula  when  he  heard 
some  one  call  his  name.  He  stopped  and  looked  around,  but  he 
could  n't  see  any  one.  Then  he  started  on  a  little  trot,  and  he  heard 
his  name  called  again.  He  stopped  and  looked  right  through  the 
trees,  and  there,  by  the  side  of  the  river,  he  saw  two  women  sitting 
down. 

He  went  across  the  river  and  up  the  hillside  to  where  the  women 
were  sitting.  When  he  got  close  to  them  he  thought  he  would 
marry  them,  because  they  were  good-looking  women.  So  he  went 
and  sat  down  between  them. 

When  he  got  between  them  they  stood  up  and  went  dancing 
down  the  hill  to  the  river.  When  they  got  close  to  the  river.  Coyote 
said,  "  Wait,  I  want  to  take  off  my  clothes."  Coyote  had  nice 
clothes  on,  all  beaded  and  trimmed  in  shells.     He  was  a  great  chief. 

The  women  said,  "  No,  we  don't  want  to  wait  ;  we  will  have  a 
nice  time  dancing."  They  danced  right  on  into  the  river,  and  they 
pushed  Coyote  down  and  drowned  him. 

Some  time  after  that,  his  partner,  Fox,  was  around  the  river  look- 

voL.  XIV. —  NO.  55.      17 


242  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

ing  for  something  to  eat.  He  looked  down  in  the  river  and  saw 
something  lying  at  the  bottom.  "  Why,"  said  he,  "that  is  my  part- 
ner, Coyote,"  and  he  pulled  him  out,  and  jumped  over  him,  and 
Coyote  came  to  life  again. 

"Oh,  my,"  said  Coyote,  "  I  have  slept  too  long." 

Fox  told  him,  "You  were  not  asleep;  you  were  dead.  What  for 
did  you  go  near  those  women  t  You  had  no  business  near  them 
anyhow." 

Coyote  said,  "  Now,  I  '11  go  back  there  and  I  '11  kill  them  both." 

Coyote  went  back  and  climbed  half  way  up  the  hill.  Then  he  set 
fire  to  the  grass.  The  women  started  to  run,  but  they  could  n't  get 
away.     Both  of  them  were  burned  to  death. 

They  were  Shells,  and  the  reason  the  side  of  a  shell  is  black  is 
because  they  were  burned  that  time. 

IV.     COYOTE    KILLS    ANOTHER    GIANT. 

Coyote  started  from  there  to  go  up  to  Stevensville.  Between 
Corvallis  and  Stevensville  there  is  a  very  sharp  Butte,  The  Giant 
lay  on  top  of  that  Butte.  Coyote  had  a  little  black  squirrel  for  a 
dog.  He  called  him  One  Ear.  The  Giant  had  Grizzly  Bear  for  his 
dog.  Grizzly  Bear  killed  all  the  people  that  passed  through  the  val- 
ley.    He  never  missed  one. 

At  the  foot  of  the  hill  Coyote  saw  a  little  camp  of  Mice.  He  said 
to  them,  "  What  will  you  take  to  dig  a  little  hole  for  me  from  the 
bottom  of  this  hill  up  to  where  the  Giant  is.?  I  want  to  go  up  under 
the  ground.     It  is  the  only  way  I  can  get  up." 

The  Mice  said,  "  Give  us  some  camas  and  blackberries  and  we 
will  dig  the  hole."  Then  Coyote  gave  them  some  camas  and  black- 
berries, and  they  began  to  dig.  They  dug  and  dug  until  the  hole 
reached  from  the  foot  of  the  hill  to  the  top.  It  came  right  up  to 
where  the  Giant  lay. 

Coyote  went  in  about  noon.  He  crawled  through  the  little  hole, 
and  pretty  soon  he  came  out  right  under  the  Giant's  belly,  where 
the  hole  ended. 

The  Giant  was  very  much  surprised.  "  W^here  did  you  come 
from  .?  "  he  said. 

Coyote  said,  "Are  you  blind  that  you  did  n't  see  me  come  .? " 

"  Which  way  did  you  come .-'  "  asked  the  Giant. 

"I  came  right  across  the  prairie,"  answered  Coyote. 

"  I  did  n't  see  you,"  said  the  Giant.  "  I  've  been  watching  every- 
where all  day,  and  I  did  n't  see  any  one  come." 

Coyote  said  again,  "  Are  you  blind  that  you  did  n't  see  me  }  You 
must  have  been  asleep.     That  is  the  reason  you  did  n't  see  me." 

Just  then  the  dogs  began  to  growl  at  each  other.     Coyote  said  to 


Folk-Lore  of  the  Flathead  Indians  of  Idaho.  2^2) 

the  Giant,  "  You  had  better  stop  your  dog.  My  dog  will  kill  him  if 
you  don't." 

The  Giant  said,  "  You  had  better  stop  your  dog.  My  dog  will 
swallow  him." 

Then  the  two  dogs  began  to  fight.  One  Ear  ran  under  Grizzly 
Bear  and  cut  his  belly  open  with  his  sharp  pointed  ear.  Grizzly 
Bear  fell  down  dead. 

Coyote  said,  "  I  told  you  to  stop  your  dog.     Now  he  is  killed." 

Then  they  sat  down  and  began  to  talk.  Coyote  made  a  wish,  and 
whatever  he  wished  always  came  true.  He  wished  there  were  lots 
of  horses  and  women  and  men  down  at  the  foot  of  the  hill.  Pretty 
soon  he  could  see  the  people  and  horses  moving  down  there.  The 
Giant  did  n't  see  them  yet. 

Coyote  said,  "  I  thought  you  had  good  eyes  .''  " 

The  Giant  said,  "  Of  course  I  have  good  eyes.  I  can  see  every- 
thing." 

Coyote  answered,  "  You  say  you  have  good  eyes.  Can  you  see 
the  Indians  moving  over  there  }     You  did  n't  see  them  yet  .-* " 

The  Giant  looked  very  carefully  and  he  saw  the  Indians  moving. 
He  was  ashamed  that  he  did  n't  see  them  before. 

"  Now,"  said  Coyote,  "  let  us  be  partners.  We  will  kill  all  these 
people." 

"All  right,"  answered  the  Giant. 

"  Now  we  will  go  after  them,"  said  Coyote.  "  We  will  go  down 
to  the  foot  of  the  hill." 

They  started  down  the  hill,  and  when  they  were  half  way  down 
the  Giant  was  very  tired. 

"  Give  me  your  knife,"  said  Coyote.  "  I  will  carry  it  for  you.  It 
is  too  heavy  for  you,  and  you  are  already  very  tired."  So  the  Giant 
gave  Coyote  his  knife.     Then  they  started  on. 

When  they  got  to  the  bottom  of  the  hill  the  Giant  said,  "  I  am 
not  going  any  farther  than  this.     I  am  played  out." 

Coyote  said,  "  Give  me  your  bow  and  arrows.  I  will  carry  them 
for  you."  The  Giant  gave  his  bow  and  arrows  to  Coyote.  Then  he 
had  nothing  at  all  to  fight  with. 

As  soon  as  Coyote  got  the  bow  and  arrows  he  began  to  jump  and 
yell.     "  Now  we  '11  start  war  right  here,"  he  said. 

"  Let  me  go  free.  Coyote,"  begged  the  Giant.  "  I  won't  kill  any 
more  people.     I  '11  be  good  friends  with  everybody  if  you  '11  let  me 

go-" 

"  No,"  said  Coyote.     "  I  am  going  to  kill  you  now.     To-day  is 

your  last  day." 

Then  he  commenced  to  shoot,  and  soon  he  killed  the  Giant. 


244  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

V.  COYOTE  AND  THE  CRYING  BABY. 

From  there  Coyote  went  on  to  a  place  called  Sleeping  Child.  As 
he  was  going  through  the  woods  he  saw  a  child  in  its  cradle-board 
leaned  up  against  a  pine-tree.  The  baby  was  crying  and  crying  just 
as  hard  as  it  could  cry.  Coyote  called  for  the  baby's  mother,  but  he 
could  get  no  answer.  He  called  again  and  again  for  the  mother  to 
come  and  take  her  baby.     But  the  mother  did  n't  come. 

Then  he  took  the  baby  to  quiet  it,  and  he  said,  "  I  know  how  I  '11 
stop  your  crying."  He  put  his  finger  in  the  baby's  mouth  for  it  to 
suck.  The  baby  sucked  a  while,  and  when  Coyote  took  his  finger 
out  of  the  baby's  mouth  there  was  nothing  left  but  the  bones. 

He  put  in  another  finger  and  another,  until  there  was  nothing  left 
of  all  his  fingers  but  the  bones.  Then  his  hand,  then  the  arm,  the 
other  hand,  the  other  arm,  his  feet,  his  legs,  all  of  him,  and  then 
there  was  nothing  of  Coyote  but  the  bones. 

In  a  few  weeks  Fox  came  along  that  way,  and  he  saw  the  bones 
of  Coyote  lying  on  the  ground.  He  jumped  over  them,  and  Coyote 
came  to  life  again. 

Coyote  said,  "  I  have  slept  a  long  time." 

Fox  said,  "  You  were  not  asleep.  You  were  dead.  What  for  did 
you  go  near  that  baby  .■*  It  is  one  of  the  Killing  People.  That  is 
the  way  it  kills  every  one  that  goes  through  these  woods," 

Coyote  said,  "  It  kept  on  crying  so  hard  that  I  put  my  finger  in 
its  mouth.  It  felt  pretty  good,  so  I  put  in  another  and  another 
until  it  was  all  of  me.  Give  me  a  knife  and  I  will  go  back  and  kill 
that  baby."     So  Coyote  went  back  and  killed  the  baby. 

VI.     COYOTE    AND    THE    WOMAN. 

Coyote  went  on  across  the  river.  As  he  was  going  up  the  moun- 
tain-side he  heard  the  dogs  barking  furiously.  He  looked  to  see 
what  they  were  barking  at,  and  he  saw  a  Mountain  Sheep  running 
ahead  as  fast  as  it  could. 

On  the  top  of  a  high  steep  cliff  stood  a  Woman,  who  kept  holloa- 
ing to  Coyote  to  come  on  and  kill  the  Mountain  Sheep,  to  shoot 
him  quick  before  he  got  away. 

Coyote  went  around  the  mountain-side,  and  came  up  where  the 
Woman  was.  The  Mountain  Sheep  was  right  in  among  a  pile  of 
rocks.  The  Woman  kept  showing  Coyote  where  to  stand  when  he 
shot  the  Mountain  Sheep,  but  she  kept  behind  him  all  the  time. 

When  they  got  very  close  to  the  edge  of  the  cliff,  she  was  show- 
ing him  how  to  aim,  and  then  all  at  once  she  pushed  him  over  the 
edge.  Coyote  fell  down,  down  into  the  middle  of  the  river,  and  lay 
there  dead. 


Folk- Lore  of  the  Flathead  Indians  of  Idaho.         245 

About  a  month  after  that,  his  partner  Fox  was  fishing  in  the 
river,  and  he  saw  something  white  at  the  bottom.  He  looked  again 
and  saw  that  it  was  the  bones  of  his  partner.  He  fished  him  out  of 
the  river,  jumped  over  him,  and  Coyote  came  to  Hfe  again. 

Fox  said,  "  What  have  you  been  doing  again  ?  "  Coyote  told  him 
about  the  Mountain  Sheep  and  the  Woman  that  had  pushed  him  over 
the  cliff. 

Fox  said,  "  Go  back  on  the  same  trail  and  play  blind.  Get  the  Wo- 
man to  go  in  front  of  you  to  show  you  the  way,  and  when  you  are 
at  the  edge  of  the  cliff,  push  her  over  and  kill  her." 

Coyote  went  back  over  the  same  trail,  and  he  played  blind  for  the 
Woman  to  lead  him  and  show  him  how  to  shoot  straight.  He  kept 
her  in  front  of  him,  and  every  once  in  a  while  he  would  open  one 
eye  just  a  little  bit  to  see  if  they  were  near  the  edge  of  the  cliff. 
When  they  were  close  to  the  edge.  Coyote  pushed  her  over  and  she 
got  killed.     This  happened  between  Grandstell  and  Darvy. 

VII.     THE    MEDICINE    TREES. 

Coyote  took  to  the  trail  again,  and  went  up  to  Medicine  Trees 
between  Ross's  Hole  and  Darvy.  Coyote  was  going  down  the 
mountain-side,  and  a  big  Mountain  Sheep  ran  after  him.  There 
were  big  trees  standing  at  the  bottom  of  the  mountain. 

Coyote  ran  and  the  Mountain  Sheep  ran  after  him.  Then  all  at 
once  Coyote  ran  out  to  one  side.  The  Mountain  Sheep  ran  on  down 
the  mountain  and  right  into  the  big  trees  at  the  bottom.  One  of  his 
horns  stuck  in  the  side  of  the  big  tree.  It  is  away  up  high  now  and 
can  be  seen  quite  plainly. 

Every  time  the  Indians  go  by  there,  they  give  earrings  or  beaded 
moccasins  or  anything  they  happen  to  have  to  that  horn,  because  it 
is  big  medicine.     That  is  why  the  trees  are  called  Medicine  Trees. 

VIII.     COYOTE    AND    ROCK. 

Coyote  and  Fox  went  on  from  there  to  a  place  called  Ross's  Hole. 
Coyote  had  a  very  fine  new  blanket.  As  they  went  along  they  saw  a 
very  nice  big  smooth  round  Rock.  Coyote  thought  it  was  a  very 
nice  Rock. 

He  said,  "  I  think  you  are  a  very  nice  Rock.  You  're  the  nicest 
Rock  I  have  ever  seen.  I  guess  I  '11  give  you  my  blanket  to  keep 
you  warm."     So  Coyote  gave  the  blanket  to  Rock. 

Then  Coyote  and  Fox  went  on  their  way.  Pretty  soon  it  began 
to  thunder  and  lightning.  Coyote  and  Fox  went  under  a  tree  for 
shelter.  Now  Coyote  had  no  blanket  to  keep  the  rain  off  his  nice 
beaded  clothing,  and  he  was  afraid  his  clothes  would  get  spoiled. 

He  told  Fox  to  go  back  and  get  the  blanket  from  Rock.     Fox 


246  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

went  and  asked  Rock  for  the  blanket,  but  Rock  said,  "No."  Then 
Fox  came  back,  and  told  Coyote. 

Coyote  said,  "  Go  back  and  ask  Rock  if  I  can't  please  have  the 
blanket  for  a  little  while.  I  '11  give  it  back  to  him  again  after  the 
rain  is  over." 

Fox  went  back  and  asked  Rock  again,  but  Rock  said,  "  No,  he 
can't  have  it.  I  want  it  myself."  Then  Fox  went  back  and  told 
Coyote  what  Rock  had  said. 

"Well,"  said  Coyote,  "he  is  awful  mean,  I  think  he  might  let 
me  have  the  blanket  for  just  a  little  while.  He  never  had  a  blanket 
before.  What  for  should  I  work  hard  and  get  a  blanket  just  to  let 
him  keep  it .''  I  '11  not  do  it.  I  '11  take  my  own  blanket."  So  Coy- 
ote went  back  and  jerked  the  blanket  away  from  Rock. 

Then  all  at  once  it  cleared  up.  Coyote  and  Fox  sat  down  to 
smoke.  While  they  were  smoking,  they  heard  a  crushing,  crashing 
noise.  They  looked  up  and  saw  Rock  come  rolling  toward  them  as 
hard  as  he  could.  They  jumped,  and  ran  down  the  hill  as  fast  as 
they  could  run.  Rock  was  going  awful  fast,  and  going  down  the 
hill  he  got  pretty  close  to  them.  Fox  jumped  into  a  hole  in  the  side 
of  the  Hill  and  Rock  just  touched  the  tip  of  his  tail  as  he  went  by. 
That  is  what  made  the  tip  of  a  Fox's  tail  white. 

Coyote  went  on  down  the  hill,  jumped  into  the  river,  and  swam 
through  and  came  up  on  the  other  side.  He  saw  Rock  go  into  the 
river  and  thought  he  would  sink  to  the  bottom,  but  Rock  swam 
through  all  right,  came  up  on  the  other  side,  and  went  after  Coyote. 
Then  Coyote  ran  for  the  thick  timber.  When  he  got  to  the  middle 
of  the  thick  woods,  he  lay  down  and  went  to  sleep.  Pretty  soon  he 
woke  up,  and  heard  the  trees  crashing  and  crackling,  then  he  knew 
Rock  was  after  him  yet. 

Coyote  jumped  up,  and  ran  for  the  prairie.  Rock  came  on  after 
him  on  the  prairie.  Coyote  saw  a  big  Bear,  and  Bear  said  to  Coy- 
ote, "  I  '11  save  you."  Pretty  soon  Bear  and  Rock  came  together  and 
Bear  lay  dead. 

Then  Coyote  saw  a  big  Buffalo,  and  Buffalo  said  to  Coyote,  "  I'll 
save  you."  Rock  passed  on,  he  struck  the  big  Buffalo,  and  Buffalo 
lay  dead. 

Coyote  ran  on  till  he  came  to  where  two  Old  Women  were  stand- 
ing, who  had  stone  hatchets  in  their  hands.  They  said  to  Coyote, 
"We '11  save  you."  Coyote  ran  in  between  them,  and  Rock  came 
right  after  him.  Coyote  heard  the  Old  Women  strike  Rock  with 
their  hatchets.  He  turned  and  saw  Rock  lying  on  the  ground,  all 
broken  to  pieces. 

Then  Coyote  noticed  that  he  was  in  a  big  camp.  Pretty  soon  he 
heard  the  Old  Women  say,   "  He  looks  nice  and  fat.     We  '11  have 


Folk-Lore  of  the  Flathead  Indians  of  Idaho.         247 

something  good  for  our  supper  now.  Let  us  eat  him  right  away." 
Coyote  sat  and  studied.  When  Coyote  wished  for  anything  it 
always  came  to  pass.     So  he  wished  that  all  the  water  would  dry  up. 

After  he  had  made  the  wish,  he  said,  "  I  am  very  thirsty.  I  wish 
you  would  let  me  get  a  good  drink  of  water." 

The  Old  Women  said,  "  There  is  plenty  of  water  here.  You  may 
have  a  drink."  But  when  they  looked  in  the  pails  they  found  that 
every  one  was  empty,  and  all  the  little  streams  close  by  were  dry. 

Coyote  said,  "  I  know  where  there  is  a  creek  that  has  water  in  it. 
I  will  go  and  get  some  water  for  you."  He  took  the  pails  and 
started  off.  When  he  got  out  of  sight  he  ran  away.  The  Old 
Women  waited  for  him  a  long  time.  Then  they  began  to  blame 
each  other  for  letting  him  go.  At  last  they  quarrelled  and  killed 
each  other. 

IX.  COYOTE  IN  THE  BUFFALO  COUNTRY. 

Coyote  travelled  on  from  there.  After  a  while  he  had  nothing  to 
eat.  He  was  pretty  nearly  starved.  He  went  into  a  tepee  about 
noon  and  lay  down  to  rest.  He  was  very  weak  because  he  had  had 
nothing  to  eat  for  a  long  time. 

He  heard  some  one  holloa,  but  he  could  n't  see  any  one.  Then 
some  one  called  again,  and  after  he  had  looked  carefully  for  some 
time  he  saw  Eagle  a  long  ways  off. 

Eagle  told  him  that  far  away  from  there  was  a  very  rich  country 
where  there  were  plenty  of  Buffalo  all  the  time.  "  I  am  going 
there,"'  said  Eagle,  "but  you  can't  go,  you  're  too  poor." 

Then  Coyote  got  mad.  He  said,  "I  can  go  any  place  I  want  to. 
I  am  going  to  go  there."  Coyote  started  out,  and  in  fifteen  days 
he  got  there.  The  place  is  on  the  Missouri  River,  not  far  from 
Great  Falls.  There  was  a  big  camp  of  people  at  this  place.  Bear 
was  their  chief.  The  people  did  not  like  Bear  at  all.  When  they 
killed  lots  of  Buffalo,  Chief  Bear  would  always  take  the  best  pieces 
for  himself,  all  the  good  meat,  and  the  nice  chunks  of  fat. 

Coyote  wanted  to  be  chief  himself,  so  he  went  out  and  killed  a 
big  Buffalo  and  stripped  off  all  the  fat.  Then  he  cut  the  meat  in 
strips  and  hung  it  up  to  dry.  After  that  he  built  a  big  fire  and 
heated  some  stones  red  hot. 

Chief  Bear  found  out  that  Coyote  had  killed  a  Buffalo,  and  he 
came  to  look  at  the  meat.  "This  is  nice  meat,"  said  Bear,  "I'll 
take  this." 

Coyote  said,  "I  saved  some  fat  for  you."  Then  Coyote  took  one 
of  the  red  hot  stones,  and  put  plenty  of  fat  around  it.  Then  he 
shoved  it  into  Bear's  mouth.  This  killed  Bear,  and  then  they 
made  Coyote  chief. 


248  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

Bear  had  been  a  great  Medicine  Man,  and  whenever  he  wished  for 
anything  it  always  came  to  pass.  It  was  Bear  who  had  caused  the 
Buffalo  to  stay  around  in  that  country  all  the  time,  so  when  Coyote 
became  chief  all  the  Buffalo  went  away.  In  ten  days  the  people 
were  starving.     Every  one  said,  "  Coyote  is  no  good  of  a  chief." 

Coyote  went  out  to  hunt  for  Buffalo.  He  was  all  alone,  and  he 
hunted  for  five  days,  but  he  could  n't  find  any  Buffalo  at  all.  He 
was  ashamed  to  go  back  to  the  people  without  anything,  and  so  he 
kept  right  on. 

In  a  little  while  Coyote  met  Wolf. 

"  Where  are  you  going .-'  "  said  Wolf. 

"  I  am  going  to  travel  all  over  the  world,"  answered  Coyote. 

Wolf  went  on  ahead,  and  pretty  soon  Coyote  heard  a  wagon  com- 
ing after  him.  He  looked  around  and  saw  that  the  wagon  was  full 
of  meat.  Coyote  lay  down  by  the  side  of  the  road,  and  pretended  he 
was  dead.  The  driver  stopped  his  horses.  "  This  is  pretty  good 
fur,"  said  he.     So  he  threw  Coyote  into  the  wagon  and  went  on. 

Coyote  ate  and  ate  all  the  meat  he  could  hold.  Then  he  jumped 
off  the  wagon,  and  ran  away.     Pretty  soon  he  met  Wolf  again. 

"Well,"  said  Wolf,  "you  look  fat.  Where  did  you  get  the 
meat  t " 

Coyote  told  him  that  he  had  played  dead  and  lay  on  the  roadside. 
The  driver  picked  him  up,  threw  him  into  the  wagon,  and  drove  on. 
"  Now,"  said  Coyote,  "  he  picked  me  up  for  my  fur,  and  your  fur  is 
much  finer  than  mine  ;  he  '11  take  you  quicker  than  he  did  me." 

Wolf  lay  down  on  the  road,  and  pretended  he  was  dead.  Pretty 
soon  the  wagon  came  along.  The  driver  stopped  his  horses  and 
jumped  out.  "Ha,  ha,"  he  said,  "Wolf  looks  as  if  he  were  dead, 
but  I  '11  see  this  time."  So  he  took  a  big  club  and  hit  Wolf  on  the 
head,  and  then  right  away  he  hit  him  another  lick. 

Wolf  was  pretty  nearly  killed.  He  jumped  and  ran  away  as  fast 
as  he  could.  Pie  was  awfully  mad  at  Coyote.  He  said,  "  I  know 
Coyote  did  this  on  purpose.     I  '11  kill  Coyote,  that 's  what  I  '11  do." 

Wolf  ran,  and  Coyote  ran.  After  a  while,  Wolf  overtook  Coyote. 
"  I  'm  going  to  kill  you,"  said  Wolf,  "  that 's  what  I  'm  going  to  do 
to  you.  What  for  did  you  play  that  trick  on  me  ?  I  am  going  to 
kill  you  right  now." 

Coyote  said,  "  Wait,  I  have  something  to  say  to  you.  Wait  till  I 
have  said  it.     Then  you  can  kill  me  after  that." 

"  All  right,"  said  Wolf,  "  what  is  it .?  " 

"Well,"  said  Coyote,  "  there  are  only  two  of  us.  It  is  n't  fair  for 
us  to  fight  alone.  Let  us  get  others  to  fight  with  us.  Then  it  will 
be  like  one  tribe  fighting  another.  Let  us  get  some  other  fellows  to 
fight  with  us,  and  let  us  fight  fair." 


Folk-Lore  of  the  Flathead  Indians  of  Idaho.  249 

"All  right,"  said  Wolf. 

Wolf  went  in  one  direction,  and  Coyote  in  another.  Wolf  saw  a 
Bear,  and  he  said  to  Bear,  "  Come  with  me  and  fight  against  Coy- 
ote." 

"  I  will,"  said  Bear.  So  Wolf  and  Bear  went  on  together.  In  a 
little  while  they  met  Bore.  W^olf  said  to  Bore,  "  Come  with  us  and 
fight  against  Coyote."  "All  right,"  said  Bore.  So  they  took  Bore 
along.     Then  there  were  three  in  this  party.  Wolf,  Bear,  and  Bore. 

Coyote  had  gone  the  other  way,  and  he  had  Cat  and  Dog  in  his 
party.  Coyote  and  Wolf  had  agreed  to  meet  at  Butte.  Coyote 
had  said,  "  If  you  get  there  first,  wait  for  me,  and  if  I  get  there  first 
I  '11  wait  for  you." 

Wolf  and  his  party  got  there  first,  and  they  waited  for  Coyote  and 
his  party  to  come  up.  Pretty  soon  Bear  looked  out  and  said,  "  I  see 
Coyote  and  his  party  coming.  He  has  Cat  and  Dog."  "  Yes," 
said  Bore,  "  and  Coyote  is  a  brave  man,  but  we  '11  do  the  best  we 
can." 

Coyote  was  all  dressed  up, — nice  beaded  moccasins  and  every- 
thing very  fine.  Coyote  was  a  great  chief.  Then  Coyote  and  his 
party  came  up,  and  the  two  crowds  fought.  Coyote  killed  all  of  his 
enemies.     Then  he  went  on  alone. 

X.     COYOTE    AND    FOX    SEPARATE. 

Coyote  kept  on  alone  till  he  met  Fox,  his  partner.  They  went  on 
together  till  they  came  to  the  White  Man's  camp.  They  had  had 
nothing  to  eat  for  a  long  time,  and  they  were  both  very  hungry. 

Fox  said  to  Coyote,  "  You  play  dead  and  I  '11  take  you  to  the 
White  Man  and  sell  you  for  a  sack  of  sugar.  Then,  when  the  White 
Man  cuts  the  strings  that  tie  your  feet,  you  must  jump  up  and  run 
away." 

Coyote  agreed  to  this  plan.  Fox  took  him  and  sold  him  to  the 
White  Man  for  a  sack  of  sugar.  He  took  the  sack  of  sugar  and  went 
away.  The  White  Man  took  his  knife  and  began  to  skin  Coyote's 
legs.  Coyote  yelled  and  tore,  and  finally  he  broke  the  strings  that 
held  his  feet  together,  and  ran  away.  He  was  awfully  mad  at  Fox, 
and  he  said,  "  If  I  find  my  partner  I  will  kill  him  sure." 

After  a  while  he  met  Fox  and  he  said,  "Where  is  the  sugar.''  I 
want  my  share  of  the  sugar." 

Fox  said,  "  Why  did  n't  you  come  right  away  }  I  was  so  hungry 
I  ate  it  all  up." 

Fox  said,  "  I  am  going  back  now.     I  am  not  going  any  farther." 

Coyote  said,  "  I  am  going  to  keep  right  on." 

So  they  parted  there.  Fox  went  back  and  Coyote  went  on 
alone. 


250  yournal  of  A  merican  Folk- Lore. 

Xr.     COYOTE    AND    LITTLE    PIG. 

Coyote  kept  on  alone  for  a  while.  When  he  was  tired  of  travel- 
ling he  built  himself  a  little  house  and  stayed  in  it  for  a  while.  Then 
he  started  out  again.  When  he  had  been  travelling  for  some  time, 
he  came  to  a  place  where  the  road  divides. 

The  three  Pigs  had  come  there  before  Coyote,  and  each  had 
taken  a  different  road.  They  went  out  to  find  homes  for  themselves. 
When  they  parted,  they  said  they  would  come  back  every  month  and 
see  each  other. 

They  found  nice  homes,  but  Coyote  came  after  them.  He  killed 
the  oldest  brother,  then  the  next  oldest,  and  then  he  was  looking 
for  the  youngest  brother.  Little  Pig.  Little  Pig  was  the  smartest  of 
them  all. 

After  a  while.  Coyote  came  to  where  Little  Pig  lived,  and  he  said, 
"  Hello  !  Little  Pig." 

Little  Pig  said,  "Hello  !  "  But  he  kept  the  door  of  his  house 
closed  tight.     He  had  a  very  nice  place. 

"  Let  me  in,"  said  Coyote. 

"  Who  is  it  t  "  said  Little  Pig. 

"  It 's  me,"  said  Coyote. 

"  Well,  who  is  me }  "  said  Little  Pig. 

"  It 's  Coyote,  and  I  want  to  come  in." 

"You  go  away,  Coyote,"  said  Little  Pig.  "I  don't  want  you 
here." 

Little  Pig  was  pretty  smart.  Coyote  thought,  "  He  's  pretty  smart, 
but  I  '11  fool  him,  I  '11  kill  him  yet."     Then  he  said,  — 

"  Little  Pig,  don't  you  know  there  is  a  nice  garden  about  half  a 
mile  from  here,  —  cabbage  and  potatoes  and  everything  in  it .''" 

Coyote  wished  for  the  garden,  and  it  was  there.  The  next  morn- 
ing Little  Pig  got  up  early,  and  went  to  the  garden  and  helped  him- 
self to  everything. 

The  next  morning,  when  Coyote  got  to  the  garden,  he  looked  at 
all  the  things.  He  saw  that  Little  Pig  had  been  there  and  helped 
himself  to  everything  and  then  gone  away.  He  looked  around  and 
saw  Little  Pig  down  the  road  about  half  a  mile.  He  ran  and  Little 
Pig  ran.  Little  Pig  got  into  the  house  first  and  locked  the  door  and 
would  n't  let  Coyote  in. 

Coyote  knocked  at  the  door,  and  said,  "  Little  Pig,  let  me  in.  I 
have  tobacco  and  kin-i-kin-ic.     W^e  will  smoke  together." 

"  No,"  said  Little  Pig,  "  I  don't  smoke.  I  don't  want  your  to- 
bacco and  kin-i-kin-ic.     I  won't  let  you  in.     You  want  to  kill  me." 

Then  Coyote  went  away.  That  night  he  came  back  and  knocked 
at  the  door.     "  Let  me  in,"  said  Coyote. 


Folk-Lore  of  tJie  Flathead  Indians  of  Idaho.  251 

"Who's  there?"  said  Little  Pig. 

"It's  me,"  said  Coyote,  "I  don't  want  to  hurt  you.  I  want  to 
help  you.     Let  me  in." 

"Who  are  you  .-*  "  asked  Little  Pig. 

"  I  am  Coyote." 

*'  Go  away,  Coyote.     I  don't  want  you  here." 

"I  want  to  tell  you  something,"  said  Coyote. 

"Well,  what  is  it.^*"  said  Little  Pig. 

"About  half  a  mile  from  here  is  a  nice  big  orchard,  and  all  kinds 
of  fruit  in  it." 

"All  right,"  said  Little  Pig.  "To-morrow  morning  I  will  go  there 
and  get  me  what  I  want." 

Coyote  wished  for  an  orchard  to  be  there,  and  it  was  there.  Early 
the  next  morning  he  got  up  and  went  to  the  orchard.  When  Coyote 
got  there,  Little  Pig  was  up  in  a  tree  gathering  apples.  He  was 
pretty  badly  scared  when  he  saw  Coyote. 

Coyote  said,  "  What  have  you  got  there  .''  Some  nice  big  ap- 
ples ? " 

"Yes,"  said  Little  Pig.  "I  have  some  nice  big  apples.  Don't 
you  want  me  to  throw  you  one  ^  " 

"Yes,"  said  Coyote.     "Throw  me  a  nice  big  apple." 

Little  Pig  took  a  big  apple  and  threw  it  just  as  hard  as  he  could. 
Coyote  tried  to  catch  it,  but  he  could  n't.  It  hit  him  in  the  eye  and 
knocked  him  down.  Little  Pig  jumped  down  from  the  apple-tree 
and  ran  as  fast  as  he  could.  Coyote  jumped  up  and  ran  after  him, 
but  Little  Pig  got  in  the  house  first,  and  he  locked  the  door  on 
Coyote. 

Coyote  knocked  and  knocked,  but  Little  Pig  would  n't  let  him  in. 
Coyote  said,  "I  '11  come  down  the  chimney." 

"All  right,  come  down  the  chimney,  if  you  think  you  can,"  said 
Little  Pig. 

Little  Pig  began  to  build  a  fire.  Coyote  came  down  the  chimney, 
and  fell  into  the  fire,  and  was  burned  to  death.  Fox  was  not  there 
to  step  over  him,  and  so  he  never  came  to  life  again,  and  that  was 
the  end  of  Coyote. 

Louisa  McDermott. 
Fort  Lewis,  Colo. 


252  yournal  of  A  mericayi  Folk-L ore. 


UTE   TALES. 

The  following  tales  ^  were  collected  in  the  summer  of  1900  from 
the  Uintah  Utes,  now  in  northeastern  Utah.  They  were  all  ob- 
tained in  English  except  the  fifth,  which  is  based  on  a  loosely  trans- 
lated text.  They  are  given  as  nearly  in  the  form  in  which  they 
were  heard  as  was  thought  possible. 

Of  these  twelve  tales,  only  the  first  four  bear  a  close  resem- 
blance to  any  myths  that  have  been  recorded  from  other  American 
tribes  and  that  the  writer  is  acquainted  with.  But  these  four  myths 
all  seem  widespread. 

The  first,  the  theft  of  fire,  is  more  characteristic  of  the  Pacific 
side  of  the  continent  than  of  the  Atlantic.  The  second,  the  pursuit 
by  a  rolling  rock  or  skull,  seems  to  be  found  nearly  everywhere. 
The  third,  the  unsuccessful  imitation  of  the  host,  is  one  of  the  most 
frequent  mythological  ideas  in  North  America.  The  fourth  has 
very  likely  been  more  frequently  heard  than  published.  Mr.  R.  B. 
Dixon  has,  however,  recorded  it  among  the  Maidu  of  California,  and 
I  have  obtained  it  among  the  Arapaho  of  the  Plains. 

Of  the  remaining  tales,  the  tenth,  while  based  on  a  widespread 
idea,  does  not  resemble  in  detail  any  other  story  known  to  the 
writer  ;  and  the  fifth  resembles  others  only  in  details. 

These  resemblances  are  at  once  too  few  and  too  general  to  indi- 
cate the  mythological  affinities  of  the  Ute.  There  is  quite  clearly, 
however,  some  similarity  with  the  Californian  region. 

Unfortunately,  it  is  impossible  to  compare  these  tales  with  any 
from  the  Pueblo  and  Navaho.  The  myths  of  these  tribes  are  pri- 
marily cosmogonical.  In  the  time  at  his  disposal,  the  writer  could 
not  obtain  any  cosmogonical  myth  among  the  Ute. 

The  myth  of  the  miraculous  twins  and  war-leaders,  given  by 
Powell  in  the  "  P'irst  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology," 
was  obtained  in  a  slightly  different  form,  but  is  not  here  printed. 

I. 

Coyote  lived  with  the  people  of  whom  he  was  chief.  They  had 
no  fire.  They  gathered  large  flat  rocks  and  piled  them  together. 
Toward  evening  the  rocks  used  to  begin  to  be  hot.  In  the  morning 
Coyote  threw  water  on  them  ;  then  they  steamed,  and  that  made 
them  still  hotter.  The  other  people  did  the  same  with  their  heaps. 
They  all  used  these  rocks  instead  of  fire. 

Now  Coyote  was  lying  on  his  bed  in  his  tent  looking  before  him. 

*  Published  by  permission  of  the  Trustees  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural 
History. 


Ute  Tales.  253 

Something  fell  down  in  front  of  him.  It  was  a  small  piece  of  burnt 
rush  which  had  gone  up  with  the  smoke  and  had  been  carried  by 
the  wind.  Coyote  picked  it  up  and  put  it  away.  Without  delay  he 
went  outside  and  called  to  his  head  men  to  come.  They  gathered 
in  his  tent.  He  told  them  about  what  had  fallen  down  ;  he  said, 
"  This  is  what  I  mean.  This  is  what  I  want  you  to  look  at.  Here 
it  is.  Look  at  it.  What  do  you  think  .?  Do  you  know  what  it  is  ? 
Where  does  it  come  from  }  I  wish  that  you  all  speak."  They  did 
not  speak.  They  thought  about  it  and  were  silent.  Coyote  said, 
*'  I  do  not  want  that  you  do  that.  I  want  you  to  talk.  In  order 
that  we  may  find  this  out,  I  wish  you  all  not  to  be  silent."  Then 
one  of  the  head  chiefs  said  to  him,  "  We  do  not  know  what  this  is." 
They  all  assented.     "  Yes,"  said  Coyote. 

Then  he  pointed  to  one  of  his  men,  the  Owl.  "  I  select  you ; 
bring  very  many  Owls."  He  sent  another  to  call  the  Eagle  people  ; 
one  to  bring  the  Crows ;  one  to  the  Grouse  and  the  Sage-Hens  and 
the  Hummingbird  tribe.  He  also  sent  to  the  Hawk-Moths,  and  to 
all  the  kinds  of  birds.  They  were  to  send  runners  to  other  tribes, 
and  all  were  to  come  to  him  quickly.  Then  he  said  to  one  man, 
"  My  friend,  go  to  the  river  and  get  reeds.  Bring  them  here."  His 
friend  went  to  get  the  reeds.  The  others  went  home.  Because 
Coyote  had  told  him  to  be  quick,  the  one  man  soon  came  back  bring- 
ing reeds.  Then  Coyote  took  a  stick  and  crushed  the  reeds  into 
shreds.     He  finished  this  about  sunset. 

When  it  was  dark  he  called  to  his  friends  to  come  to  him  again. 
Then  they  came.  They  did  not  know  his  plan,  and  they  asked  each 
other,  "Why  does  he  do  that  }  "  He  had  a  heap  of  the  shredded 
bark  of  the  reeds.  His  friends  watched  him.  In  the  night  he  told 
them  to  go  home.  It  was  late.  When  he  was  alone  he  took  dark 
blue  paint ;  he  rubbed  the  paint  and  the  bark  together,  and  the  bark 
became  blue.  When  he  rubbed  a  long  time  the  bark  finally  became 
black.     It  was  black  like  human  hair.     Coyote  could  hardly  sleep. 

Now  it  was  morning  again.  After  sunrise  he  called  to  his  friends 
to  come.  He  put  the  shredded  bark  on  his  head,  and  it  was  like 
long  hair  reaching  down  to  the  ground.  When  they  came  he  did 
not  look  to  them  like  Coyote,  but  like  another  person.  Then  he 
asked  them,  "  Who  knows  why  I  am  doing  this }  What  do  you 
think  .-•  "  No  one  of  his  friends  answered.  They  all  sat  still.  They 
did  not  know  what  his  purpose  was.  "  We  do  not  know  what  this 
is,"  they  said.  They  thought  that  he  asked  them  merely  to  trick 
them,  because  he  himself  must  know  his  purpose.  Then  he  sent 
them  home  again.  When  they  had  gone  out  he  took  off  his  bark 
hair,  wrapped  it  up,  and  put  it  away.  Then  he  thought  that  the 
tribes  that  he  had  sent  for  must  be  coming:  near.     He  sent  his 


254  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lorc. 

friends  on  the  hills  to  look  out  for  them.  He  told  them  to  go 
quickly.  Then  they  went  as  quickly  as  possible.  Coyote  hardly 
slept.     He  constantly  thought  about  what  he  had  found. 

Now  some  of  his  people  met  the  various  tribes  coming.  The  dif- 
ferent people  continued  to  arrive  at  short  intervals  from  different 
directions.  They  were  all  able  men,  not  the  entire  people.  They 
came  towards  his  tent.  He  ordered  the  arriving  tribes  to  go  to  the 
tents  of  his  own  people  and  not  to  camp  separately.  "  Eat  quickly 
and  come  to  council  with  me,"  he  told  them.  They  did  so.  Then 
all  the  head  men  came.  They  sat  in  circles  in  several  rows  to  listen 
to  Coyote.  It  was  night.  Continually  he  asked  the  new  people 
what  the  thing  was.  He  asked  them  from  what  direction  it  came, 
or  whether  it  came  from  above.  It  was  laid  on  something  and 
handed  from  one  man  to  another.  Nobody  knew  what  it  was.  When 
no  one  knew  it,  Coyote  said,  "  I  intend  to  hunt  up  this  thing.  I 
shall  find  out  from  where  it  comes,  from  what  tribe  it  is,  or  whether 
it  is  from  the  sky.  I  want  you  to  search,  looking  where  each  of 
you  thinks  best.  That  is  why  I  called  you.  We  will  start  in  the 
morning."  They  all  said,  "Very  well,  we  follow  your  advice.  We 
will  go  behind  you  ;  we  wish  that  you  lead  us.  That  is  why  we 
came  here."  Now  they  were  ready  to  start.  "  Which  way  would 
you  go  .'' "  they  asked  each  other.  "  I  do  not  know,"  they  said  to 
each  other.  Then  Coyote  spoke,  "  There  is  mostly  a  considerable 
wind  from  the  West ;  it  does  not  come  from  any  other  direction.  I 
think  that  is  where  this  thing  came  from.  That  is  what  I  think. 
Let  us  go  there."  Coyote  took  his  bark  hair  by  a  carrying-thong. 
Then  they  started.     Then  they  camped  for  the  night. 

That  night  Coyote  had  nothing  to  say.  Before  it  was  daylight 
they  went  on  again.  They  camped  overnight.  Coyote  said  nothing. 
They  went  on  again. 

The  third  night  they  camped  at  the  foot  of  a  mountain.  Next 
day  they  climbed  the  mountain.  They  stopped  at  the  crest  of  the 
range.  Coyote  asked  his  people  which  was  the  way  to  go ;  but  none 
knew.  Then  Coyote  himself  spoke.  He  saw  a  mountain.  It  was 
far  off,  so  that  he  could  hardly  see  it.  It  appeared  like  smoke.  He 
saw  only  its  summit.  "  We  will  go  straight  to  that  mountain  there," 
he  said.  So  they  went  down  from  their  mountain  and  camped  at  its 
foot.  Coyote  spoke  to  them  there.  "  I  think  the  place  is  much 
farther.  I  think  it  is  near  the  mountain  that  we  saw  from  the  sum- 
mit. My  friends,  I  shall  ask  for  scouts  to  go  ahead."  Then  they 
travelled  on,  and  next  camped  in  the  level  plain. 

Again  they  travelled  a  whole  day.  They  approached  mountains, 
and  made  a  camp.  Coyote  said,  "  We  will  stay  here.  To-morrow  I 
wish  some  of  you  to  go  away  to  look,  searching  all  over  the  world." 


Ute  Tales,  255 

The  next  day  he  sent  a  large  Red-tailed  Hawk  up  to  search.  The 
Hawk  came  down  again  in  another  place.  They  went  towards  him. 
Before  they  quite  reached  him,  Coyote,  who  was  anxious,  said  to 
him,  "  What  did  you  see,  my  friend .'' "  The  Hawk  said,  "  I  saw 
nothing.  I  became  tired.  I  could  not  fly  higher.  I  could  not  see 
the  edge  of  the  earth.  I  was  not  high  enough."  "  Yes,"  said 
Coyote.  He  thought  who  was  the  best  man  to  send  up.  "  You 
go,"  he  said  to  the  Eagle,  "  I  do  not  think  I  will  reach  there," 
said  the  Eagle.  Now  he  started,  going  up  and  around,  up  and 
around.  They  could  not  see  him.  He  was  away  longer  than  the 
Hawk;  then  he  came  back.  At  once  Coyote,  without  waiting, 
asked  him  where  he  had  been.  The  Eagle  said,  "  I  could  not  go 
farther.  It  was  hard  to  go  farther.  I  was  tired.  I  saw  nothing. 
Only  I  saw  that  the  earth  looked  a  little  smoky."  Then  the  others 
thought  that  the  Hummingbird  was  the  best  to  go,  and  that  Coyote 
ought  to  ask  him.  "  He  could  do  better  than  the  Eagle."  So 
Coyote  went  to  the  Hummingbird.  "  Try  what  you  can  do,  my 
friend.  I  think  you  can  do  something."  The  Hummingbird  gave 
no  answer ;  he  continued  to  sit.  Then  he  began  to  make  a  noise 
and  flew  off.  They  looked  after  him,  but  lost  him.  They  could  see 
him  no  more.  He  was  away  a  longer  time  than  the  other  two  birds. 
Coyote  asked  the  rest,  "  Can  you  see  the  Hummingbird  returning.-'" 
They  said  to  him,  **  No."  Again  he  asked  them,  "  Has  he  not  come 
back  yet  .-•  Search  about !  See  what  has  become  of  him  ;  perhaps 
he  has  gone  to  sleep." 

It  began  to  be  afternoon  when  they  went  away  searching.  Coyote 
thought  that  they  were  a  long  time.  When  they  were  tired  from 
looking  for  him,  the  Hummingbird  at  last  came  back.  They  could 
hardly  see  him  coming  down.  They  went  to  him,  and  all  gathered 
around  him.  Coyote  said,  "  Well,  my  friend,  how  far  were  you .''  " 
For  a  while  the  Hummingbird  sat  still ;  he  said  nothing.  Then  he 
said,  "  Very  well,  I  will  begin  to  speak  now.  At  the  edge  of  the 
earth  and  the  sky,  where  they  are  together,  I  saw  something  stand- 
ing. It  was  very  far  away.  Something  was  there;  I  do  not  think 
we  can  reach  it.  It  was  a  dark  thing  standing  up,  and  the  top  was 
bent  over.  That  was  all  I  saw."  Coyote  said,  "  That  is  what  I 
thought  one  of  you  would  see.  That  is  what  we  are  going  for.  It 
is  from  this  that  the  thing  came  which  I  found."  Coyote  liked  very 
much  what  the  Hummingbird  had  seen.  He  said,  "  My  friend, 
what  you  say  makes  my  heart  feel  good."  He  was  happy  and  went 
about  among  all  his  people.  He  could  hardly  sit  still.  He  did  not 
stay  in  that  place  the  rest  of  the  afternoon.  "  We  will  start  and  go 
a  distance,  then  camp  again  for  the  night,"  he  said. 

Next  morning  they  started  again.     They  went  over  the  mountain 


256  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

and  camped  at  the  foot  of  it  on  the  other  side.  Again  they  travelled 
on  and  camped  in  the  plain. 

The  next  day  they  crossed  another  ridge  and  camped  at  its  far- 
ther side.  Then  Coyote  sent  some  of  his  people  up  again  to  see 
how  near  they  had  come.  He  sent  the  Eagle,  thinking  he  might 
see  it  now.  Soon  the  Eagle  came  down  again.  "  My  friend,  what 
did  you  see .''  "  asked  Coyote.  The  Eagle  said,  "  I  saw  nothing.  It 
is  very  dangerous  to  go  up.  It  is  very  difficult."  Coyote  said  to 
the  Hummingbird,  "Go  again,  my  friend,  and  see  how  far  from  it 
we  are  now."  The  Hummingbird  flew  up  again.  Soon  he  came 
back.  All  gathered  around  him.  The  Hummingbird  said,  "  I  saw 
three  mountain  ranges  this  side  of  it.     We  are  approaching  it." 

Coyote  wished  to  go  on.  He  started  again  with  his  people.  They 
camped  at  the  foot  of  a  mountain.  Crossing  it,  they  camped  at  its 
farther  side.  From  there  they  went  faster,  Coyote  leading.  They 
went  over  another  range.  Then  Coyote  said,  "  We  will  go  on  again 
to  the  foot  of  that  mountain.  That  mountain  is  the  last  one.  We 
will  stop  here  and  wash  and  become  clean  and  dress.  I  think  there 
are  people  where  that  is  which  we  saw ;  therefore  wash  and  decorate 
yourselves."  Then  they  did  so.  Coyote,  too,  adorned  himself.  He 
took  the  bark  and  put  it  into  his  hair.  He  spread  it  all  around  like 
hair.  He  parted  it  in  the  middle  and  wrapped  up  two  long  strands 
of  it  that  reached  to  his  feet  ;  he  wrapped  them  with  bark.  Before 
he  had  finished  this  he  sent  the  Eagle  up  again.  They  were  on  this 
side  of  the  third  range.  Then  the  Eagle  came  down  again.  He 
said,  "  We  are  not  very  far  away  now.  I  saw  that  which  the  Hum- 
mingbird saw.  We  are  near."  "Yes,"  they  all  said.  Then  they 
went  to  the  top  of  the  range.  There  they  counted  their  people,  and 
divided  them  into  twenties.  Each  twenty  were  to  go  to  one  tent. 
Coyote  said  that  he  would  go  to  the  tent  of  the  head  chief,  with 
twenty  of  his  own  head  men. 

They  descended  the  mountain.  They  came  near  a  village  which 
was  on  the  top  of  a  flat  hill.  Then  Coyote  spoke  to  his  friends, 
"  We  have  burned  nothing  heretofore.  Our  fire  was  not  fire.  We 
have  come  to  fire  now.  We  will  stay  here  two  days.  It  is  the  fire 
for  which  we  have  come.  We  will  take  it  away  from  them.  They 
will  have  none  left  here.  Where  the  origin  of  the  fire  is,  there  they 
will  have  no  more  fire.  We  will  take  it  to  the  place  where  we  live, 
and  we  will  possess  it  in  our  own  land.  I  will  use  this  hair  of  mine 
to  take  it  away  from  them.  I  will  deceive  these  people  that  have 
the  fire.  I  will  tell  them  that  we  wish  them  to  make  a  large  fire.  I 
think  that  is  the  best  way  to  do  it.  What  do  you  think  .-'  "  "  Yes, 
that  is  the  right  way,"  they  said.  Coyote  said,  "  Before  we  take  the 
fire  away  from  them  I  shall  whoop  twice ;  keep  apart  by  yourselves, 


Ute  Tales,  257 

ready  to  go.  Do  not  tell  them  why  we  come  here.  Keep  it  to  your- 
selves. All  of  you  take  my  advice:  follow  it.  Do  not  forget  it. 
We  have  not  the  right  kind  of  fire  to  use,  but  after  we  take  this  we 
shall  possess  fire  in  our  land.  We  will  run  away.  No  one  of  us 
will  stay.  I  do  not  think  that  they  will  let  us  escape  easily,  but  they 
will  pursue  us  and  attack  us  and  try  to  kill  us."  "  Very  well,"  they 
said.  Then,  Coyote  going  at  the  head,  they  went  to  the  first  tent, 
and  he  asked  where  the  chief  lived.  "That  is  where  our  chief  lives," 
they  said  to  him,  pointing.  "Very  well,  that  is  where  I  will  live." 
Coyote  went  there.  He  shook  hands  with  the  chief.  "  My  friend, 
I  became  nearly  exhausted  from  travelling,"  said  Coyote.  The  chief 
said  to  him,  "  Very  well.  You  have  reached  my  house.  It  is  good." 
All  of  Coyote's  men  arrived.  "  Here  are  my  people.  You  can  go 
to  their  tents."  You  can  divide  and  stay  with  them,"  said  the  chief 
that  owned  the  fire. 

Coyote  was  there  overnight.  Then  he  called  to  his  friends,  the 
head  men,  to  gather  at  the  lodge  of  the  chief.  Coyote  spoke  first 
[to  the  other  chief]  :  "  Well,  my  friend,  I  travelled.  I  came  here 
without  intending  anything.  I  came  only  to  see  you.  I  desire  that 
you  all  make  a  dance  for  me  on  the  second  night.  I  came  very  far, 
and  I  wish  to  see  a  dance;  that  is  what  all  my  people  like."  The 
other  chief  said,  "  It  is  good ;  I  am  glad  that  you  came  for  a  dance. 
I  like  it.  I  will  make  a  big  dance  for  you  near  where  I  live." 
Before  sunset  this  council  was  over. 

After  it  was  dark  the  chief  called  out  to  his  people  concerning  the 
dance,  "  Make  a  dance  for  these  people.  They  like  to  see  our  way 
of  dancing."  They  all  assented.  Coyote  said  that  they  were  to  put 
out  all  the  large  fires  when  they  danced.  The  fires  in  the  tents  were 
also  to  have  water  poured  on  them.  They  should  have  only  one 
large  fire.  Now  they  began  to  assemble.  There  were  very  many. 
They  were  all  [gathered]  in  one  place.  All  the  women  and  children 
were  there.  None  were  left  in  the  tents.  Coyote  said,  "  Let  us  keep 
up  this  fire  all  the  night."  Then  he  unwrapt  the  bark  and  spread 
it.  When  he  put  it  on,  the  people  thought  he  was  adorning  him- 
self for  the  dance.  He  danced  all  night  without  resting.  He  danced 
continually.  At  the  beginning  of  daylight  he  whooped  as  a  signal. 
Then  he  said,  "  I  do  not  mean  anything.  I  only  whooped  to  show 
that  I  like  this  very  well ;  to  show  that  I  like  this  dance.  I  never 
had  this  kind  of  dance  in  my  land.  It  makes  my  heart  good  to  see 
all  these  women  and  fine  girls  and  your  way  of  dancing.  I  mean 
nothing  wrong."  "Very  well,"  they  said.  Then  it  began  to  be  a 
little  lighter.  Coyote  got  close  to  the  fire  and  whooped  again.  He 
was  very  close  to  the  fire,  dancing  about  it.  Now  his  people  sepa- 
rated from  the  others  ;  they  got  ready  to  start.     Coyote  took  off  his 

VOL.  XIV.  —  NO.  55.       18 


258  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

bark  hair,  and  seized  it  in  his  hands.  With  it  he  hit  the  fire  and 
put  it  out.  The  fine  shredded  bark  took  all  the  fire.  Coyote  was 
not  slow :  it  was  just  as  he  started  to  run  that  he  hit  the  fire.  He 
ran  as  fast  he  could. 

All  Coyote's  people  ran.  They  made  a  noise  like  many  horses. 
There  was  nothing  left  for  the  other  people  ;  all  the  fire  was  out. 
They  said,  "  That  is  what  he  intended  to  do  [when  he  came]  ;  now 
let  us  kill  all  his  people."  Then  they  pursued  him.  Coyote  was 
already  over  the  ridge.  They  could  not  catch  him  at  once.  Then 
Coyote  said  to  the  Eagle,  "  You  can  run  fast ;  take  this,  my  friend." 
"  Yes,"  said  the  Eagle.  So  the  Eagle  carried  the  fire  for  a  dis- 
tance. Then  the  Eagle  said  to  the  Hummingbird,  "  My  friend,  I 
am  nearly  exhausted.  You  take  this."  "Very  well,"  said  the  Hum- 
mingbird, and  took  the  fire.  Coyote  was  far  at  the  rear  of  his  tribe 
talking  to  them.  "  If  any  of  you  are  tired,  and  are  exhausted,  hide 
somewhere ;  in  this  way  you  will  save  your  lives.  When  we  get 
over  this  adventure  we  shall  be  safe.  In  this  way  we  shall  be  saved 
by  hiding."  He  thought  that  the  pursuers  would  kill  any  one  whom 
they  ran  down. 

They  continued  to  exchange  the  fire  as  they  became  exhausted ; 
different  birds  took  it.  The  Hummingbird  said  to  the  Hawk-Moth, 
"  I  am  nearly  exhausted.  Take  it,  my  friend.  I  think  you  are  good 
yet."  "Very  well,"  said  the  Hawk-Moth,  and  took  it.  Then  the 
Hawks  and  the  various  slow  birds  became  exhausted  and  hid,  but 
the  others  continued  to  go  on,  and  at  last  only  the  best  and  fastest 
birds  were  left.  Coyote  saw  the  other  people  coming  near.  He 
thought  who  of  his  people  might  be  the  best  yet.  Then  he  selected 
the  Chicken-Hawk  as  the  swiftest,  and  gave  him  the  fire  to  carry. 
Coyote  asked  his  friends  if  they  were  tired.  Then  he  took  the  fire 
himself  and  ran  with  it,  telling  all  his  people  to  run  after  him  as 
hard  as  they  could.  Then  Coyote  held  it  out,  saying,  "  Some  one 
take  it  quickly  !  "  And  the  Hummingbird  took  it  [again]  and  flew 
ahead.  "  Stop  !  The  fire  is  nearly  out,"  said  Coyote.  Then  the 
Hummingbird  was  angry  and  gave  the  fire  back  to  Coyote,  though 
he  was  already  far  in  the  lead.  Hummingbird  went  aside  and  hid, 
because  he  was  angry  with  Coyote.  Only  four  were  left  now,  — 
Coyote,  the  Eagle,  the  Chicken-Hawk,  and  the  Hawk-Moth.  The 
rest  had  scattered  as  they  became  exhausted. 

The  pursuers  were  near  Coyote.  They  were  intending  to  kill 
him.  The  Eagle  and  the  two  others  became  exhausted  and  hid,  and 
Coyote  alone  was  left,  running,  carrying  the  fire.  There  was  a  little 
hill.  Coyote  ran  over  the  top  and  went  into  a  hole  and  closed  it  up 
with  a  stone,  so  that  it  looked  like  the  ground.  He  was  inside,  hold- 
ing the  fire.     Only  a  little  spark  of  it  remained.     Then  he  came  out 


Ute  Tales.  259 

again,  and,  changing  his  direction  somewhat,  ran  through  a  ravine 
that  he  saw.  After  a  while  the  other  people  saw  him  again.  Then 
they  commenced  to  pursue  him  once  more.  At  last  they  said  to 
each  other,  "  Let  him  go.  We  will  cause  rain  and  then  snow.  We 
will  make  a  hard  storm  and  freeze  him  to  death  and  put  the  fire 
out."  Coyote  continued  to  go,  and  it  began  to  rain  much,  just  as  if 
water  were  being  poured  on  him.  It  rained  still  more,  and  soon  the 
ground  was  as  if  covered  by  water.  All  the  hollows  were  filled,  and 
the  valleys  were  nearly  knee-deep  with  water.  Coyote  thought  that 
the  fire  would  soon  be  gone.  He  thought,  "  I  am  carrying  this  fire 
now,  and  perhaps  it  will  go  out  soon.  I  wish  I  could  find  some  one, 
some  animal  living  in  this  land."  He  saw  a  small  hill  with  a  few 
cedars  on  it.  He  thought  he  might  stand  on  the  hill  and  be  safe 
under  the  cedars,  as  the  valleys  would  all  be  filled  with  water.  So 
he  went  towards  the  hill. 

Before  he  reached  it,  he  saw  a  Black-tailed  Rabbit  sitting  right  in 
the  water.  Coyote  said  to  him  :  "  Quick,  my  friend  !  I  have  been 
getting  fire  from  far  away.  I  have  it  now.  It  is  this  fire  that  has 
brought  me  into  difficulty,  that  has  caused  this  rain.  This  fire  will 
kill  me.  I  am  tired.  You  should  know  something.  You  should 
do  something.  You  should  know  how  to  save  this  fire.  Perhaps 
you  do  know  some  way.  My  friend,  you  must  do  it.  I  think  you 
know  something."  He  gave  him  the  fire,  holding  his  hand  over 
it.  [There  was  only  a  finger's  length  left.]  The  Rabbit  took  it 
and  placed  it  right  under  himself.  "  Do  not  do  that.  You  are 
in  the  water.  It  will  go  out.  You  will  put  the  fire  out,"  said  Coy- 
ote. So  the  Rabbit  handed  it  back  to  Coyote.  When  he  handed 
it  back  to  him,  more  was  burning  than  before.  Then  Coyote  said, 
"Well,  my  friend,  take  it,  keep  it."  "No,"  said  the  Rabbit  [who 
was  offended].  But  he  told  Coyote,  "  There  is  a  cave  in  the  rock 
over  there  ;  go  into  it.  It  will  be  good."  "  Yes,"  said  Coyote. 
When  he  reached  the  cave,  he  found  some  dry  sagebrush  and  dry 
cedar  lying  there.  Standing  by  the  brush,  he  thought,  "  I  will 
make  a  fire  out  of  thi.s."  So  he  heaped  it,  and  placed  the  fire  under 
it,  and  blew.  Then  it  began  to  burn.  Then  he  spoke  to  the  dry 
cedar,  "  I  shall  use  you.  I  shall  make  a  large  fire  out  of  you.  You 
will  be  burned."  So  he  piled  the  cedar  on  the  sagebrush.  He  had 
been  shivering,  but  soon  the  fire  made  him  feel  good.  When  the 
rain  was  over,  the  snowstorm  and  West  wind  were  to  come,  the  peo- 
ple had  intended,  and  they  should  freeze  him  dead.  Now  they  be- 
gan. It  became  very  cold.  Coyote  was  in  the  cave.  There  was 
deep  water  on  the  ground.  This  began  to  become  ice.  Coyote  felt 
good  from  the  fire.  He  did  not  think  that  he  would  freeze  to  death. 
He  began  to  sleep.     During  the  night  he  dreamed  that  it  was  clear ; 


2  6o  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore. 

that  everything  was  gone  from  the  sky,  and  that  there  were  no 
clouds.  In  the  morning  he  awoke.  He  looked  up  and  saw  that  the 
sky  was  clear  ;  everywhere  was  ice.  Then  the  South  wind  came,  and 
the  ice  all  melted.  Then  Coyote  looked  for  the  Rabbit.  He  was 
sitting  where  he  had  sat  last.  Then  Coyote  shot  him  and  killed  him. 
Then  he  went  back  to  the  cave.  He  took  a  piece  of  old  dry  sage- 
brush ;  he  bored  a  hole  through  it.  Then  he  filled  it  with  coals  of 
fire,  and  closed  it  up.  He  thought  that  he  could  carry  the  fire 
safely  thus.  A  Rock  Squirrel  with  big  ears  was  there.  Coyote  said 
to  him,  "  I  have  killed  your  friend  [the  Rabbit],  but  you  will  eat 
him."     Then  the  Squirrel  went  away. 

Then  Coyote  put  the  fire  under  his  belt  and  went  away  with  it. 
He  went  away  without  looking  around,  and  without  watching,  just 
as  if  he  were  at  home.  Then  he  got  back  home.  He  laid  down  his 
tube  of  sagebrush  containing  the  fire.  He  called  together  the  few 
men  who  were  left  home  with  the  women  and  children.  After  they 
came,  he  took  the  fire.  It  looked  only  like  a  stick.  He  took  an 
arrow  point  and  bored  a  small  hole  into  the  stick.  Then  he  whit- 
tled hard  greasewood.  "  Now  look,  you  people,"  he  said.  He  told 
two  men  to  hold  the  sagebrush  firmly  to  the  ground.  Then  he 
bored  it  with  the  greasewood,  and  picked  up  the  borings,  and  put 
them  into  dry  grass.  Blowing  upon  this,  he  soon  had  a  fire,  "  This 
dry  pine-nut  will  be  burned  hereafter.  Dry  cedar  will  also  be 
burned.  Take  fire  into  all  the  tents.  I  shall  throw  away  the  rocks. 
There  will  be  fire  in  every  house."     Thus  said  Coyote. 

Now  all  the  birds  that  had  become  tired  and  had  hidden  arrived. 
Then  they  all  flew  back  to  the  places  from  which  they  had  come ; 
and  from  that  time  on  they  were  birds. 

II. 

Coyote  went  from  his  village  down  a  narrow  canyon.  The  can- 
yon widened  into  an  open  place,  in  which  there  stood  one  tent. 
The  Hummingbird  lived  there  with  his  wife  and  two  children. 
"  Where  are  you  going  .-'  "  he  asked  Coyote,  after  the  latter  had 
stayed  overnight  with  him.  Coyote  said,  "  I  will  continue  to  go 
along  this  canyon.  I  do  not  know  how  far  it  extends,  but  I  am 
going  along  it."  The  Hummingbird  said,  "Where  you  mean  to 
go  there  is  no  water.  There  is  nothing  in  this  canyon.  Only  after 
you  travel  a  long  way  will  you  come  to  water.  You  can  follow 
the  ridge  of  this  mountain  ;  from  the  top  you  can  see  far,  almost 
over  the  whole  world  ;  that  is  the  nearest  way  to  reach  water." 
Coyote  said,  "  No,  I  am  going  through  this  canyon  ;  when  night 
comes  I  shall  sleep  without  drinking.  Next  day  I  will  go  on,  go  on, 
go  on.    At  night  I  will  sleep  again."     The  Hummingbird  answered. 


Ute  Tales.  26 1 

"  The  way  that  I  told  you  of  is  the  best ;  you  had  better  take  the 
way  I  tell  you.  You  cannot  do  without  water.  You  will  die  before 
half  a  day.  You  must  not  try  to  be  superior  to  me,  but  follow  what 
I  tell  you."  The  Hummingbird's  wife  said  to  him,  "Do  not  talk 
to  him  any  longer.  He  will  not  do  what  you  tell  him.  You  have 
talked  to  him  enough."  The  Hummingbird  said,  "  Yes  ;  let  him 
go  where  he  wishes."  Then  he  said  to  Coyote,  "Yes,  go  where 
you  wish." 

Before  Coyote  started,  the  Hummingbird  said  to  him,  "  After  a 
distance  you  will  find  a  red  blanket  lying  on  a  large  rock  to  your 
side  ;  there  will  be  another  blanket  on  the  other  side,  and  your  path 
will  go  right  between  them.  There  will  also  be  blankets  of  green, 
blue,  and  other  colors  lying  on  both  sides  of  the  road.  Do  not  take 
any  of  them."  Coyote  started  and  travelled  quickly.  He  reached  the 
place  of  the  blankets.  It  was  near  a  rock  ;  a  trail  ran  by  there. 
He  saw  a  good,  new,  red  blanket ;  he  stopped  and  thought  about  it. 
He  wondered  to  whom  it  might  belong.  "  Some  one  must  live 
here,"  he  thought,  and  he  wondered  where.  Then  he  went  near  the 
blanket ;  he  touched  its  edge,  and  felt  that  it  was  a  fine  heavy  blan- 
ket. "  Some  one  must  live  near  this  place.  I  will  search  for  his 
tracks  about  here,"  he  said.  He  made  a  circle  around  the  blanket 
at  a  distance,  but  found  no  tracks.  Then  he  thought  again,  "  I  will 
look  for  tracks  farther  away."  Again  he  made  a  circle  around  it, 
but  saw  nothing.  Then  he  came  back  and  stood  by  the  blanket, 
and  he  thought,  "  To  whom  does  it  belong  .''  I  might  get  one  of 
these  blankets  for  myself.  Which  is  the  best  one  to  have .'' "  He 
thought  especially  of  the  red  blankets,  and  took  one  of  these.  He 
put  it  about  himself,  and  considered  it  just  right.  Then  he  rolled 
it  up  and  threw  it  over  his  shoulder  and  walked  off  among  the  rocks. 
He  went  a  little  way ;  then  he  looked  back  to  see  if  any  one  was 
coming  after  him  ;  he  saw  no  one.  He  came  out  of  the  canyon  and 
went  over  a  plain  where  there  were  no  mountains  visible.  At  first 
he  had  walked  watching,  looking  behind,  but  when  he  was  in  the 
open  plain,  he  no  longer  thought  about  watching.  At  last  he  looked 
back  and  saw  much  dust  coming  from  the  canyon,  as  if  there  were  a 
whirlwind.  He  went  to  a  somewhat  elevated  spot  and  looked.  He 
saw  a  large  rock.  It  was  immense.  It  was  the  one  on  which  the 
blanket  had  been,  and  it  was  rolling  along.  Coyote  did  not  know 
what  to  do.  He  saw  the  rock  going  up  a  slope.  It  slowed.  It 
nearly  stopped.  He  thought  that  it  would  not  continue  to  go  on, 
and  would  not  reach  him  ;  therefore,  he  delayed  to  watch  it.  It 
came  very  near  him. 

Now  Coyote  was  much  frightened.     He  put  the  blanket  over  his 
shoulder  and  ran  along  a  little  ridge,  as  hard  as  he  could.     After 


262  Journal  of  A  merican  Folk-L ore. 

some  distance  he  saw  that  the  rock  had  reached  the  top  of  the  ele- 
vation on  which  he  had  been,  and  that  it  was  coming  with  a  fresh 
start,  as  fast  as  when  he  first  saw  it,  rolUng  its  hardest.  He  was 
afraid  to  continue  running  in  the  plain,  and  seeing  a  mountain,  he 
ran  towards  it  in  hope  to  reach  it.  He  remained  in  the  lead,  and 
the  rock  stopped  gaining  on  him.  Coyote  continued  to  run  as  hard 
as  he  could.  Now  he  was  near  the  mountain.  At  its  foot  he  had 
nearly  given  out.  He  looked  back  and  the  rock  was  close.  The  hill 
was  steep ;  going  up,  he  sat  on  the  summit  and  watched  the  rock. 
His  body  was  shaking  with  panting ;  he  was  nearly  dead.  He 
thought  that  the  rock  could  not  roll  up  the  hill,  but  would  fall  back. 
It  kept  coming  on  slowly  ;  then  it  went  up  the  hill  sideways.  It 
would  stop  and  sit  still,  then  go  on  again,  then  turn  and  go  up  in  an- 
other direction.  It  came  nearer,  hardly  moving.  It  lay  still.  Then 
it  rolled  over  once.  Coyote  sat  on  the  summit  and  thought,  "  I 
think  I  can  push  it  down  again  ;  I  think  I  can  make  it  roll  back." 
So  he  ran  towards  it.  But  when  he  got  close  to  it,  the  rock  began 
to  roll  towards  him  ;  when  it  nearly  touched  him,  he  dodged  aside. 
The  rock  just  touched  his  leg.  Coyote  gave  a  war-whoop  and  dodged 
about.  The  rock  started  to  roll  faster  in  pursuit.  Then  Coyote 
went  off  straight,  running  his  hardest.  At  the  foot  of  the  hill  he 
looked  back,  and  saw  the  rock  coming  fast.  Now  he  no  longer 
had  a  mountain  to  go  to  ;  everything  was  flat.  He  went  to  a  small 
canyon  and  jumped  across  it;  he  thought  that  the  rock  would  fall 
in.  He  stopped  and  looked  back  ;  but  he  could  not  see  the  rock. 
He  only  saw  much  dust  coming  from  the  canyon  below  him.  Then 
he  went  on  slowly.  Looking  again,  he  saw  nothing  but  dust.  Then 
he  saw  a  small,  pointed,  rocky  hill,  and  thought  that  from  there  he 
might  look  back  and  see  the  rock. 

He  ran  to  the  hill,  but  the  canyon  stretched  toward  the  hill,  and 
before  Coyote  reached  it  he  saw  the  rock  ahead  of  him  in  the  can- 
yon. Then  he  started  back  again.  He  was  all  tired  out.  He 
could  hardly  lope.  As  he  ran  along  he  thought,  "  Where  is  my 
friend  the  Deer  living?"  Then  he  saw  the  Deer  standing  at  the 
place  where  he  generally  lived,  and  he  said  to  the  Deer,  "  Come ! 
Hurry !  This  rock  pursues  me.  You  can  do  something  for  me." 
"  Yes,  come  this  way,"  said  the  Deer,  and  they  loped  along  together 
as  if  they  were  racing.  "This  rock  is  after  me.  It  will  kill  me," 
said  Coyote.  "  Yes,"  said  the  Deer.  "  I  think  you  will  hold  it, 
you  will  push  it  back,"  said  Coyote.  The  Deer  said,  "Yes,  very 
well,  my  friend,  watch  me,  look  at  me."  The  Deer  turned  and  ran 
towards  the  rock  ;  with  full  power  he  struck  it  at  its  bottom.  The 
rock  went  straight  over  him,  crushing  him  to  pieces.  "  My  poor 
friend,"  thought  Coyote.  "  Now  he  is  killed  by  that  rock.  What 
shall  I  do  .?  " 


Ute  Tales,  263 

He  continued  to  go  on,  still  carrying  the  blanket  on  his  shoulder. 
He  thought  of  the  Mountain-Sheep  as  his  friend,  just  as  of  the  Deer 
before.  As  he  ran  on  he  saw  a  fresh  Mountain-Sheep  track.  He 
followed  it  as  if  he  were  hunting.  Then  he  saw  the  Mountain-Sheep 
sitting  \i.  e.  lying  down].  "  Well,  my  friend,  hurry !  This  rock 
pursues  me,"  he  said.  "  Very  well,  come  with  me,"  said  the  Moun- 
tain-Sheep. Then  they  loped  along  together  as  if  they  were  racing, 
just  as  he  had  done  with  the  Deer.  As  they  ran.  Coyote  told  the 
Mountain-Sheep  of  his  plight  :  "  My  friend,  I  wish  you  to  stop  this 
rock.  I  am  exhausted.  I  think  it  will  kill  me.  I  want  you  to 
strike  it  with  your  horn,  and  break  it."  The  Sheep  did  not  an- 
swer. "  Thrust  your  horn  against  it  and  break  it,"  said  Coyote. 
The  Mountain-Sheep  asked,  "  What  caused  the  rock  to  come  after 
you .''  You  must  have  done  something  to  it;  it  would  not  pursue 
you  for  nothing.  Where  did  you  get  that  blanket .''  "  Coyote  did 
not  speak.  "  The  rock  is  never  going  to  stop  ;  it  will  kill  you.  You 
took  that  blanket  from  it,"  said  the  Mountain-Sheep.  Coyote  said 
to  him,  "If  you  stop  the  rock  you  can  have  the  blanket."  The 
Mountain-Sheep  said,  "  Only  throw  the  blanket  away  and  the  rock 
will  stop  there,  lying  upon  it."  Coyote  would  not  give  it  up  ;  and 
he  said,  *'  I  like  this  red  blanket  very  much.  I  like  to  have  it ;  that 
is  why  the  rock  pursues  me.  I  knew  you  were  strong.  You  can 
do  almost  anything.  I  want  you  to  stop  this  rock."  They  ran  up  a 
hill.  "Now  I  will  attack  it.  My  friend,  watch  me,"  said  the  Sheep. 
The  rock  had  come  close  again.  The  Mountain-Sheep  prepared. 
Then  he  ran  back,  stood  up  on  his  hind  legs,  and  butted  the  rock 
squarely.  The  rock  always  rolled  faster  when  anything  opposed  it ; 
it  came  on  now  and  tore  the  Sheep  all  to  pieces.  Coyote  thought, 
**  My  poor  friend  !  What  will  I  do  now  }  What  friend  will  I  find 
again }  " 

He  went  down  a  wide  valley  and  found  the  Whip-Poor-Will  ;  he 
told  him  his  trouble.  The  Whip-Poor-Will  said  :  "  I  can  do  nothing, 
go  to  the  Bull-Bat."  Coyote  ran  to  the  Bull-Bat.  "  Hurry,  my 
friend  !  "  he  said.  He  told  the  Bull-Bat  what  he  had  told  the  Deer. 
Coyote  was  very  nearly  exhausted,  and  the  rock  was  near.  The  Bull- 
Bat  flew  back  and  forth  between  Coyote  and  the  rock.  The  Bull- 
Bat  said,  "You  have  a  blanket  belonging  to  this  rock.  Why  are 
you  carrying  that }  My  friend,  you  have  no  place  to  save  your- 
self ;  the  rock  will  kill  you.  It  will  go  all  over  the  world,  night 
and  day,  without  stopping  (until  it  reaches  you).  Why  do  you  carry 
this  blanket  .-•  You  cannot  escape  with  it.  You  cannot  escape 
from  this  rock  if  you  cross  a  river.  The  rock  will  jump  over.  You 
cannot  hide  from  this  rock.  Throw  the  blanket  away,  and  the 
rock  will  stop  right  upon  it."     "  No,  I   like  it,"  said    Coyote,  "  I 


264  y ournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

like  its  color,  and  I  will  go  all  over  the  world  using  it.  How  can 
I  stop  the  rock,  my  friend?  What  can  I  do?"  "Throw  the 
blanket  away,"  said  the  Bull-Bat.  Coyote  said  to  him,  "  No,  I  will 
wear  it.  I  will  travel  all  over  the  world  with  it,  after  you  have  stopped 
the  rock."  The  Bull-Bat  said,  "  No,  I  cannot  stop  it  ;  the  rock  will 
kill  me.  Then  what  will  you  do  after  it  has  killed  me  ?  It  will  kill 
us  both  ;  rather  throw  the  blanket  away.  Do  you  think  this  rock  is 
merely  a  rock  without  thought  ?  It  has  thought,  eyes,  a  mouth,  it 
can  talk,  and  it  has  a  heart  ;  it  rolls  of  itself  like  a  person ;  a  rock 
does  not  roll  by  itself."  During  this  time  they  were  running.  "  Stop 
it !  I  want  this  blanket,"  Coyote  said  at  last.  "  Very  well,  my 
friend.  I  think  the  rock  will  kill  me,"  said  the  Bull-Bat.  The  Bull- 
Bat  flew  ahead  of  Coyote  ;  then  he  flew  towards  the  rock,  swerving 
in  front  of  it.  He  just  did  not  touch  it.  The  rock  slackened  some- 
what ;  then  it  began  to  roll  faster  again.  Again  the  Bull-Bat  made 
it  slacken.  The  third  time  he  flew  straight  at  it ;  and  with  the  whir 
of  his  wings  he  struck  the  spirit  of  the  rock.  The  rock  stopped 
altogether.  It  groaned,  shook  the  earth,  and  quivered  like  a  dying 
animal ;  then  it  died.  Coyote,  altogether  worn  out,  watched  it. 
When  he  saw  it  die,  he  fell  over  from  exhaustion. 

The  Bull-Bat  was  near  the  rock,  while  Coyote  lay  some  distance 
away.  The  Bull-Bat  said,  "  Now  you  will  be  a  rock  forever.  You 
will  pursue  no  one."  Then  he  went  to  Coyote  to  see  how  he  was. 
Coyote  said,  "  I  am  very  sick.  I  shall  die  soon.  My  thighs  are  alto- 
gether stiff.  I  also  feel  bad  in  my  throat.  I  shall  die."  The  Bull- 
Bat  said  to  him,  "  No,  that  only  means  that  you  have  been  running 
too  much.  When  you  go  on  again  you  will  get  over  that."  Coyote 
said,  "  Yes."  Then  Coyote  told  the  Bull-Bat  what  had  happened. 
He  told  him  how  the  Deer  had  been  killed,  and,  the  second  time, 
the  Mountain-Sheep  also.  The  Bull-Bat  said  to  him,  "  Have  you  no 
sense?  You  killed  them.  If  you  had  thrown  away  the  blanket, 
they  would  not  have  died.  Every  one  knows  who  owned  the  blan- 
ket. Only  you,  I  think,  did  not  know  it.  Now  I  am  going  to  where 
I  live.  You  can  go  where  you  please.  I  hope  you  have  a  home." 
"Yes,"  said  Coyote,  "  I  will  go  where  I  please." 

III. 

Coyote  lived  alone.  He  had  no  wife,  but  five  children.  He  spoke 
to  them,  "  Stay  here.  I  will  go  to  see  my  friend  the  Mountain- 
Sheep."  He  went  there.  The  Mountain-Sheep  was  lying  down, 
holding  a  bow  and  five  arrows.  Coyote  entered  and  sat  down. 
Then  the  Mountain-Sheep  got  up  and  went  out.  He  took  the  ar- 
rows and  shot  up  five  times  very  quickly.  Then  he  shot  himself  in 
the  anus  five  times,  and  ran  away.    Coyote  sat  watching.    The  Moun- 


Ute  Tales,  265 

tain-Sheep  came  back  with  fat  meat.  He  had  intestine  fat  and  good 
meat.  He  cooked  some  of  it  for  Coyote.  Coyote  was  hungry  and 
ate  it  all.  Then  the  Mountain-Sheep  gave  him  the  rest  of  the  meat. 
Coyote  tied  it  up  and  put  it  on  his  back.  He  said  to  the  Mountain- 
Sheep  :  "  Come  to  visit  me  to-morrow."  The  Mountain-Sheep  said, 
"Yes."  The  next  day  he  went  there,  following  Coyote's  tracks. 
He  found  Coyote's  tent.  He  entered.  Coyote  was  lying  down 
just  as  the  Mountain-Sheep  had  lain.  He  had  Mountain-Sheep 
horns  on  his  head,  and  he  held  five  arrows  and  a  bow.  His  children 
were  not  in  the  tent.  He  had  sent  them  away.  Then  Coyote  got 
up  and  went  out.  Just  like  the  Mountain-Sheep,  betook  five  arrows 
and  shot  them  up,  and  then  shot  them  into  his  anus.  Only  two  en- 
tered ;  three  times  he  missed,  and  the  arrows  stuck  in  his  rump. 
Then  he  ran  off.  He  came  back  carrying  meat,  with  only  one  small 
piece  of  fat.  He  gave  it  to  the  Mountain-Sheep,  "Here,  my  friend, 
eat  this."  The  Mountain-Sheep  said,  "  No,  my  friend,  I  do  not  like 
your  meat.  Eat  it  yourself.  I  will  go  back."  He  went  away. 
"Yes,"  said  Coyote.     He  was  a  little  angry. 

Coyote  slept  in  his  tent  one  night.  The  next  day  he  said  to  his 
children,  "  Stay  here.  I  will  visit  the  Snowbird."  Then  he  went. 
The  Snowbird  was  lying  down.  He  did  not  speak  Coyote  thought 
he  was  angry.  Then  the  Snowbird  went  out.  He  came  back  car- 
rying wood  on  his  shoulder,  and  dropped  it  on  the  ground.  "  What 
does  that  mean }  "  thought  Coyote.  The  Snowbird  had  a  small 
door.  He  put  the  wood  into  this  and  took  out  nuts.  Coyote  was 
very  hungry.  He  ate  some  and  took  the  rest  home  for  his  children. 
He  said  :  "  Come  to  visit  me."  "  Yes,"  said  the  Snowbird.  The 
next  day  the  Snowbird  came.  Coyote  lay  there.  He  did  not  look 
like  Coyote,  but  like  a  Snowbird.  He  appeared  angry.  The  Snow- 
bird sat  down,  and  Coyote  went  out.  He  came  back  again,  carrying 
wood  on  his  shoulder,  and  dropped  it.  He  put  the  wood  away  and 
covered  it  from  sight.  When  he  took  it  out,  it  was  nuts,  but  they 
were  small  and  hard  or  hollow.  He  said,  "  Here,  my  friend,  eat 
this."  The  Snowbird  said,  "  No,  I  do  not  want  it.  Eat  it  your- 
self."    "  Yes,"  said  Coyote,     Then  he  ate  the  nuts  himself. 

Then  Coyote  said  to  his  children,  "  Stay  here,  I  will  visit  my 
friends."  He  went  to  the  Magpie.  The  Magpie  sat  making  a  bas- 
ket. Coyote  sat  down  and  watched  him.  The  Magpie  reached  be- 
hind himself  and  took  a  little  basket.  He  pushed  a  stick  into  his 
nostrils  and  made  the  blood  run.  Soon  he  had  a  basketful.  He 
cooked  the  blood.  He  cut  slices  of  fat  and  put  them  into  the  boiling 
blood.  Then  he  gave  it  to  Coyote.  He  ate  it.  It  tasted  good  to 
him.  He  said,  "  My  friend,  you  cook  well.  This  is  very  good.  I 
like  this  kind  of  food.     What  do  you  think  .-"     Come  to  my  house  to 


266  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

visit  me."  "Yes,"  said  the  Magpie.  The  next  day  the  Magpie 
came.  He  sat  down.  Coyote  was  working,  just  as  the  Magpie  had 
done.  He  used  the  same  kind  of  awl.  Slowly  he  reached  backward 
and  took  a  basket.  He  punched  into  his  nostrils.  Sometimes  he 
hurt  himself ;  then  he  sobbed  or  groaned.  The  Magpie  looked  at 
him  and  laughed.  Coyote  did  not  make  much  blood  ;  the  basket 
was  only  half  full.  Then  he  cooked  the  blood  and  put  grease  into 
it.  He  gave  it  to  the  Magpie.  The  Magpie  said  to  him,  "I  do  not 
like  that.  Eat  it  yourself."  "  Yes,"  said  Coyote.  Then  he  ate  it 
himself. 

Then  Coyote  said  to  his  children,  "Stay  here,  I  will  visit  my 
friends."  He  went  away.  It  was  winter,  and  there  was  a  little  snow. 
He  saw  deer  tracks,  which  were  followed  by  other  tracks.  Coyote 
followed  them  both.  He  saw  that  some  one  had  killed  a  deer, 
skinned  it,  butchered  it,  and  carried  the  meat  home.  Coyote  followed 
him.  He  saw  the  tent.  There  were  three  children  and  one  woman. 
There  was  much  dry  meat,  very  good  and  fat.  It  was  the  tent  of  the 
Puma.  He  was  not  in  the  tent.  He  was  hunting.  The  woman 
said  to  Coyote,  "  Are  you  hungry  }  Do  you  wish  to  eat .-'  "  Coyote 
said  to  her,  "  Yes,  I  am  hungry."  Then  she  cooked  for  him  and 
gave  him  to  eat.  She  said  to  him,  "  Stop  !  Wait  !  Sing  while  you 
eat.  Do  both  together."  Coyote  said,  "How  shall  I  sing  .-•  "  She 
said,  "Wait.  Listen.  I  will  sing  for  you."  Then  she  gave  food  to 
her  children  and  sang.  Then  the  children  sang  and  ate,  and  Coyote 
sang  and  ate,  until  they  had  eaten  all.  Then  she  asked  him,  "  Do 
you  wish  to  go  or  to  remain  .'* "  Coyote  said,  "  I  live  far  away.  I 
think  I  will  stay  one  night.  I  will  go  home  to-morrow."  At  sunset 
the  Puma  came  back.  He  had  killed  three  deer.  He  carried  one 
and  dragged  the  two  others,  one  in  each  hand.  He  laid  them  down 
and  entered  the  tent.  He  said  to  his  wife,  "  I  am  hungry.  Cook 
quickly.  Coyote,  my  friend,  is  also  hungry.  Cook  !  I  think  Coy- 
ote does  not  eat  meat."  "  Yes,  I  eat  meat.  I  am  hungry,"  said 
Coyote.  Then  she  cooked  meat  for  them  and  set  it  down  for  them. 
The  Puma  said,  "  Now  wait.  Hear  me.  I  will  sing."  Then  he 
sang,  and  his  children  and  Coyote  too  all  sang,  and  then  they  ate, 
singing.  They  finished  eating.  Then  they  slept.  Ne.xt  morning 
the  Puma  told  his  wife  to  cook.  Then  she  cooked  and  set  out  the 
food.  They  ate  it  just  the  same  way,  singing.  Then  the  Puma 
said,  "I  am  going  to  hunt  now."  Coyote  said  :  "  I  will  go  back." 
Then  the  woman  gave  him  two  large  bags  of  meat,  and  one  small 
one.  They  were  packed  full.  Coyote  started.  On  the  way  he 
opened  a  sack.  He  ate  while  singing.  He  went  on  again.  He 
stumbled  and  fell  down.  When  he  got  up  again,  he  had  forgotten 
how  to  sing.     He  tried  to  sing,  but  forgot.     He  lost  the  song  more 


Ute  Tales.  267 

and  more.  Then  he  went  back  to  the  Puma's  tent.  He  said,  "  I  lost 
that  song.  I  came  back  after  it.  Please  give  it  to  me  again."  "  Yes," 
said  Puma's  wife.  She  sang  it  for  him.  Coyote  went  away,  sing- 
ing the  song  all  day.  At  sunset,  he  arrived  at  his  tent  with  his 
sacks.  His  children  said,  "  Oh  !  Our  father  has  meat."  He  said, 
"Wait!  Cook  it;  then  we  will  sing  and  eat."  Then  they  sang 
and  ate  just  as  he  had  done  before.  After  that  he  lost  the  song 
again,  and  again  he  obtained  it  from  the  Puma's  wife.  The  Puma 
said  to  him,  "If  you  lose  the  song  you  will  see  no  game,  and  kill 
none,  and  you  will  have  nothing  to  eat.  Go  back.  Do  not  lose  the 
song.  Then  hunt  singing.  You  will  find  deer.  If  you  do  not  sing, 
you  will  see  nothing."     Coyote  sang  all  the  way  home. 

One  night  he  stayed  there.  Then  he  told  his  children,  "  Stay 
here,  I  will  hunt."  He  w-ent  hunting,  singing ;  then  he  saw  deer 
tracks.  He  found  the  deer  ;  singing,  he  went  on.  He  came  near 
them,  and  killed  five.  He  skinned  them,  no  longer  singing.  He 
carried  the  meat  home.  Some  of  it  he  left,  after  having  covered  it. 
He  got  back.  He  entered  his  tent.  He  said  to  his  daughters,  "  Do 
not  eat  of  it.  Cook  for  all  together.  Do  not  taste  it.  Do  not  let 
the  children  touch  it.  Then  we  will  all  sing  and  eat  together." 
They  cooked  it  and  set  it  out.  They  all  sat  down.  Coyote  sang. 
Then  all  sang  and  ate.  The  next  day  Coyote  said,  "  Stay  here  ;  I 
will  go  hunting."  He  went  on  the  hills,  but  he  saw  nothing.  Then 
he  found  many  deer  tracks.  He  sang.  He  killed  all  the  deer;  they 
were  twenty.  He  looked  at  them.  He  saw  a  buck  with  eyes  and  a 
mouth,  but  without  nostrils.  Coyote  said,  "  What  kind  of  a  deer  is 
that }  It  is  not  good.  It  is  bad.  Where  are  its  nostrils  } "  He 
looked  at  them  all  :  they  were  all  without  nostrils.  He  took  a  stick 
and  pushed  it  into  the  nose  of  one  ;  then  he  pushed  it  in  on  the  other 
side  ;  thus,  he  made  nostrils  for  it.  Then  he  did  the  same  to  the 
rest.  Deinde  penem  quasi  ut  nares  amplificaret  intromisit.  Then 
the  deer  jumped,  and  ran  away,  and  all  the  others  ran  away.  Coyote 
seized  his  bow  and  shot  one  of  them.  He  said,  "  What  is  the  mat- 
ter }  It  is  not  good  to  shoot  deer  by  singing  and  then  have  them 
escape.  It  is  good  to  pursue  them  and  shoot  them.  I  do  not  like 
the  singing.  I  want  to  throw  it  away.  I  do  not  wish  to  sing  any 
more."  He  skinned  the  deer,  and  carried  the  meat  home.  He  said 
to  his  children,  "Quick!  Cook  it."  They  cooked  it  and  set  it  out. 
Coyote  said,  "  Now  we  will  eat.  We  will  talk  no  more.  I  threw  it 
away.  We  will  not  sing  any  more.  We  will  only  eat."  They  said 
to  him,  "Is  that  right.''  Will  we  eat  without  singing?"  Coyote 
said  to  them,  "  Yes.  It  is  right.  We  will  sing  no  more.  I  threw 
it  away." 

Now  the   Puma  went  huntine:.     He  found  deer  tracks.     He  saw 


268  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

ten  bucks.  He  went  toward  them,  singing,  singing.  The  sun  was 
low.  The  Puma  came  to  the  windward  of  the  deer.  Then  they 
smelled  him,  and  ran  away.  He  went  home ;  he  was  angry.  He 
thought  Coyote  had  made  this  happen.  He  said  to  his  wife,  "I 
saw  ten  bucks.  I  sang,  but  I  did  not  kill  them.  I  went  around 
them  ;  then  they  smelled  me  and  ran  away.  I  think  Coyote  made 
nostrils  for  them  and  caused  them  to  smell.  I  am  angry.  I  will 
hunt  again.  I  want  to  find  out  about  Coyote.  I  wish  to  find  out  if 
he  did  it."  The  Puma  went  off;  he  found  tracks  and  saw  deer.  He 
came  near  them.  He  was  going  around  them  ;  suddenly  they  ran 
away.  Then  he  was  angry.  He  thought  Coyote  was  the  cause. 
He  went  home  empty-handed  and  angry.  At  sunset  he  started  to 
go  to  Coyote.  When  he  came  near,  he  said,  "  Let  Coyote  sleep 
well.  Let  him  not  awaken.  Let  it  be  the  same  with  all  his  chil- 
dren." He  went  into  Coyote's  tent.  Coyote  was  sleeping.  The 
Puma  pulled  his  nose  and  his  tail  and  his  legs.  He  made  his  legs 
long  and  thin,  so  that  they  had  no  flesh  on  them.  Then  he  pulled 
his  ears  straight  up.  Li  the  morning,  Coyote  got  up.  He  saw  his 
nose  ;  he  saw  his  long  legs  and  his  tail.  He  awoke  his  children,  be- 
ing frightened.  "  Is  that  you,  my  father  }  "  they  said.  "  Yes,"  said 
Coyote.  "  You  do  not  look  like  him.  I  think  you  are  a  bad  man," 
said  they.  Coyote  said,  "  No,  I  am  your  father ;  perhaps  the 
Puma  did  this  to  me.  He  made  me  sleep.  Perhaps  he  was  angry 
that  I  did  not  sing.  I  also  am  angry ;  I  will  do  it  to  him  also." 
At  night  he  went  to  the  Puma.  When  he  was  close,  he  said,  "  Let 
him  be  sleepy.  Let  him  not  awake."  He  entered  the  tent.  He 
pushed  the  Puma's  nose  in.  He  crushed  his  legs  and  his  claws,  so 
that  they  were  compressed.  He  pulled  his  tail  long.  He  made 
short  little  ears  for  him.  Then  Coyote  went  home.  Then  Puma 
awoke  in  the  morning.  He  said  to  his  wife,  "  Give  me  water."  The 
she  gave  it  to  him.  He  was  washing.  In  rubbing  down  over  his 
face  his  hand  slipped  [not  being  stopped  by  the  projecting  nose  as 
formerly].  He  said,  "What  is  the  matter  with  my  face.-*"  His 
daughter  said  to  him,  "  You  are  not  my  father.  You  are  a  bad 
man.  I  am  afraid  of  you."  The  Puma  said,  "  Yes,  I  am  he.  What 
is  the  matter  with  my  face.?"  She  said,  "  It  is  not  good."  Then 
the  Puma  said,  "I  think  Coyote  did  it.  I  did  the  same  to  him  last 
night." 

IV. 

Coyote  had  a  wife,  several  pretty  daughters,  and  a  young  son. 
He  went  away  out  of  sight.  Then  he  scratched  himself  and  put 
gum  on  the  wounds  to  make  them  look  worse.  Going  home,  he 
said  [to  his  family]  that  he  had  been  shot  by  enemies.  He  pre- 
tended to  become  very  sick.     Soon  he  pretended  to  be  about  to  die. 


Ute  Tales.  269 

His  family  placed  him  in  a  brush  shelter.  He  said,  "  When  I  die, 
go  to  such  and  such  a  camp.  There  will  be  a  man  with  a  white 
horse.  He  is  better  than  others.  Marry  your  daughter  to  him." 
Now  he  seemed  to  be  nearly  dead.  He  kept  his  eyes  nearly  closed  ; 
but  under  his  clothes  he  looked  out  at  his  daughters.  Unae  erant 
magna  genitalia.  Earn  conspexit  concupiscens.  "  Delectabilis  erit," 
secum  dixit.  Then  he  said,  "  When  I  die,  heap  up  a  large  pile  of 
brush  and  burn  me.  Go  away  at  once  [after  putting  me  on  the  fire], 
without  looking  back.  If  you  look  back  at  me  I  shall  do  you 
injury."  Then  he  seemed  to  be  at  the  very  point  of  death.  His 
family  made  a  heap  of  brush,  and  began  to  carry  him  there.  Fili- 
arum  una  eum  dorso  suo  portante,  copulavit  cum  ea.  Puer  vidit  et 
dixit,  "  Soror,  pater  tecum  copulat  !"  Deinde  eum  in  terram  jecit. 
"  O,  O,  morior,"  ingemuit  cum  caderet.  Deinde  uxor  eum  portavit. 
Etiam  cum  ea  copulavit.  Puer  dixit,  "  Mater,  pater  mens  tecum 
copulat  !"  Sed  ilia  respondit,  "Tace  !  ex  hoc  (acto)  tu  es."  Puer 
ergo  tacuit.  Then  they  laid  him  on  the  pile  of  brush  and  set  fire  to 
it  on  all  sides.  Then  they  went  away.  The  boy  looked  back,  and 
said,  "  My  mother,  my  father  is  rolling  off  the  fire.  Now  he  is 
crawling  away."  She  said  to  him,  "  Do  not  look  back  !  Do  you 
not  know  what  he  said  to  us .''  He  will  do  you  some  injury  if  you 
look  back  !  "     "  But  he  is  crawling,"  said  the  boy. 

Coyote  went  to  the  camp  to  which  they  were  going.  He  rode  a 
fine  white  horse.  He  wore  a  quiver  of  mountain  lion  skin,  with  the 
long  tail  hanging  from  it.  He  looked  [altogether]  different.  His 
family  came  there  and  camped.  Then  he  rode  up,  as  if  to  look  at 
them.  His  wife  said,  "There  is  the  man  on  a  white  horse,  the  one 
that  your  father  told  me  to  have  as  son-in-law.  Bring  your  brother- 
in-law  !  "  she  said  to  her  son.  The  boy  went  to  get  him,  but  looked 
at  him  sharply.  He  was  suspicious.  Then  Coyote  married  one  of 
the  daughters.  Vix  dormivit :  omne  nocte  iterum  atque  iterum 
copulavit.  Next  morning  the  woman  said  to  the  boy,  "  Take  your 
brother-in-law  to  hunt  rock-squirrels."  Coyote  had  used  to  hunt 
these  squirrels  along  a  rocky  ridge,  and  used  to  take  his  son  with 
him.  Now  the  boy  showed  him  the  hunting  places.  The  boy  stuck 
a  stick  into  the  holes,  and  when  he  shook  it  the  squirrels  came  out. 
Coyote  did  not  shoot  them  ;  he  seized  them  with  his  mouth,  like  a 
dog.  This  made  the  boy  suspicious.  Then  Coyote  went  to  some  of 
the  holes  without  having  been  shown  where  they  were.  This  made 
the  boy  more  suspicious.  He  thought,  "  I  will  learn  whether  he 
is  my  father."  Coyote  had  marks  or  holes  on  his  teeth:  one  from 
his  wife,  one  from  his  son,  and  one  from  each  of  his  daughters.  The 
boy  took  him  to  a  hole  that  extended  through  the  rock,  so  that  he 
could  look  through  it.     When  he  looked,  Coyote  was  standing  at 


270  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

the  other  end  with  his  mouth  open,  ready  to  seize  the  squirrel.  The 
boy  saw  the  marks  on  his  teeth.  "  There  is  my  mother's  mark,  there 
is  my  own,  there  is  my  eldest  sister's,"  he  said,  and  so  on.  The  num- 
ber was  complete.  Then  he  put  his  stick  into  the  hole,  and  shook 
it  so  that  it  rattled.  He  ran  home,  while  the  stick  continued  to 
rattle  in  the  hole.  Puer  sorori  dixit,  "  Pater  tuus  tibi  conjunx  est  !  " 
Deinde  matrona  filiam  suam  rogavit,  "  Quod  tibi  omne  nocte 
fecit?"  "  Omne  nocte  assidue  copulavit,"  puella  respondit.  "Est 
ille,"  mater  sua  dixit.  "  Ita  et  mihi  faciebat,  canis  ille  turpis."  They 
deliberated  how  to  flee.  They  went  underground  a  little  distance. 
Then  they  rose  to  the  sky  and  became  stars.  Meanwhile  Coyote, 
standing  before  the  hole,  said,  "  Shake  harder  !  "  He  was  talking 
to  nobody.  At  last  he  discovered  this.  "  You  cannot  escape  from 
me,"  he  said  ;  and  he  followed  the  tracks  of  his  family.  At  last  the 
tracks  stopped.  He  was  at  a  loss.  Then  the  boy  thought,  "  I  wish 
my  father  would  look  at  me  !  "  Coyote  looked  up.  He  saw  them 
above.  He  said,  "  You  are  in  the  sky.  You  are  stars.  You  will 
be  called  Coyote's  family."  The  woman  answered  him,  contending 
with  him,  "  You  will  be  below  there.  People  on  the  earth  will  call 
you  Coyote.  Early  in  the  morning,  or  when  there  is  fire  in  the 
grass,  you  will  stand  and  watch  for  mice  and  will  seize  them.  At 
night  you  will  howl.     You  will  be  Coyote." 

V. 

The  Porcupine  was  tracking  buffalo.  Where  many  buffalo  had 
defecated,  he  asked  the  buffalo  chips  how  long  ago  they  had  been 
defecated.  "  Long  ago,"  they  told  him.  He  kept  asking  them  until 
he  found  one  that  said,  "I  was  defecated  lately."  From  there  the 
Porcupine  started  again.  The  tracks  soon  became  fresh,  and  he 
followed  them  until,  just  as  he  got  to  a  river,  he  saw  a  herd  that 
had  crossed  the  ford,  coming  out  on  the  other  side.  "  What  shall  I 
do  t "  thought  the  Porcupine,  as  he  sat  down.  Then  he  called  out, 
"  Carry  me  across  !  "  "  Do  you  mean  me  .'' "  said  one  of  the  buffalo. 
"No;  I  want  another  than  you,"  said  the  Porcupine.  Thus  he 
rejected  the  herd  one  after  another.  When  he  had  refused  all,  the 
best  one  in  the  herd  said,  "Do  you  want  me.'"  "Yes,"  said  the 
Porcupine.  Then  this  buffalo  crossed  the  water  and  asked  him, 
"Will  you  be  carried  riding  me  }  "  "  No,  I  will  fall  into  the  water," 
said  the  Porcupine.  "  Then  ride  between  my  horns."  But  the 
Porcupine  said,  "  No,  I  will  fall  into  the  water  if  I  do  that." 

When  the  Buffalo  had  suggested  all  other  ways  of  carrying  him, 
he  said,  "  Perhaps  you  would  rather  go  inside  of  me  }  "  Then  the 
Porcupine  said,  "Yes."  So  he  entered  the  Buffalo,  who  went  into 
the  river.     "  Where  are  we  now  ?  "  asked  the  Porcupine.     "  In  the 


Ute  Tales.  271 

middle  of  the  river,"  said  the  Buffalo.  After  a  while  the  Porcupine 
asked  again.  "  We  have  nearly  crossed,"  said  the  Buffalo.  Then 
he  said,  "  We  have  emerged  from  the  water  ;  now  come  out  of  me  !  " 
"No,  go  a  little  farther,"  said  the  Porcupine.  Soon  the  Buffalo 
said  to  him,  "  We  have  gone  farther  now ;  so  come  out  !  "  Then 
the  Porcupine  hit  his  heart  with  his  tail.  The  Buffalo  started  to 
run,  but  fell  down  right  there.  Thus  the  Porcupine  killed  him. 
Then  all  the  rest  of  the  herd  tried  to  hook  the  Porcupine  with  their 
horns,  but  he  sat  under  the  ribs  and  they  could  not  reach  him. 
Then  the  buffalo  desisted  and  ran  off. 

The  Porcupine  came  out.  "  I  wish  I  had  something  with  which 
to  butcher  it,"  he  kept  saying.  Now  Coyote  was  sleeping  there. 
Waking,  he  heard  him.  "  What  does  he  mean  saying,  '  I  wish  I 
had  something  with  which  to  butcher  it } '  "  Coyote  thought.  He 
went  to  him.  "  Here  is  my  knife  for  butchering,"  he  said.  Then 
they  went  together  to  where  the  buffalo  lay.  "  Let  him  butcher 
it  who  jumps  over  it,"  said  Coyote.  Then  the  Porcupine  ran  over 
a  rib ;  but  Coyote  jumped  clear  over  it.  Thus  Coyote  beat  him  in 
jumping,  and  began  to  cut  up  the  buffalo.  But  first  he  defecated 
near  the  river.  After  a  time  he  gave  the  Porcupine  the  paunch, 
saying  to  him,  "  Go  wash  it,  but  do  not  eat  of  it  ! "  So  the  Porcu- 
pine took  it  to  the  river.  After  washing  it  he  bit  off  a  piece  to  eat. 
Then  Coyote's  excrement  said  to  him,  "  Eat  of  it  !  "  After  a  while 
Coyote  himself  came  after  him.  [Seeing  that  his  excrement  had 
said  the  ver}'  opposite  of  what  he  had  instructed  it  to  say,  and  that 
the  Porcupine  had  eaten  of  the  paunch,  he  became  angry.]  He 
said,  "  I  did  not  tell  you  to  eat  this.  I  forbid  you  to  eat  it."  Then 
he  killed  the  Porcupine  with  a  club.  Placing  him  beside  the  buf- 
falo, he  left  both  there  and  went  home.  When  he  arrived  he  said 
to  his  family,  "I  have  killed  a  buffalo.  I  have  killed  the  Porcu- 
pine.    Let  us  carry  them  home." 

Now  the  Porcupine  said,  "  Let  a  red  pine  grow  fast."  Then  a 
red  pine  grew  up  under  all  the  meat.  It  grew  very  tall.  The  Porcu- 
pine climbed  it  and  sat  in  the  top.  All  the  meat  was  in  the  top. 
The  Coyote's  family  came  there.  All  the  meat  was  gone  and  the 
Porcupine  too.  They  began  to  look  for  it.  "  I  wish  they  would 
look  up,"  the  Porcupine  said.  Then  one  of  them,  a  child,  looked  up. 
He  said,  "  Oh  !  "  Then  the  rest  looked  up.  There  sat  the  Porcu- 
pine with  all  the  meat.  They  said  to  him,  "Throw  down  a  piece  of 
the  neck."  "  Yes,"  said  the  Porcupine  to  them.  "  Place  that 
youngest  one  a  little  farther  off."  "Yes,"  they  said,  and  placed 
him  to  the  side.  "  Now  all  hold  up  your  hands,"  said  the  Porcu- 
pine. So  they  held  up  their  hands.  Then  he  threw  down  the  buf- 
falo neck,  which,  striking,  killed  all  of  them.     Then  the  Porcupine 


272  journal  of  A  merican  Folk-Lore, 

went  down  and  took  the  youngest  Coyote.  He  brought  him  up  into 
the  tree  and  gave  him  much  meat  to  eat.  After  a  time  the  young 
Coyote  was  compelled  to  defecate.  The  Porcupine  said  to  him, 
"  Go  out  on  the  limb."  "  Here  ? "  asked  the  Coyote.  "  No,  farther 
out,"  said  the  Porcupine.  Again  he  asked,  "  Here  .-'  "  and  the  Por- 
cupine said  to  him,  "  No,  farther  out."  At  last  the  young  Coyote 
was  at  the  end  of  the  limb,  where  it  was  flexible.  Then  the  Porcu- 
pine kicked  the  limb  hard  and  shook  him  off.  The  young  Coyote 
fell  down  and  broke  to  pieces. 

VI. 

Coyote  had  a  sick  daughter.  He  thought  the  Duck  had  done 
something  against  his  children,  in  order  to  make  them  sick.  He  de- 
termined to  injure  the  Duck.  Going  to  him,  he  persuaded  him  to 
run  to  a  certain  place  with  his  eyes  shut.  The  Duck  did  so.  When 
he  opened  his  eyes  again,  he  found  himself  in  a  bad  place.  He  was 
in  a  hole  in  the  rock,  a  little  cave  high  on  the  face  of  a  cliff. 
There  was  no  way  out.  Coyote  went  and  took  the  Duck's  wife  and 
children.  He  maltreated  the  children.  He  urinated  upon  them. 
Soon  he  had  children  of  his  own  from  the  woman,  and  these  he  took 
good  care  of. 

For  a  long  time  the  Duck  could  not  get  out  of  the  bad  place.  At 
last  the  Bat  camped  near  this  place,  and  every  day  when  he  went  to 
hunt  rabbits,  his  children  heard  some  one  crying.  They  told  him,  and 
he  went  upward  to  look.  On  the  way  he  killed  rabbits  and  hung 
them  by  their  heads  on  his  belt.  At  last  he  found  the  Duck,  who 
was  very  weak.  "Who  is  there.-'"  he  asked  him.  "It  is  I,"  said 
the  Duck.  "Who  are  you.?"  asked  the  Bat.  "lam  the  Duck." 
"  How  did  you  come  up  here  .''  "  the  Bat  said  to  him.  The  Duck 
said,  "  Coyote  caused  me  to  come  here  with  closed  eyes.  He 
brought  me  here  in  order  to  get  my  wife."  Then  the  Bat  told  him, 
"Throw  yourself  down."  The  Duck  was  afraid  that  he  would  be 
killed  by  the  fall.  So  the  Bat  told  him,  "Throw  down  a  small  rock." 
The  Duck  threw  down  a  rock,  and  the  Bat  caught  it  on  his  back. 
He  said,  "  That  is  how  I  will  do  to  you.  You  will  not  be  hurt." 
The  Duck  feared  that  the  Bat  would  not  do  so  to  him.  The  Bat 
continued  to  urge  him.  Several  times  the  Duck  almost  let  himself 
fall,  and  then  drew  back.  At  last  he  thought,  "  Suppose  I  am 
killed  ;  I  shall  die  here  too  ;  I  am  as  good  as  dead  now."  So  he 
shut  his  eyes  as  the  Bat  commanded,  and  let  himself  fall.  The  Bat 
caught  him  gently  without  any  shock,  and  deposited  him  on  the 
ground.  Then  he  took  him  to  his  home.  He  said  to  him,  "Do 
not  use  the  fire-sticks  that  are  near  the  fireplace,  but  use  those  that 
are  stuck  behind  the  tent-poles, "at  the  sides  of  the  tent."     Then  they 


Ute  Tales.  273 

entered.  The  Duck  saw  the  sticks  at  the  sides  of  the  tent,  but 
thought  them  fine  canes,  that  were  much  too  handsome  for  stirring 
the  fire.  Around  the  fireplace  lay  a  number  of  sticks  that  were 
charred  on  the  end.  He  took  one  of  these  and  stirred  the  embers. 
The  stick  began  to  cry,  and  all  the  other  sticks  called  out,  "  The 
Duck  has  burned  our  younger  brother."  These  sticks  were  the  Bat's 
children,  and  they  all  ran  out  now.  Then  the  Duck  became  fright- 
ened at"  what  he  had  done,  and  went  out  and  hid  in  the  brush.  The 
Bat  came  out  and  called  to  him,  "  Come  back !  You  have  done  no 
harm."  For  a  long  time  the  Duck  was  afraid  that  the  Bat  would 
punish  him,  but  at  last  he  thought,  "  I  have  already  been  as  good 
as  dead ;  so  there  is  nothing  to  fear  even  if  they  should  kill  me." 
So  he  went  back  into  the  tent.  But  the  Bat  did  not  harm  him,  but 
gave  him  plenty  of  rabbits  to  eat,  so  that  soon  he  was  strong  again. 

Then  the  Duck  said,  "  Coyote  took  my  wife  and  children ;  I  think 
I  shall  look  for  them."  Knowing  that  he  was  strong  again,  the  Bat 
allowed  him  to  go.  The  Duck  went  to  his  old  camp,  which  he 
found  deserted.  He  followed  the  tracks  leading  from  it,  and  after  a 
while  he  found  also  tracks  of  children  other  than  his  own.  "  I  think 
Coyote  has  already  got  children  of  his  own  from  my  wife,"  he 
thought,  and  he  became  very  angry.  Then  he  came  up  with  his 
wife.  She  was  carrying  a  very  large  basket.  Inside  of  this  were 
Coyote's  children,  well  kept ;  but  the  Duck's  children  sat  on  the 
edge  of  the  basket,  nearly  falling  off.  They  were  dirty  and  misera- 
ble. The  Duck  caught  the  basket  with  his  finger  and  pulled  back. 
"  What  are  you  doing  there,  children  .'*  "  the  woman  said.  "  Do  not 
do  that.  You  must  not  seize  something  and  hold  me  back."  The 
Duck  continued  to  pull,  and  at  last  she  turned  to  look  at  the  chil- 
dren :  so  she  saw  him.  He  said  to  her,  "  Why  do  you  take  care  of 
Coyote's  children,  while  mine  are  dirty  and  uncared  for  ?  Why  do 
you  not  treat  mine  properly  .■' "  The  woman  was  ashamed  and  did 
not  answer.  Then  he  asked  her:  "  Where  will  you  camp  now.!"" 
When  she  told  him,  he  said,  "  Go  to  the  place  where  Coyote  told 
you  to  camp,  but  when  you  put  up  the  shelter,  make  the  grass  very 
thin  on  one  side,  and  very  thick  and  heavy  on  the  side  on  which  you 
are,  so  that  I  can  reach  Coyote." 

The  woman  came  to  the  place  and  Coyote  arrived  there  also.  He 
said,  "'To  whom  have  you  been  talking  now.-'"  She  said,  "I  have 
not  met  any  one  nor  talked  to  any  one.  Why  do  you  always  ask  me 
that  ?  "  Then  she  put  up  the  shelter  as  the  Duck  had  directed  her. 
Then  the  Duck  began  to  blow.  He  blew  softly  ;  but  again  and  again  ; 
thus  he  made  it  freezing  cold.  Coyote  could  not  sleep.  He  took 
his  spear  and  thrust  it  through  the  sides  of  the  shelter  in  all  direc- 
tions.    He  nearly  speared  the  Duck.     He  said,  "  I  knew  that  you 

VOL.  XIV.  —  NO.  55.  19 


274  yournal  of  American  Folk- Lore. 

met  some  one.  It  must  have  been  the  Duck,  who  is  now  making  it 
so  cold."  The  Duck  continued  to  blow  and  blow.  At  last  Coyote 
dug  down  into  the  fireplace,  hoping  to  become  warm  there.  But  it 
was  of  no  avail.     He  froze  to  death. 

Thus  the  Duck  got  his  wife  and  children  again.  Taking  Coyote's 
children,  he  threw  them  away  here  and  there  in  the  brush,  and  said, 
"  Why  do  you  take  care  of  these  .-*  I  do  not  want  them."  Then  he 
went  back  to  where  he  had  lived  before. 

VII. 

The  Puma  had  a  wife  and  son.  He  went  out  hunting  with  his 
son.  The  Bear  came  to  his  tent.  He  saw  the  Puma's  wife  and  fell 
in  love  with  her.  "  I  wish  to  have  her,"  he  thought.  Then  he  went 
to  where  she  was  sitting.  He  proposed  to  run  away  with  her.  She 
consented,  and  they  went  off  together.  Then  the  Puma  came  back. 
He  could  not  find  his  wife.  He  thought,  "  Perhaps  she  has  eloped 
with  the  Bear."  He  saw  no  tracks.  He  looked  all  about ;  then  he 
found  their  tracks.  Very  angry,  he  followed  them.  Then  a  high 
wind  came  and  he  lost  their  tracks.  Next  day  he  found  the  tracks 
again  and  went  on.  "  Perhaps  they  are  in  that  cedar  wood,"  he 
thought.  Approaching  it,  he  heard  voices.  He  knew  them  as  his 
wife's  and  the  Bear's.  Then  he  sent  his  son  to  make  a  circuit,  so  as 
to  come  upon  them  from  the  other  side,  in  order  that  the  Bear  might 
run  towards  himself.  The  woman  was  saying,  "  The  Puma  is  very 
strong."  "  No  ;  I  am  very  strong,"  said  the  Bear.  "  No  ;  he  is 
strong,"  said  the  woman.  3o  the  Bear  seized  a  cedar  and  tugged  at 
it,  lifted  it,  and  threw  it  on  the  ground  ;  but  she  said,  "  He  is 
stronger  than  you."  The  Bear  had  his  moccasins  off.  Then  the 
young  Puma  came.  Quickly  the  Bear  put  on  his  moccasins,  but  he 
put  them  on  the  wrong  feet.  On  his  fore  feet  also  he  interchanged 
the  moccasins  in  his  haste.  Then  he  ran.  The  Puma  was  waiting 
for  him.  He  rose  up  and  grappled  the  Bear  ;  he  threw  him  to  the 
ground.  The  Bear  got  up  and  came  on  again.  The  Puma  seized 
him  again.  Now  he  threw  the  Bear  to  the  ground  and  broke  his  back. 
Then  he  went  to  his  wife  and  threw  her  down.  Again  he  threw 
her  down,  and  broke  her  back.     Then  he  went  away  with  his  son. 

VIII. 

Insects  (tuvat'ainc  ;  the  species  could  not  be  determined)  had 
killed  a  White-tailed  Deer  among  the  willows.  There  were  ten  of 
them.  Two  Owl-Hawks  lived  among  the  wire  grass  and  willows. 
While  hiding  there,  they  saw  the  ten  Insects  kill  the  Deer.  They 
said  to  each  other,  "We  will  deceive  them  ;  before  they  cut  up  the 
meat  we  will  tell  them,  '  Why  did  you  kill  our  brother } '    As  soon  as 


Ute  Tales.  275 

we  reach  them,  we  will  begin  to  cry  loudly,  and  will  tell  them  to  go 
away  from  that  place.  We  will  say,  '  We  will  drag  him  away  and 
bury  him.'  "  So  the  Owl-Hawks  went  to  them  and  said,  "  Go  away. 
You  killed  our  brother.  We  had  the  same  mother  and  father.  Go 
away.  We  want  to  bury  him."  Then  one  of  the  Insects  said,  "He 
does  not  look  like  you.  You  have  wide  eyes,  and  wings,  and  feet  that 
are  different.  You  are  altogether  different.  You  do  not  belong  to 
him."  The  Owl-Hawks  said,  "  He  has  been  away  from  us  since  he 
was  a  boy,  living  in  the  willows  ,  that  is  why  he  looks  different." 
The  same  man  said  to  them,  "  You  lie  to  us.  You  have  nothing  to 
eat ;  therefore  you  want  this  Deer  to  eat.  You  wish  to  deceive  us." 
The  Owl-Hawks  said,  "  We  tell  you  the  truth  ;  he  was  our  relative. 
If  you  continue  to  talk  to  us,  we  shall  shoot  at  you."  "  What  will 
you  do  with  him  }  Where  will  you  bury  him  .''  "  they  asked.  "  We 
shall  not  bury  him,  we  shall  burn  him,"  said  the  Owl-Hawks.  The 
Insects  said,  "  Very  well,  we  will  go.  We  did  not  know  that  he 
was  your  brother.  We  thought  he  was  a  Deer  ;  that  is  why  we  killed 
him.  We  made  a  mistake."  They  went  away.  Then  the  Owl- 
Hawks,  who  were  hungry,  and  had  deceived  the  others,  dragged 
the  Deer  a  little  distance  off,  and  made  a  fire  near  the  Deer.  The 
ten  Insects  looked  back  and  saw  the  fire.  They  believed  thai 
they  were  burning  the  Deer.  The  Owl-Hawks  cut  up  the  Deer  and 
carried  it  home.  When  they  arrived  at  home,  they  ate  it.  They 
laughed  about  those  others.  They  said,  "We  tricked  them.  We 
deceived  them  agreeably.  Long-tailed  Deer  always  tastes  good. 
That  is  why  we  eat  it." 

IX. 

Two  young  Fawns  sat  on  the  ground.  They  were  two  boys  with- 
out a  mother.  We  used  to  have  a  Deer  for  our  mother,"  they  said. 
The  Rabbit  came  to  them  and  said,  "  I  am  hungry.  I  travelled 
without  eating.  I  have  come  a  long  way."  The  Fawns  said,  "We 
have  nothing  to  eat  here  ;  our  food  is  not  here."  "  Where  is  it  }  " 
asked  the  Rabbit.  "It  is  not  here,  I  say  to  you,"  said  one  of  the 
Fawns.  The  Rabbit  said,  "  Tell  me  about  it.  I  am  hungry  and  I 
want  to  eat."  He  continued  talking  about  their  food  for  a  longtime. 
They  concealed  how  they  obtained  it.  Then  the  Rabbit  said,  "  I 
think  you  are  too  lazy  to  go  to  get  it.  Show  me  the  path  and  I  will 
go  after  it ;  I  will  cut  off  enough  for  us  and  bring  it."  "We  never 
eat  here,"  they  said.  "  You  boys  do  not  know  me.  I  am  your 
grandfather.  You  did  not  know  me  ;  that  is  why  you  hid  your  food 
from  me,"  said  the  Rabbit.  Then  one  of  them  nudged  the  other 
and  whispered  to  him,  "  I  think  he  is  our  grandfather ;  I  will  tell 
him  where  we  eat."     The  other  one  said  nothing  for  a  while;  then 


2  76  Journal  of  Afnerican  Folk-Lore. 

he  said,  "  What  we  eat  is  not  on  the  ground  ;  our  food  is  far  up  in 
the  sky ;  we  eat  at  a  certain  time.  When  we  ask  for  our  food, 
something  always  comes  down  from  the  sky  ;  it  is  white,  like  a  cloud. 
At  the  hind  end  it  is  like  a  person  ;  it  has  an  eye,  and  a  mouth,  and 
it  watches  us.  It  comes  only  at  a  certain  time.  If  we  ask  before 
this,  it  will  think  that  some  one  else  wants  it.  But  when  we  ask  for 
it,  we  will  hide  you  under  the  bedding."  Then  they  hid  him.  One 
ran  towards  the  East,  the  other  towards  the  West ;  then  they  ran 
towards  each  other,  and  when  they  met,  they  cried  like  animals  at 
play.  Then  they  circled  about,  met  each  other,  crying,  and  gradu- 
ally came  nearer  to  their  tent.  Something  white  came  from  the  sky. 
The  Rabbit  saw  it  coming  down.  It  was  like  a  cloud,  and  above  it 
was  like  a  face  ;  like  a  man  sitting  on  their  food.  The  boys  took  up 
dull  knives  ;  and  when  the  food  came  down,  they  cut  off  a  piece. 
They  cut  off  more  than  usually,  in  order  to  give  their  grandfather 
some.  Then  the  thing  ran  back.  It  flew  up  just  like  lightning,  be- 
ing hardly  visible.  The  boys  cut  up  their  food,  and  the  Rabbit  came 
out  and  ate  with  them.  The  food  tasted  very  sweet,  and  the  Rabbit 
wanted  more,  and  he  asked  them  to  make  it  come  again.  They  said 
to  him  :  "  It  comes  only  at  certain  times."  Then  he  said  to  them, 
"  I  will  live  with  you,  for  your  food  is  good."  He  made  a  burrow  in 
the  brush  near  by,  and  watched.  Then  the  food  came  down  again. 
The  person  on  it  looked  around  like  an  antelope  watching.  The  Rab- 
bit took  a  bow  and  arrow  from  his  quiver;  just  before  it  came  low 
enough  for  the  boys  to  cut  off  a  piece,  he  shot  at  the  part  that  looked 
like  a  man.  The  whole  object  fell  down  in  a  heap.  "  I  thought  that 
was  what  he  would  do,"  said  the  older  brother  to  the  younger,  blam- 
ing him.  The  Rabbit  said  to  them,  "Well,  my  grandchildren,  I 
will  leave  you.  You  have  something  to  eat  and  it  will  last  you 
long.  After  you  have  eaten  it  all,  you  will  go  up  into  the  moun- 
tains and  eat  grass  and  be  Deer." 

IX*. 

The  Cedar  used  to  be  dangerous.  When  it  was  broken,  it  snapped 
and  whistled,  and  shot  off  splinters.  The  mother  of  two  Fawns  had 
been  killed  by  it.  The  Rabbit  came  to  the  two  Fawns,  and  he  told 
them  to  make  a  fire  to  cook  for  him.  They  told  him  that  they  could 
not  do  so  ;  the  Cedar  had  killed  their  mother  and  was  dangerous. 
Nevertheless,  he  ordered  them  to  make  a  fire.  Because  they  feared 
him,  they  went,  but  unwillingly.  When  they  broke  the  wood,  it 
snapped,  and  shot,  and  flew  about.  The  Fawns  were  frightened,  and 
ran  about,  dodging  the  wood,  and  crying  like  animals.  Pieces  flew 
about  the  Rabbit  also,  and  he  became  angry.  He  took  a  rock  and 
smashed  the  Cedar  Tree  as  if  it  had  been  struck  by  lightning.     He 


Ute  Tales.  277 

said  to  it,  "You  have  done  wrong.  You  will  be  called  Cedar.  You 
will  do  no  more  harm.  You  used  to  kill  people,  but  you  will  do  so 
no  more," 

X. 

A  man  was  hunting.  He  went  on  a  flat-topped  hill.  Looking  into 
the  valley  below,  he  saw  two  young  Deer  running  away  from  him. 
When  they  were  on  the  side  of  the  hill  opposite,  they  stopped,  and 
looking  back  said  to  him,  "  Do  not  shoot  us.  Stop !  we  will  tell 
you  something."  "Very  well,"  he  said.  Then  they  came  towards 
him.  When  they  reached  him  they  said,  "  We  will  tell  you  some- 
thing." He  asked,  "What  will  you  tell  me  .•*  "  In  this  way  they 
spoke  to  each  other  several  times,  the  man  asking,  "  What  will  j^ou 
tell  me .''  "  and  the  Deer  answering,  "We  will  tell  you  something." 
At  last  he  said,  "Well,  tell  it  tome."  One  of  the  Deer  said,  "I 
was  about  to  tell  you  that  there  is  some  one  on  the  other  side  of 
that  ridge  that  you  see ;  there  are  two  women  there.  As  soon  as 
you  climb  the  ridge  you  will  see  a  small  lake.  At  the  end  of  this 
stands  a  cedar,  and  near  it  a  young  cedar.  Dig  under  the  small 
tree,  hide  there,  and  watch  the  lake.  As  you  lie  in  hiding  under  the 
small  tree,  you  will  see  a  bird  come.  It  will  sit  in  the  tree.  When 
it  alights  on  the  ground,  it  will  be  a  woman,  who  is  pretty,  and 
wears  a  light  red  dress.  This  first  bird  is  not  a  good  bird.  The 
woman  will  go  into  the  lake  to  take  a  swim.  Do  not  touch  her. 
Let  her  put  on  her  clothes  again  and  fly  off.  Then  another  bird 
will  come,  and  it  will  be  a  good  one.  When  she  is  in  the  water, 
show  yourself.  Take  her  clothes,  roll  them  in  a  bunch,  and  clasp 
and  lie  upon  them.  When  she  comes  out  of  the  water  and  asks  for 
her  clothes,  do  not  let  her  have  them  at  once  ;  do  not  give  them  to 
her  until  she  says,  "I  will  marry  you  and  we  will  go  away  together." 
If  you  give  them  to  her  before  she  has  said  this,  she  will  fly  off 
very  quickly.     You  will  hardly  see  her." 

The  man  went  off  and  did  as  he  had  been  told.  He  allowed  the  first 
woman,  though  she  was  good  looking,  to  become  a  bird  again.  She 
sat  in  the  tree  a  while,  and  then  flew  off.  Then  a  blue  bird  came 
and  sat  on  the  same  tree.  When  it  touched  the  ground,  it  was  a  fine 
looking  woman,  dressed  in  blue.  Taking  off  all  her  clothes,  she 
swam  in  the  water.  When  she  came  out,  she  asked  him  to  give  her 
her  clothes.  Finally  she  said,  "  If  you  give  me  my  clothes,  I  will 
marry  you."  "Truly.-*"  he  asked.  "Indeed,"  she  said,  "it  is  the 
truth.  I  will  marry  you  and  we  will  go  away  together."  Then  she 
told  him  to  go  a  little  distance  off  while  she  was  dressing.  When 
she  was  dressed,  she  called  him,  and  they  went  off.  When  they  had 
gone  a  little  way  from  the  lake,  she  said,  "  Let  us  lie  down  here." 
Then  she  asked  him,  "  Who  are  you  .-•    To  what  tribe  do  you  belong  ? " 


278  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

He  said,  "  Who  are  you  !  "  She  said,  "  Did  you  not  see  me  ?  I  have 
wings.  If  you  will  tell  me  who  you  are,  we  will  be  married.  We 
will  have  a  boy,  then  a  girl,  then  a  boy,  and  so  on.  I  have  been 
all  over  the  world,  but  I  have  seen  no  tribes  like  you,  nor  animals 
like  you."  It  was  because  he  wore  trousers  that  she  asked  him 
what  he  was.  She  intended,  if  she  liked  his  people,  when  he  told 
her,  that  they  should  stay  there  for  the  night.  The  sun  went 
down,  and  it  was  a  little  before  night.  She  began  to  ask  him  again, 
"  What  tribe  are  you  ?  To  whom  do  you  belong  }  "  Then  he  said, 
"  I  am  Kokvatc  "  (Mexican).  "  What  do  you  mean  ? "  she  said.  "  I 
never  heard  that  word.  What  do  you  mean  with  Kokvii'tc  .-'  "  She 
could  not  understand  him.  She  asked  him,  "  From  what  direction 
are  you  .''  "  He  pointed  to  the  East.  Then  she  did  not  like  him. 
She  thought  that  after  he  was  asleep,  she  would  leave  him ;  and  she 
resolved  never  to  be  a  woman  again,  but  to  remain  a  bird.  They 
slept  together  without  a  blanket.  The  man  slept  soundly,  and  in 
the  morning  got  up  alone.  No  one  was  with  him.  He  went  to  the 
lake  again,  thinking  that  she  would  come  back  there.  He  stayed 
there  five  days,  but  no  one  came.  Then  he  went  back  to  find  the 
two  Deer.  He  saw  their  tracks,  which  had  become  very  faint.  He 
followed  the  tracks  very  far  for  a  long  time,  thinking  that  the  Deer 
might  tell  him  more.  But  at  last  he  stopped,  without  having  over- 
taken them,  and  went  back  home. 

XI. 

A  man  lived  on  a  rock  with  his  two  grandsons.  He  told  the 
boys,  "  You  had  better  go  hunting  and  bring  something  to  eat.  I 
am  hungry.  Go  to  the  hills,  sit  on  the  top,  and  watch  in  all  direc- 
tions ;  then  you  may  find  something."  Then  the  boys  went  off  and 
watched  in  the  brush.  An  elk  came  straight  towards  them.  One  of 
them  said,  "  I  see  an  elk.  Let  us  kill  it."  The  other  said,  "  My 
older  brother,  let  us  run  away.  I  am  afraid."  The  older  said, 
"  No.  Sit  still.  It  is  an  elk.  I  shall  shoot  it,  as  our  grandfather 
directed."     The  other  one  said,  "  No.     I  am  afraid." 

When  the  older  was  nearly  ready  to  shoot,  his  younger  brother 
fled,  crying,  "  Let  us  run  away.  I  am  frightened."  Then  the  elk 
started  back.  The  older  one  said,  "  What  is  it  .-*  Are  you  crazy  ? 
I  was  nearly  ready  to  shoot  that  elk."  The  younger  said,  "I  was 
frightened ;  but  I  know  now  that  it  is  an  elk.  Let  us  go  after  it ; 
it  cannot  have  gone  far." 

When  they  got  near  the  elk  again,  the  younger  brother  wanted  to 
shoot  at  it.  The  older  brother  wanted  him  to  stay  behind,  but  did 
not  persuade  him.  When  they  were  ready  to  shoot,  the  younger 
again  ran  off  shouting,  and  the  elk  escaped.     The  older  brother 


Ute  Tales.  279 

upbraided  him  ;  he  nearly  struck  him.  The  younger  said,  "  I  was 
afraid  that  it  would  jump  on  me.  I  became  frightened."  Again  he 
persuaded  the  older  to  take  him  with  him.  When  they  approached 
the  elk  another  time,  he  again  persuaded  his  older  brother  to  allow 
him  to  shoot,  saying,  that  if  one  of  them  missed,  the  other  could 
still  try  to  hit  it.  But  the  same  thing  happened  as  before.  Then 
the  older  brother  again  became  angry  and  reviled  the  younger.  It 
was  now  sunset,  but  once  again  the  younger  persuaded  the  older  to 
go  after  the  elk ;  so  they  went  around  ahead  of  it.  Then  the  older 
tied  the  arms  and  the  legs  of  the  younger,  and  tied  up  his  mouth. 
The  elk  came  close.  The  younger  one  began  to  emit  smothered 
screams.  Then  the  older  brother  hurriedly  shot.  He  killed  the 
elk.  The  younger  was  tossing  about,  trying  to  scream  and  to  flee. 
"Are  you  crazy  .■*  I  have  killed  the  elk,"  said  the  older.  "Have 
you  really  killed  it  .-^  "  asked  the  younger.  Then  he  loosened  his 
younger  brother  and  showed  him  the  elk.  The  younger  said,  "  What 
kind  of  a  deer  is  that  .-• "  The  older  said,  "It  is  an  elk.  Hurry! 
Get  some  brush  for  a  fire.  Let  us  skin  it  and  go  home  quickly. 
There  may  be  bad  persons  about  here."  The  younger  said,  "  I  will 
get  some  presently."  Then  the  older  said,  "  What  is  the  matter 
with  you }  Get  some  brush  so  that  we  can  go  home."  "  I  will  get 
some  presently,"  said  the  younger.  Again  the  older  said  to  him, 
"  Make  a  fire  quickly.  I  will  roast  some  meat  and  eat  it,  then  I  will 
go  home.  Be  quick!"  "No.  Presently.  I  want  to  rest  now," 
said  the  younger.  He  would  not  help  his  older  brother.  So  that 
one  alone  skinned  the  game  and  cooked  some  of  the  meat.  Then 
he  said,  "  Let  us  go  home  now.  There  may  be  bad  things  about. 
I  am  frightened."  The  younger  said,  "  No.  I  am  afraid  to  go.  I 
cannot  go  home.  Let  us  stay  here  for  the  night ;  there  is  nothing 
bad  about  here."  Then  the  older  urged  him  no  more.  He  said, 
"  Let  us  sleep  in  a  cedar.  Make  a  bed."  The  younger  one  agreed 
and  made  a  bed  in  the  top  of  the  cedar,  after  they  had  buried  the 
meat.  Then  they  slept.  In  the  middle  of  the  night  the  younger 
one  said,  "  I  am  hungry.  I  will  go  down  to  eat."  The  older  said 
to  him,  "What  is  the  matter  with  you  }  Eat  to-morrow,  sleep  now." 
But  the  younger  one  insisted  on  going  down  to  eat.  Finally  his 
older  brother  said,  "  Very  well."  Then  the  younger  brother  went 
down,  made  a  large  fire,  and  cooked  a  whole  shoulder  of  the  elk. 
He  began  to  eat.  Then  there  were  cries  from  far  off  from  all  direc- 
tions. The  boy  said,  "What  is  it.''  Is  anyone  approaching.'  Come 
here  !  we  will  eat."     The  older  brother  remained  in  the  cedar. 

Then  some  one  came  to  the  opposite  side  of  the  fire.  He  was  a 
large,  long  man.  The  younger  brother  said,  "  Come,  my  friend, 
eat;   I  have  good  food;   sit  down  there."     There  was  no  answer. 


28o  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

*'  Here  is  something  to  eat,"  said  the  boy,  holding  it  out  to  him. 
The  person  did  not  take  it.  He  did  not  answer  even  when  he  was 
repeatedly  spoken  to.  Then  the  boy  hit  him  on  the  head  and 
knocked  him  down.  Coming  closer,  he  then  stood  by  his  head, 
whereupon  the  man  reached  out  and  caught  him  with  a  violent  grip, 
in  scroto.  "Oh!  Oh!  Let  me  go!"  cried  the  boy.  The  man 
continued  to  hold  him.  "  Do  not  hold  me.  Oh  !  Oh  !  You  hurt 
me.  Let  me  go.  My  older  brother,  come  to  help  me.  This  man 
is  holding  me."  But  his  older  brother  was  angry  and  did  not  come 
down.  The  man  squeezed  him  harder,  while  the  boy  groaned.  Then 
he  walked  off  with  him.  The  older  brother  heard  his  cries  growing 
faint  ;  then  he  ceased  to  hear  them  on  account  of  the  distance. 

In  the  morning  he  came  down  from  the  tree.  Crying,  he  fol- 
lowed the  tracks.  He  saw  that  they  led  to  a  lake  and  right  down 
into  it.  He  could  go  no  farther.  Going  back  and  taking  the  elk- 
meat,  he  went  home  and  told  his  grandfather.  (The  story  here 
makes  him  repeat  what  has  been  told.)  His  grandfather  said  to 
him,  "We  will  go  to-morrow  to  see  that  place."  Then  they  went 
to  the  lake  and  watched  it.  Then  the  old  man  said,  "  Wait  here 
while  I  go  down,  following  the  tracks."  He  was  away  until  noon. 
Then  he  came  up,  bringing  a  dead  man,  and  laid  him  down.  He 
said,  "This  is  the  man  that  killed  your  brother.  Deep  down  I 
killed  him."  Again  he  went  into  the  lake  and  stayed  until  nearly 
sunset.  Then  he  came  up  with  another.  "  This  is  the  man  that 
killed  your  brother,"  he  said.  "  I  entered  his  house  and  killed  him. 
Now  open  his  mouth  and  look  at  his  teeth."  The  boy  saw  a  little 
meat  between  the  teeth.  His  grandfather  said  to  him,  "Take  a 
stick  and  pick  out  the  meat  from  his  teeth."  The  boy  did  so  and 
made  a  little  pile  of  it.  Then  the  old  man  told  him  to  cut  open  the 
dead  man.  When  he  had  done  so,  he  asked  him,  "Do  you  see  any 
bones  or  other  parts  .''  Pick  them  out."  The  boy  did  as  he  was 
told,  and  then  did  the  same  to  the  other  man.  They  put  the  meat 
and  bones  into  a  hollow  stone  and  carried  it  home.  They  left  it 
standing  outside,  a  short  distance  from  the  tent.  Then  they  slept. 
Early  in  the  morning  his  grandfather  said,  "  He  is  shouting,  Wuwu- 
wuwu  !  Do  you  hear  him  ?"  "  Yes,"  said  the  older  brother.  They 
answered  with  a  shout.  Then  he  came.  "  Well,  my  older  brother," 
he  said.     He  had  arisen  from  the  meat. 

XII. 

There  was  a  very  large  man.  He  had  a  big  head,  a  protruding 
belly,  and  long  feet.  He  had  two  wives.  They  had  nothing  to  eat 
but  ground  grass-seed.  They  lived  alone,  where  they  saw  no  one. 
There  was  not  even  game  to  hunt.     The  man  said  to  his  wives, 


ly/e  Tales.  281 

"  Let  us  gfo  Eastward  again.  I  am  tired  of  eating  this  grass-seed. 
I  am  tired  \x  seeing  no  tracks,  and  of  seeing  no  game;  therefore  I 
wish  to  go  -iast."  The  next  day  they  moved  away.  Seeing  a  moun- 
tain, they  vie.it  up  it,  then  down  the  other  side.  They  saw  a  spring 
and  campf?u  there,  staying  the  next  day.  The  man  said,  "  Stay 
here.     I  vj^ll  go  on  and  hunt." 

He  fou'hi  the  tracks  of  a  man,  a  woman,  and  two  children.  Com- 
ing bac'c  he  said,  "  I  saw  the  tracks  of  four  persons.  I  shall  go 
and  loo  n  for  them  ;  perhaps  we  shall  see  them  living  somewhere." 
Then  lo,  went  with  his  wives  to  where  he  had  seen  the  tracks. 
There  ^  fpy  saw  two  antelopes.  "  Kill  them.  I  am  hungry,"  said 
one  of  lirre  women  to  him.  "  No,  they  belong  to  him  (they  are  his 
hv^.-^^e-t  vsaid  the  man.  They  followed  the  tracks  and  again  camped 
at  ?^%.i  l-mg."  Then  the  man  left  the  two  women  after  saying  to 
then'^-i'  will  go  after  that  man  and  kill  him.  I  want  to  eat  him. 
I  shall  bring  him  back,  and  you  also  will  like  to  eat  him."  Then 
he  ent,  watching  closely.  He  saw  the  man,  and  shot  him.  Then 
he-.f^ot  the  woman  and  choked  the  children.  He  returned  to  his 
women  and  said,  "  Let  us  go  there.  I  have  killed  them  all.  We 
will  go  to  butcher  them."  So  they  skinned  the  man  and  woman. 
Then  he  told  one  of  his  wives  to  skin  the  boy  neatly  and  carefully. 
The  meat  they  dried,  hanging  it  up.  They  stayed  there  two  days. 
The  man  ate  all  the  meat.  He  ate  the  bones  of  the  feet  and  every- 
thing else,  throwing  nothing  away.  Then  he  said,  "  Stay  here ;  I 
will  travel  about  to  see  if  I  can  find  anything.  I  will  take  the  skin 
of  that  boy  with  me." 

He  ascended  a  mountain  ;  he  peered  over  the  top,  but  saw  nothing. 
Then  he  raised  his  head  higher,  and  saw  a  tent,  with  two  women  and 
a  man  near  it.  He  took  the  stuffed  skin  of  the  boy,  held  it  up,  and 
moved  it  about.  The  second  time  he  did  so,  the  man  saw  it,  and 
said  to  the  women,  "  A  boy  is  up  there.  Did  you  see  him  }  I  will 
go  up  to  him."  The  cannibal  laid  the  stuffed  skin  down  and  hid  in 
the  bushes.  The  man  came  up  and  said  to  the  boy,  "  Who  are  you.? 
Get  up.  Can  you  not  sit  up  } "  The  cannibal  drew  his  bow  and 
shot  the  man.  He  ran  a  short  way,  fell,  and  died.  Then  the  canni- 
bal went  on  another  hill,  and  did  the  same  there.  He  held  the  boy 
in  front  of  a  cedar  and  made  him  wave  his  hand.  "  Did  you  see 
that  boy  ?  He  is  over  there,"  said  a  young  man,  who  was  with  the 
women.  He  went  up  the  hill.  The  cannibal  laid  the  boy  down, 
and  shot  this  one,  as  he  had  shot  the  other.  Thus  he  had  killed  two 
men.  Then  he  showed  the  boy  in  another  place  ;  but  the  women 
did  not  come  to  him.  "  We  will  both  stay  here  and  wait  until  the 
men  come,"  they  said.  Then  the  cannibal  made  a  circuit  to  the 
other  side  of  the  tent.    He  approached  it  and  again  showed  the  skin. 


282  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

One  of  the  women  saw  the  boy,  and  called  to  him,  "Mtho  are  you? 
What  tribe  are  you?"  But  the  man  only  lowered  thj  boy  out  of 
sight,  and  then  made  him  appear  to  look  again.  But  1  he  women  did 
not  come  to  him  ;  therefore  he  left  the  hide  lying  ail  ^  approached 
the  tent  from  another  side.  He  came  up  to  the  won^^.^^-^  "  Where 
is  your  husband  ?  "  he  asked.  They  said  to  him,  "  He^.went  there 
after  a  boy.  A  young  man  also  went  away  after  that  (^  \  ^  and  has 
not  come  back  ;  perhaps  the  boy  was  only  playing."  T^ju-^  he  shot 
both  of  the  women,  one  after  the  other.  Taking  the  ,t/Uifed  hide, 
he  went  back  to  his  tent.  He  told  his  wives,  "I  have  knJed  four 
pieces  of  game.  Let  us  remove  there."  Then  they  wentiesiere  and 
lived  in  that  tent.  He  said  to  his  women,  "  Skin  this  wtai^n  well 
and  tan  her  hide  ;  make  it  your  dress.  After  three  nightsngwill  go 
to  hunt  again."  Then  they  skinned  her.  They  tanned  rj .,;  skin ; 
they  made  it  stiff  and  crackling.  One  of  them  used  it  fo/<vdress. 
The  cannibal  ate  one  of  the  men.  He  put  the  head  into  the  rfe  to 
roast.  "Gather  the  bones  and  get  the  marrow,"  he  said.  Socgc  the 
women  were  fat  from  eating  grease  and  marrow.  <: ^ 

After  the  man  had  slept  three  times,  he  said,  "  I  will  kill  another 
one  for  you  now.  You  stay  here  and  I  will  go  hunting."  Then  he 
went  away,  taking  the  boy's  skin.  He  saw  an  old  man,  a  woman,  and 
a  girl.  On  the  top  of  the  hill,  he  showed  them  the  boy.  The  old  man 
said,  "  I  see  a  boy  there.  I  will  go  to  see  what  kind  of  a  boy  is 
there."  So  he  went  up  and  was  shot.  Again  the  man  showed 
the  boy  in  another  place.  The  old  woman  said,  "  Let  us  go  to  see 
who  the  boy  is.  Perhaps  some  one  is  living  on  the  other  side  of  the 
hill  now."  Then  they  both  went  there.  The  man  put  down  the 
stuffed  skin  and  hid  behind  some  cedars.  He  shot  both  of  the  wo- 
men. Then  he  went  to  their  tent,  but  he  found  no  one  else  there; 
he  had  killed  all.  He  went  home  and  told  his  women.  They  all  went 
there.  He  said  to  them,  "  Skin  this  woman,  and  make  a  dress  of 
her.  I  will  skin  this  old  man.  I  think  I  like  his  skin  for  my 
blanket."  So  they  skinned  them  and  dried  the  meat.  "  Now  tan 
that  skin,"  he  said  to  one  of  the  women.  Then  she  made  it  stiff. 
Then  he  said,   "  Remain  here.     I  will  hunt  again." 

Again  he  went,  carrying  the  boy's  skin.  He  went  far  and  found 
no  one.  In  the  middle  of  the  day  he  became  tired.  He  went  to  a 
spring  and  drank,  and  lay  down  with  the  stuffed  hide  beside  him. 
He  slept.  Two  men  came  to  drink.  They  found  him  with  the 
stuffed  skin  of  the  boy.  They  spoke  to  each  other,  and  knew  that 
he  was  a  bad  man.  They  fled.  Then  he  shot  at  them  and  killed 
one.  The  other  one  escaped.  The  cannibal  went  home  and  said, 
"  I  killed  one  at  the  spring  ;  let  us  go  there.  One  of  them  escaped." 
The  women  cried.     "Why  do  you  cry?"  he  asked.     "They  said, 


Ute  Tales.  283 

"  Because  you  let  him  escape.  I  want  him."  "Oh!"  he  said.  "I 
will  get  him  later."  The  other  man  fled.  He  said  to  the  people, 
"  I  saw  a  bad  person.  He  has  a  big  belly,  a  big  head,  and  big  feet. 
I  saw  that  he  had  the  skin  of  a  boy.  He  is  bad."  Then  they  re- 
moved to  another  camp  and  told  those  persons  there.  These  also 
were  afraid,  and  removed  to  another  place.  Thus  all  went  away, 
being  much  afraid.  Only  in  one  camp  there  remained  a  young  man 
and  his  mother.  All  the  others  fled.  His  mother  said  to  him,  "  Let 
us  flee,  my  son.  He  is  a  bad  person  ;  he  will  kill  us."  He  said  to 
her,  "  No,  we  will  stay  here.  I  want  to  talk  to  that  one  ;  I  think 
he  is  my  friend."  His  mother  was  much  frightened,  and  continued 
to  tell  him  to  go  away.  After  a  while  he  said  to  her,  "  Now,  mo- 
ther, get  water  in  a  large  basket."  They  lived  on  a  slate  hill.  On 
the  rock  he  made  a  small  lake  with  the  water  that  she  brought.  Ten 
times  she  brought  him  water,  and  he  poured  it  in.  Then  he  told 
his  mother  to  grind  a  basketful  of  seeds  and  to  cook  them.  She  did 
this.  She  was  much  frightened.  "  I  am  afraid,"  she  said.  "I  will 
run  away."  He  said  to  her,  "No,  my  mother,  do  not  fear  him. 
Let  him  come.  He  will  not  hurt  you.  Go  and  set  fire  to  that  cedar 
so  that  he  will  see  the  smoke,  and  come  to  visit  us."  The  man  saw 
it  and  told  his  wives.  "  Some  one  is  over  there.  I  saw  smoke." 
They  said  to  him,  "Good,  you  will  kill  him."  He  said  to  them,  "I 
will  go  there  now  ;  perhaps  there  are  many  people.  I  will  stay  there 
one  night  ;  perhaps  I  will  kill  ten.  If  I  do  not  come  back  after  one 
night,  you  must  come  after  me." 

Then  he  travelled  fast.  He  went  on  a  hill  and  peered  over.  The 
young  man  was  looking  for  him  and  saw  him.  "  Look,  mother, 
there  is  that  man,"  he  said.  "  Oh,  my  son,  I  will  run  away,"  said 
she.  Then  the  cannibal  raised  the  stuffed  skin.  The  young  man 
cried  out,  "  Why  do  you  do  that  .-^  Come  here,  you."  So  that  one 
left  the  skin  and  went  there.  His  mother  said,  "  He  is  coming  now. 
Let  us  run."  "  No,"  said  the  young  man.  She  ran  a  short  distance. 
He  called  to  her,  "  Come  back,  my  mother.  Let  him  come.  Give 
him  this  food."  Then  she  came  back  to  him,  shaking.  Now  the 
cannibal  arrived  there.  The  young  man  went  to  him  quickly  and 
said,  "  Well,  my  friend,"  and  took  his  hand.  "  Sit  down  there,"  he 
said  to  him  ;  and  the  man  with  the  large  belly  sat  down  there.  "  Are 
you  hungry.'"  he  asked  him,  "Yes,"  he  said.  "  What  do  wish.-' 
Do  you  want  meat  or  something  else  .-^ "  he  said  to  him.  "Any- 
thing," said  the  man.  "Very  well.  Do  you  like  this  food  .-'  It  is 
already  cooked,"  said  the  young  man.  Then  he  gave  him  a  basket- 
ful. That  one  drank  it  all.  "  Have  you  finished .'  "  he  asked  the 
man.  He  said,  "No."  Then  he  gave  him  another  basketful.  Again 
the  man  drank  this  off.     The  young  man  said  to  him,  "  Where  do 


284  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore, 

you  live  ?  Where  is  your  tent  ?  What  is  your  purpose  in  coming 
here  ?  "  The  man  said  to  him,  "  I  live  far  away.  I  came  here  with 
no  purpose."  The  young  man  said  to  him,  "  Stay  here  one  night. 
We  will  talk  together."  But  that  one  wished  to  go  back  home.  The 
young  man  said,  "  Do  you  wish  to  urinate  or  defecate  ?  "  "  No," 
said  the  man.  "  When  you  wish  it,  do  so  there,"  said  the  young 
man  to  him.  After  a  little  while  the  man  said,  "  I  am  full  now.  I 
must  defecate."  The  young  man  said  to  him,  "Very  well.  Come. 
I  made  a  lake  over  there  by  urinating."  The  cannibal  said,  "Where 
shall  I  urinate.!*"  "Here,"  said  the  young  man.  Then  he  said,  "I 
have  a  pretty  eagle  here  on  this  cliff.  Do  you  wish  to  see  it .'' " 
Then  the  large-bellied  one  lay  down  and  looked  over  the  jutting  cliff 
to  see  the  eagle.  The  young  man  threw  him  down  into  the  lake. 
He  swam  around  and  around.  All  about  him  the  rock  was  steep. 
He  could  not  get  out.  The  young  man  watched  him.  Soon  he 
began  to  be  tired.  He  went  down.  Then  he  came  up  again ;  he 
was  nearly  dead.     At  last  he  drowned. 

The  next  day  the  young  man  stayed  at  home.  He  said  to  his 
mother,  "  Where  is  your  rope }  What  did  you  do  with  it  ?  I 
wish  to  pull  that  man  out."  "  No.  He  is  a  bad  man,"  she  said  to 
him.  But  he  said,  "Give  me  the  rope.  I  will  do  what  is  good." 
She  gave  him  the  rope.  He  went  down  to  the  water  and  tied  the 
legs  and  the  hands  of  the  man.  Then  he  pulled  him  up.  He  butch- 
ered him,  skinned  him,  and  told  his  mother  to  dry  the  meat.  "  Why 
do  you  do  this  .'* "  she  said.  He  said  to  her,  "  I  think  his  women 
will  come.  We  will  give  them  his  meat  to  eat  and  go  outside.  We 
will  watch  what  they  do."  Then  he  put  the  head  under  the  iire  in 
order  to  cook  it.  He  laid  down  two  large,  fat  pieces  ready  cooked. 
Then  he  went  away  behind  a  rock  and  watched.  He  saw  two  women 
come.  They  saw  the  meat  hanging  to  dry,  and  saw  the  cooked  meat 
lying  there.  They  sat  down  and  ate  it  greedily,  laughing.  One  of 
them  said  to  the  other,  "  Perhaps  my  husband  went  to  kill  the  oth- 
ers. He  has  already  killed  a  fat  one."  Soon  they  had  finished. 
One  of  them  saw  the  head  covered  up  in  the  fire.  She  said,  "  See 
the  head.  Let  us  eat  it."  Then  they  took  it  out.  "  I  want  part 
of  it,"  said  the  other.  Then  they  cut  it  in  two.  They  ate  it,  laugh- 
ing. One  said,  "  My  husband  cooks  well."  Then  one  said,  "  I  am 
sleepy."  The  other  one  said  she  was  sleepy  ;  so  they  went  to  sleep. 
The  young  man  watched  them.  One  began  to  sleep  lightly.  Then 
she  awoke.  She  said,  "  Get  up,  my  sister  !  My  heart  is  bad,  it 
hits  me  hard,  I  think  I  ate  the  flesh  of  my  husband."  The  other 
one  said,  "  Yes,  I  also  feel  bad.  I  do  not  know  what  is  the  trouble. 
I  think  the  same  as  you  think."  Now  they  both  cried.  The  young 
man  had  been  watching  them.     Now  he  came  and  they  saw  him. 


Ute  Tales.  285 

He  said,  "  What  is  the  matter  with  you  ?  Why  do  you  not  eat  this 
meat  hanging  here  ?  Your  husband  has  gone  away  hunting."  They 
said  to  each  other,  "  Perhaps  he  killed  our  husband."  Then  he 
said  to  them,  "  Yes,  I  killed  your  husband.  He  is  a  bad  man,  I 
will  kill  you  also."  "  No,  do  not  kill  me,"  they  cried.  He  said, 
"  No,  I  will  certainly  kill  you."  "  Do  not  kill  me,"  they  said. 
Again  he  said,  "  No,  I  will  kill  you."  Then  he  shot  them.  He 
killed  them  both.  He  said,  "That  one  has  killed  many  persons,  but 
now  he  is  gone.  He  is  killed.  People  will  not  do  thus  any  more. 
They  will  be  friends  and  will  not  eat  each  other.  That  one  was  in- 
sane." 

A.  L.  Kroeber. 


286 


yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


EARLY  SONGS  FROM  NORTH  CAROLINA. 

The  following  songs  have  been  taken  by  me  from  the  lips  of 
elderly  reciters,  who  have  given  them  as  current  and  popular  in  Cen- 
tral North  Carolina  in  the  days  of  their  youth,  about  the  first  quarter 
of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  religious  and  sentimental  cast  re- 
flects the  taste  of  that  time ;  in  some  cases,  no  doubt,  it  will  be 
necessary  to  seek  their  origin  at  a  date  much  earlier :  — 

r.    FRIENDSHIP. 


g 


w 


!£=•- 


i^E^E 


-^^^^-f- 


P=P=P= 


-^Mt 


#=H 


^— ^ 


-^[=^= 


0-0-ft-» 


^^^^=^S=1 


:f=p: 


:^=t 


-*-•- 


Friendship  to  every  willing  mind 
Opens  sweet  and  heavenly  treasure, 
There  may  the  sons  of  sorrow  find 
Sources  of  real  pleasure. 
See  what  employment  men  pursue, 
Then  you  will  own  my  words  are  true, 
Friendship  alone  unfolds  to  view 
Sources  of  real  pleasure. 

Poor  are  the  joys  that  fools  esteem, 
Or  fading  and  transitory. 
Mirth  is  as  fleeting  as  a  dream, 
Or  a  delusive  story. 
Luxury  leaves  a  sting  behind, 
Wounding  the  body  and  the  mind, 
Only  in  friendship  can  we  find 
Sources  of  real  pleasure. 


Learning,  that  boasting  glittering  thing, 
Is  but  just  worth  possessing. 
Riches  forever  on  the  wing 
Scarce  can  be  called  a  blessing. 
Fame  like  a  shadow  flies  away. 
Titles  and  dignity  decay, 
Nothing  but  friendship  can  display 
Joys  that  are  freed  from  trouble. 


Early  Songs  fro^n  North  Carolina, 


287 


Beauty  with  all  its  gaudy  shows 
Is  only  a  painted  bubble, 
Short  is  the  triumph  wit  bestows, 
Full  of  deceit  and  trouble. 
Sensual  pleasures  swell  desire, 
Just  as  the  fuel  feeds  the  fire, 
Friendship  can  real  bliss  inspire, 
Bliss  that  is  worth  possessing. 

2.    THE    MOULDERING    VINE. 
(Central  North  Carolina.) 


^m^^^^.^^^^=^^s=^ 


^ 


-a — ^_ 


fe=fi=f— f- 


H« P- 


^: 


t"      I       P     f — ^-a=<Lip^ — ^ 


^ 


te 


e 


3K=p: 


•S'-r- 


'-W=^ 


i 


Hark,  ye  sighing  sons  of  sorrow, 
Learn  from  me  your  certain  doom  ; 
Learn  from  me  your  fate  to-morrow, 
Dead,  perhaps  laid  in  your  tomb. 
See  all  nature  fading,  dying. 
Silent  all  things  seem  to  pine. 
Life  from  vegetation  flying, 
Brings  to  mind  the  mouldering  vine. 

See  in  yonder  forest  standing 
Lofty  cedars,  how  they  nod. 
Scenes  of  nature,  how  surprising, 
Read  in  nature  nature's  God. 
Whilst  the  annual  frosts  are  cropping 
Leaves  and  tendrils  from  the  trees. 
So  our  friends  are  early  dropping. 
We  are  like  to  one  of  these. 


Hollow  winds  about  me  roaring, 
Noisy  waters  round  me  rise. 
Whilst  I  sit  my  fate  deploring. 
Tears  fast  streaming  from  my  eyes. 
What  to  me  is  autumn's  treasure. 
Since  I  know  no  earthly  joy  ? 
Long  I  've  lost  all  youthful  pleasure. 
Time  must  youth  and  wealth  destroy. 


Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


3.    PEACE    OF    MIND. 


While  beauty  and  youth  are  in  their  full  prime, 
And  folly  and  fashion  affect  our  whole  time, 

0  let  not  the  phantom  our  wishes  engage. 

Let  us  live  so  in  youth  that  we  blush  not  in  age. 

The  vain  and  the  young  may  attend  us  awhile, 
But  let  not  their  flattery  our  prudence  beguile, 
Let  us  covet  those  charms  that  never  decay, 
Nor  listen  to  all  that  deceivers  can  say. 

1  sigh  not  for  beauty  nor  languish  for  wealth. 
But  grant  me,  kind  Providence,  virtue  and  health. 
Then  richer  than  kings  and  far  happier  than  they, 
My  days  shall  pass  swiftly  and  sweetly  away. 

For  when  age  steals  on  me  and  youth  is  no  more, 
And  the  moralist  time  shakes  his  glass  at  my  door, 
What  pleasure  in  beauty  or  wealth  can  I  find, 
My  beauty,  my  wealth,  is  a  sweet  peace  of  mind. 

That  peace  I  '11  preserve  it  as  pure  as  't  was  given. 
Shall  last  in  my  bosom  an  earnest  of  heaven, 
For  virtue  and  wisdom  can  warm  the  cold  scene. 
And  sixty  can  flourish  as  gay  as  sixteen. 

And  when  I  the  burden  of  life  shall  have  borne, 
And  death  with  his  sickle  shall  cut  the  ripe  corn, 
Reascend  to  my  God  without  murmur  or  sigh, 
I  '11  bless  the  kind  summons  and  lie  down  and  die. 


4.    THE    DYING    FATHER  S    FAREWELL. 


Early  Songs  from  North  Carolina. 

The  time  is  swiftly  rolling  on, 
When  I  must  faint  and  die, 
My  body  to  the  dust  return, 
And  there  forgotten  lie. 
Let  persecution  rage  around, 
And  Antichrist  appear, 
My  silent  dust  beneath  the  ground, 
There  's  no  disturbance  there. 

My  little  children  near  my  heart, 
And  nature  seems  to  bind. 
It  grieves  me  sorely  to  depart. 
And  leave  you  all  behind. 
O  Lord  a  father  to  them  be. 
And  keep  them  from  all  harm. 
That  they  may  love  and  worship  thee, 
And  dwell  upon  thy  charms. 

My  loving  wife,  my  bosom  friend. 

The  object  of  my  love, 

The  time  's  been  sweet  I  've  spent  with  you 

My  sweet  and  harmless  dove.  ' 

For  I  can  never  come  to  thee. 

Let  this  not  grieve  your  heart, 

For  you  will  shortly  come  to  me. 

Where  we  shall  never  part. 


289 


Slow 


5.    MR.    DAVIS'S    EXPERIENCE. 


Come  all  ye  young  people  and  all  my  relations, 
Come,  listen  awhile,  and  to  you  I  will  tell, 
How  my  bowels  did  move  with  desire  for  salvation 
While  enwrapt  in  the  gales  and  breezes  from  hell  ' 
I  was  not  yet  sixteen  when  Jesus  first  called  me, 
To  think  of  my  soul  and  the  state  I  was  in, 
I  saw  myself  standing  a  distance  from  Jesus. 
Between  me  and  him  was  a  mountain  of  sin. 


VOL.  XIV.  —  NO.  55, 


20 


2  90 


yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


The  devil  perceived  that  I  was  convinced, 
He  strove  to  persuade  me  that  I  was  too  young, 
That  I  would  get  weary  before  my  ascension, 
And  wish  that  I  had  not  so  early  begun. 
Sometimes  he  'd  persuade  me  that  Jesus  was  partial. 
When  he  was  a-setting  of  poor  sinners  free, 
That  I  was  forsaken  and  quite  reprobated. 
And  there  was  no  mercy  at  all  for  poor  me. 

And  now  I  've  found  favor  in  Jesus,  my  Saviour, 
And  all  his  commandments  I  'm  bound  to  obey, 
I  trust  he  will  keep  me  from  all  Satan's  power, 
Till  he  shall  think  proper  to  call  me  away. 
So  farewell  all  kin  folks,  if  I  can't  persuade  you 
To  leave  off  your  follies  and  go  with  a  friend, 
I  '11  follow  my  Saviour  in  whom  I  've  found  favor, 
My  days  to  his  glory  I  'm  bound  for  to  spend. 

6.   MRS.  Saunders's  experienxe. 


^ 


# 


-5*- 


^ ?7 


'==^=F= 


With  faith  I  trust  in  Christ  the  Lord, 

Who  did  my  mind  console  ; 

I  '11  tell  to  you,  my  Gospel  friend, 

The  travail  of  my  soul. 

The  early  part  of  life  I  trod 

In  vanity  and  mirth, 

Quite  thoughtless  of  the  living  God, 

The  author  of  my  birth. 

At  length  I  thought  I  was  not  right, 

My  wrong  could  plainly  see, 

Then  I  assumed  a  serious  turn, 

Became  a  Pharisee. 

I  'd  oft  repeat  a  formal  prayer, 

But  only  with  my  tongue. 

And  thank  the  Lord,  I  'm  not  so  vile, 

As  such  or  such  a  one. 


In  ignorance  I  wandered  on, 

On  works  alone  I  stood. 

And  wished  that  all  that  saw  my  walk 

Misht  think  that  I  was  s.ood. 


Early  Songs  from  North  Carolina.  291 

Predestination  sounded  hard, 
So  did  Election,  too, 
I  thought  if  I  would  do  my  part, 
The  rest  the  Lord  would  do. 


The  Baptists  did  this  doctrine  teach, 

But  it  appear'd  so  vain, 

I  thought  such  men  should  never  preach 

These  principles  again. 

As  I  disliked  those  sentiments, 

I  seldom  went  to  hear. 

And  when  I  did,  felt  anger  rise, 

Instead  of  godly  fear. 

I  prayed  that  God  would  give  me  faith, 

And  help  me  to  believe. 

Some  gloomy  days  of  sorrow  pass'd, 

But  still  found  no  relief. 

This  Baptist  man  again  I  went  to  hear, 

His  theme  free  grace  and  love, 

He  mentioned  those  the  Lord  had  seal'd, 

And  took  to  him  above. 

He  likewise  said  that  Satan  hath 

A  mark  to  put  upon 

The  forehead  or  the  hand  of  those 

That  he  claims  for  his  own. 

Marked  in  the  forehead  they  are  bold, 

And  care  not  what  they  do, 

They  have  no  fear  of  God  above. 

Neither  of  man  below. 

The  others  when  with  Christians  are, 

The  mark  will  try  to  hide, 

But  when  they  meet  the  forehead  mark, 

Their  hand  will  open  wide. 

This  was  a  blow  severe  indeed, 

And  I  condemned  did  stand. 

And  told  a  friend  when  I  came  out, 

The  mark  was  in  my  hand. 

All  earthly  thoughts  did  vanish  now 

From  my  distracted  mind, 

I  read  the  Scriptures,  tried  to  pray, 

No  comfort  could  I  find. 

Each  judgment  in  the  holy  writ 

Appeared  to  point  at  me, 


292  journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

And  no  sweet  promise  could  I  find 
To  reach  my  misery. 

Amidst  this  torture,  fear  of  hell 

Was  not  much  on  my  mind, 

But  God  seemed  angry,  frowned  on  me, 

No  comfort  could  I  find. 

In  reading  of  the  word  of  truth, 

The  Lord  this  promise  gave, 

Though  he  cause  grief,  in  mercy  still, 

He  will  compassion  have. 

I  felt  a  gleam  of  hope  arise, 

But  yet  I  could  not  see 

How  a  just  God  could  mercy  have 

On  such  a  wretch  as  me. 

Still  did  I  hope  and  try  to  pray, 

My  soul  was  in  a  strait. 

This  was  the  word  that  came  to  me, 

Although  it  tarry,  wait. 

My  soul  was  filled,  my  eyes  o'errun, 

With  wonder,  love,  and  praise ; 

I  thought  that  joy  and  peace  would  crown 

The  remnant  of  my  days. 

Election,  too,  how  sweet  the  word ! 

For  had  I  not  been  one 

Gave  to  the  Saviour  ere  he  died, 

I  should  have  been  undone. 

Call  in  thy  sons  and  daughters,  Lord, 

And  may  I  live  to  see 

My  dear  relations  keep  thy  word, 

And  meekly  follow  thee. 

Oh,  let  thy  righteous  will  be  done, 

IMay  I  submissive  be, 

And  trust  in  God  whose  grace  alone 

Can  set  a  captive  free. 

From  a  lady,  eighty-five  years  old,  who,  when  a  girl,  learned  them 
from  her  grandfather.  The  song,  therefore,  was  sung  in  Central 
North  Carolina  before  1750. 

I  have  heard  before  of  the  two  marks  of  Satan,  one  in  the  head 
and  one  in  the  hand,  I  believe,  of  this  shape  T. 


Early  Songs  from  North  Carolina. 


293 


7.    COLUMBIA. 


f^^f^^^^^=^=^ 


■W=t:- 


SS^ 


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•# — ^  f '  I  ^ 


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1=U=^ 


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3 


■^e—^ 


.,-1  ^  •  ,  #    ^ 


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it 


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^^^^^^I^^S 


=i=F=i^ 


:b— fc 


U  ^    ^  I  ^11      i^  I  ^      {t-W-U        ^  I        ^    kM — Ij 


Thus  down  a  lone  valley  with  cedars  o'erspread, 
From  the  noise  of  the  town  I  pensively  stray'd, 
The  bloom  from  the  face  of  fair  heaven  retired, 
The  wind  ceased  to  murmur,  the  thunders  expired. 
Perfumes  as  of  Eden  fiow'd  sweetly  along, 
And  a  voice  as  of  angels  enchantingly  sung  : 
"  Columbia,  Columbia,  to  glory  arise, 
The  queen  of  the  world  and  the  child  of  the  skies." 

To  conquest  and  slaughter  let  Europe  aspire, 
Whelm  nations  in  blood  or  wrap  cities  in  fire. 
Thy  heroes  the  rights  of  mankind  shall  defend, 
And  triumph  pursue  them  and  glory  attend. 
A  world  in  thy  realm  ;  for  a  world  be  thy  laws, 
Enlarged  as  thy  empire  and  just  as  thy  cause. 
On  freedom's  broad  basis  that  empire  shall  rise, 
Extend  with  the  main  and  dissolve  with  the  skies. 

Fair  science  her  gate  to  thy  sons  shall  unbar. 

And  the  east  see  thy  morn  hide  the  beams  of  her  star, 

New  bards  and  new  sages  unrivalled  shall  soar, 

To  fame  unextinguished  when  time  is  no  more. 

To  the  last  refuge  of  virtue  design'd. 

Shall  fly  from  all  nations  the  best  of  mankind. 

There  grateful  to  Heaven  with  transport  shall  bring. 

Their  incense  more  fragrant  than  odors  of  spring. 


294  yournal  of  A  merican  Folk-L  ore. 

Thy  fleets  to  all  nations  thy  power  shall  display, 
The  nations  admire  and  the  oceans  obey, 
Each  shore  to  thy  glory  its  tribute  unfold, 
And  the  east  and  the  south  yield  their  spices  and  gold. 
As  the  day-spring  unbounded  thy  splendors  shall  flow. 
And  earth's  little  kingdom  before  thee  shall  bow, 
While  the  ensigns  of  union  in  triumph  unfurl'd 
Hush  anarchy's  sway,  and  give  peace  to  the  world. 

Emma  M,  Backus. 
Grovetown,  Columbia  Co..,  Georgia. 


Song-Games  from  Co7ineciicut.  295 


SONG-GAMES    FROM   CONNECTICUT. 

The  games  below  communicated  were  played  and  sung  in  the  back 
country  towns  of  Connecticut  as  late  as  the  year  1870,  at  the  so- 
called  "Evening  Party."  In  the  centre  of  the  house  was  usually 
found  a  large  and  old  chimney,  and  the  rooms  were  connected  by 
doors,  so  that  it  was  possible  to  march  round.  In  each  cosy  corner 
was  stationed  one  to  choose  from  the  players,  who  moved  marching 
and  singing  ;  at  the  proper  time  in  the  game  the  chooser  took  a 
sounding  kiss,  and  left  his  choice  to  continue  in  the  same  manner. 
About  midnight  were  passed  refreshments  of  several  kinds,  "frosted 
cake,"  apples,  popped  corn,  walnuts  and  butternuts  already  cracked, 
a  pitcher  of  cider,  and  another  of  cold  water ;  no  napkins  were 
thought  of.  Each  guest  was  seated  and  given  an  empty  plate,  after 
which  the  young  men  handed  the  good  things  on  large  waiters.  The 
singing  and  marching  was  resumed,  and  kept  up  until  about  four 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  the  young  men  issued  and  huddled  about 
the  door,  and  as  the  girls  came  out,  each  stepped  forward,  and  offered 
his  arm  to  his  choice,  with  the  words  :  "  Can  I  see  you  home  ?  " 
after  which  they  separated,  and  went  in  the  dark,  often  across  fields, 
to  their  scattered  homes,  perhaps  two  miles  away  ;  at  the  door  of 
the  fair  one  (which  often  was  the  back  door,  when  snow  lay  on  the 
ground,  and  no  path  had  been  shovelled  to  the  front  entrance),  there 
was  always  a  final  hug  and  kiss.  Chaperones  were  unknown  in 
those  neighborhoods  ;  thus  did  our  rural  Puritan  mothers  trust  to 
the  inherited  honor  and  good  sense  of  their  daughters,  and  all  was 
right  and  pure  and  good.  Of  flirting  there  was  not  much ;  each 
girl  had  one  young  man,  whom,  as  she  would  have  said,  she  "liked," 
and  cared  nothing  for  the  admiration  of  the  others.  When  any  girl  in 
the  community  had  acquired  the  name  of  "  liking  the  boys  "  (which 
meant  receiving  questionable  attentions  from  more  than  one),  she 
was  dropped  from  the  kissing  party,  and  the  young  men  who  would 
"wait  upon  her"  were  considered  as  of  doubtful  character,  and  no 
longer  accepted  as  escorts  by  those  on  whose  name  no  stain  of  re- 
proach had  rested. 

These  games  I  saw  played  in  the  hill  towns  of  Ashford  and  East- 
ford,  in  the  year  1865.  The  music  was  procured  from  Mrs.  Charles 
Perrin,  who  played  the  games  in  her  youth. 


296 


yournal  of  America^i  Folk-Lore. 


I.    ROSE    IN    THE    GARDEN. 


m- 


te 


^^ 


tt-^-A— -K 


i=i: 


=J: 


3^ 


Sail-ing  in  the  boat  when  the  tide  runs  high,  Sail-ing  in  the  boat  when  the 


:=!: 


tide     runs  high,     Sail  -  ing     in     the  boat    when  the    tide  runs     higli, 


r=E£E5E5^^^^- 


d= 


• — 4- 

Wait-ing    for  the  pret-ty    girl    to  come  by'm  by.     Here  she    comes  so 


i 


^    Vv — V — F 


w- 


fresh  and    fair,    Sky  -  blue  eyes  and  ciu'l  -  y     hair,      Ro  -  sy    in  cheek, 

-^ s: N- 


^- 


dimple  in     her    chin.       Say,  young  men,     but   you  can't  come      in. 

Sailing  in  the  boat  when  the  tide  runs  high, 
Sailing  in  the  boat  when  the  tide  runs  high, 
Sailing  in  the  boat  when  the  tide  runs  high, 
Waiting  for  the  pretty  girl  to  come  by  'm  by. 
Here  she  comes  so  fresh  and  fair, 
Sky-blue  eyes  and  curly  hair, 
Rosy  in  cheek,  dimple  in  her  chin, 
Say,  young  men,  but  you  can't  come  in. 

Rose  in  the  garden  for  you,  young  man, 
Rose  in  the  garden  for  you,  young  man. 
Rose  in  the  garden,  get  it  if  you  can. 
But  take  care  and  don't  get  a  frost-bitten  one. 

Choose  your  partner,  stay  till  day. 
Choose  your  partner,  stay  till  day. 
Choose  your  partner,  stay  till  day, 
Never,  never  mind  what  the  old  folks  say. 

Old  folks  say  't  is  the  very  best  way. 
Old  folks  say  't  is  the  very  best  way. 
Old  folks  say  't  is  the  very  best  way. 
To  court  all  night  and  sleep  all  day. 


Song-  Games  from  Connecticut, 


297 


2.    OLD    MAIDS. 


nii 

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All     you    that     are      sin  -  gle     and 


wild 


your       ways, 


i 


Come    sow      your     wild     oats      in        your  youth  -  ful      days,     And 


g 


1=^ 


s 


p 


you  shall  live  hap  -  py.    You  shall  live  hap  -  py  When  you  grow    old. 


fM 


The    day      is       far    spent  and    the  night's     com   -  ing      on, 


So 


^ 


give        us      your    arm      and        go        jog  -  ging      a    -    long,       And 


n^ 

^ 

k             ^ 

N        n.                 ^, 

1      1 

V-r 

r^      ^            • 

^  •        m 

1 

/T 

^ 

i          1    • 

fm          "■•-;»       1 

vU 

*              1 

•               >■       >       '          1 

— ' 

you  shall  be    hap-py,    You  shall  be    hap -py  When  you  grow       old. 

All  you  that  are  single  and  wild  in  your  ways, 

Come  sow  your  wild  oats  in  your  youthful  days, 

And  you  shall  live  happy, 

You  shall  live  happy  when  you  grow  old. 

The  day  is  far  spent  and  the  night 's  coming  on, 

So  give  us  your  arm  and  go  jogging  along, 

And  you  shall  be  happy, 

You  shall  be  happy  when  you  grow  old. 

At  the  words  :  "So  give  us  your  arm,"  the  couples  which  are 
marching  change  off,  and  each  girl  tries  to  get  a  boy's  arm,  and 
escape  being  left  over  for  the  old  maid,  the  number  of  players  being 
so  arranged  that  the  girls  make  one  more  than  the  young  men. 


3.    MARRIAGE. 


^3: 


=^=r=F 


• — ft — •- 


4= 


-F — •- 


b=^ 


■-& 


it^z 


Here  we    go      a-round  this  ring,    For  you  to  choose  while  oth-ers  sing  ; 


i 


w. 


i 


I  J  If    P 


£ 


Choose  the  one  that    you  love  best.  And  I'll    be  bound 'twill  suit  the  rest. 


29S 


journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 


i=P^ 


33^ 


BFt 


■^^^. 


Now  you're  married  you  must  be  good, Be  sure  and  chop  your  husband's  wood  ; 


=|: 


I 


^ 


i=^^^. 


=1=|: 


j — I — ^=  =r^    "f    T — ^ 


Live     to  -  geth  -  er     all  your  life,  and    be        a  good  and  f aith-f ul    wife. 

Here  we  go  around  this  ring, 

For  you  to  choose  while  others  sing ; 

Choose  the  one  that  you  love  best, 

And  I  '11  be  bound  't  will  suit  the  rest. 

Now  you  're  married  you  must  be  good, 

Be  sure  and  chop  your  husband's  wood ; 

Live  together  all  your  life. 

And  be  a  good  and  faithful  wife. 


4.    THE    RICH    WIDOW. 

ly  If    1 

1         ^      r 

i^^^ 

^ 

N 

J\    ^'  *+           h 

-A r     J 

— ^ — ^ 

-A 

— 1 — 



m  ^-^ 

-• — 

— • — 

—*■ « 

_t=J=:^l 

-• — 

— • — 

— i-^— 

a      rich      wid  -  ow,       I      live 


all 


lone. 


but      one  daugh  -  ter     and       she  is       my     own. 


W-- 


E 


daugh  -  tor,   go,  daugh  -  ter,  and  choose  you   a   one. 


Go 


-^ 


:± 


choose    you       a       good      one       or        else     choose    none.         I've 

— K ^ssa, : — r  1  k K 1 N' 


d^ 


^3^^ 


^ 


BEJ 


mar-ried      off    my      daugh-ter,     I've  giv'n    her        a  -  way,        I've 


'i=Et. 


=1= 


=t 


=i!=:i: 


%=t 


^ 


^ 


mar-ried  off     my  daugh  -  ter,  She's  bomid    to 


bey ;        She's 


m. 


S 


-^ 


bound       to        o  -  bey        and       to       nev    -    er      disa  -  gree, 


So 


I 


you      go     roimd,      kiss      her        one,        two,    three. 


Song-Games  from  Connecticut.  299 

I  am  a  rich  widow,  I  live  all  alone, 

I  have  but  one  daughter  and  she  is  my  own. 

Go,  daughter,  go,  daughter,  and  choose  you  a  one, 

Go  choose  you  a  good  one,  or  else  choose  none. 

I  've  married  off  my  daughter,  I  've  given  her  away, 

I  've  married  off  my  daughter,  she  's  bound  to  obey. 

She  's  bound  to  obey  and  to  never  disagree. 

So  as  you  go  round,  kiss  her  one,  two,  three. 

5.    KING    WILLIAM    WAS    KING    GEORGE's    SON. 

In  this  play  a  young  man  stands  with  a  broad-brimmed  hat  in  his 
hand.  While  the  song  proceeds,  he  puts  it  on  a  girl's  head,  after 
which  they  march  arm  in  arm,  and  finally  she  in  turn  puts  it  on  the 
head  of  a  young  man,  to  continue  as  before  :  — 

King  William  was  King  George's  son. 
And  from  the  royal  blood  he  sprung ; 
Upon  his  breast  he  wore  a  stowe. 
Which  denotes  the  sign  of  woe. 
Say,  young  lady,  will  you  'list  and  go  ? 
Say,  young  lady,  will  you  'list  and  go  ? 
The  broad-brimmed  hat  you  must  put  on, 
And  follow  on  to  the  fife  and  drum. 

The  play  continues  until  all  have  been  crowned  with  the  hat,  and 
march  round  the  chimney  in  couples,  singing  with  a  will  the  words 
over  and  over. 

Emma  M.  Backtis. 

Editor's  Note.  —  The  game  is  (or  within  a  few  years  was)  ver}-  familiar  in  the 
streets  of  our  cities,  where  the  words  now  are  :  — 

King  William  was  King  George's  son, 
And  all  the  royal  race  he  run ; 
Upon  his  breast  he  wore  a  star, 
And  it  was  called  the  sign  of  war. 

The  popularity  of  the  meaningless  song  {Games  and  Songs  of  American  Chil- 
dren, No.  17)  is  surprising,  and  it  was  natural  to  regard  it  as  the  imported  amuse- 
ment of  children  of  Irish  birth.  However,  by  this  interesting  communication,  it 
would  seem  that  the  game  is  from  England,  and  represented  recruiting  in  war  time. 
—  W.  W.  N. 


300  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

RECORD   OF   AMERICAN   FOLK-LORE. 

NORTH   AMERICA. 

Algonkian.     General.     In   a  note  on    "An   Algonquian    Loan- 
word in  Kiowa,"  in  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  iii.  n,  s. 
pp.  390,  391)  for  April-June,  1901,  Alexander  F.  Chamberlain  points 
out  the  identity  of  Fishemore  —  Pi'-senidi  in  the  Kiowa  Glossary  of 
Mr.    Mooney  and  the  Ojibwa  apisJianion    "a   seat,  saddle-blanket, 
etc.,"  the  Kiowa  term  (a  personal  name)  signifying  "spoiled  saddle- 
blanket."  —  A  note  in  the  same  number  (pp.  387,  388)  by  Mr.  G.  P. 
Winship,  on  "A  Maine  Ceremony  in  1605,"  calls  attention  to  Captain 
Waymouth's  voyage  to  Monhegan,  as  related  by  Rosier  and  Purchas, 
where  is  to  be  found  an  account   "  of  one  of  the  earliest  native 
dances  witnessed  by  a  white  man  on  the  North  American  coast." 
The  account  in  Purchas  has  some  interesting  additions.  — ArapaJio. 
A.  L.  Kroebcr's  essay  on  the  "Decorative  Symbolism  of  the  Ara- 
paho,"  which  appears  in  the  April-June  number  of  the  "American 
Anthropologist"  (vol.  iii.  n.   s.  pp.   308-336),  with  two  plates  and 
four  text  figures,  is  valuable  for  the  psychologist  as  well  as  the  folk- 
lorist.     While  in  appearance  Arapaho  art  (now  consisting  largely  of 
bead-work,    supplanting   almost   altogether   the  older  style  of   em- 
broidery in  porcupine  quills,  plant  fibres,  and  perhaps  beads  of  an 
aboriginal  manufacture)  "  is  almost  altogether  unrealistic,  unpictorial, 
purely  decorative,"  it  really  "consists  of  the  intimate  fusion  of  sym- 
bolism  and  decoration."     Beside  the  art  represented  on  the  moc- 
casins, there  are  geometrical  designs  painted  on  skins  and  hides. 
The  stripes  and  bars  of  the  moccasin  decorations  represent  buffalo- 
paths,  the  cross  the  morning  star,  the  checker-board  design  in  colors 
buffalo-gut  ;    while  on    the   medicine-cases   more   highly  developed 
symbolism  is  seen ;  in  the  animal  symbolism  "  an  undeniable  real- 
istic tendency  is  manifested."     According  to    Dr.    Kroeber,   "the 
symbolism  of  the  Arapaho  is  as  ideographic  as  it  is  realistic,  and  is 
as  much  a  primitive  method  of  writing  as  it  is  of  artistic  representa- 
tion."    There  is  much  wisdom   in   the  author's  statement:   "The 
fundamental  error  of  the  common  anthropological  method  of  investi- 
gating origins   is   that    it   isolates    phenomena   and    seeks  isolated 
specific  causes  for  them.     In  reality,  ethnic  phenomena  do  not  exist 
separately  ;  they  have  their  being  only  in  a  culture.     Much  less  can 
the  causative  forces  of  the  human  mind,  the  activities  of  tendencies, 
be  truly  isolated.     Every  distinction  of  them  is  not  only  arbitrary 
but  untrue.     Both  phenomena  and  causes   can  be  properly  apper- 
ceived  only  in  the  degree  that  we  know  their  relations  to  the  rest 
of  the  great  unity  that  is  called  life.     The  more  this  is  known  and 


Record  of  America7t  Folk-Lore,  301 

studied  as  a  whole,  the  more  do  we  comprehend  its  parts.  This,  the 
whole  of  life,  is  the  only  profitable  subject  of  study  for  anthro- 
pology." Mr.  Kroeber's  essay  is  a  thesis  for  the  Ph.  D.  degree  at 
Columbia  University.  —  Crce.  In  the  "  American  Antiquarian  " 
(vol.  xxiii.  pp.  275,  276)  for  July- August,  1901,  Mr.  G.  E.  Laidlaw 
writes  briefly  of  '*  Gambling  amongst  the  Crees  with  small  Sticks." 
The  game,  which  is  described  as  seen  in  1882  on  Musc-cow-pe- 
tung's  reserve,  about  thirty  miles  west  of  Fort  Qu'Appelle,  in  the 
Canadian  Northwest,  i§  the  familiar  hiding  and  guessing  perform- 
ance, with,  in  this  case,  "  during  the  intervals  of  the  questions  and 
remarks  (to  deceive  or  put  out  opponents),  a  most  idiotic,  monoto- 
nous hi-zahing."  Here  "  the  chief  player  on  each  side  does  all  the 
guessing  and  playing,"  and  "  squaws  do  not  take  part  in  this  game, 
except  when  they  are  used  as  chattels,  and  are  themselves  included 
as  the  stakes." — Abenaki.  As  a  reprint  from  the  "Miscellanea 
Linguistica  in  onore  di  Graziado  Ascoli,"  appears  Professor  J.  Dynely 
Prince's  "The  Modern  Dialect  of  the  Canadian  Abenakis  "  (Torino, 
1901,  p.  20).  Of  the  name  Wohnbanaki,  of  which  Abenaki  is  a 
French  corruption,  we  are  told  :  "  Among  the  Canadian  Abenakis  it 
is  explained  as  being  derived  from  zvohnban,  '  day-break,'  or  '  east,' 
and  aki,  '  land  country '  ;  but  both  the  modern  Abenakis  and  the 
Passamaquoddies  use  it  also  in  the  sense  of  '  a  man  from  the  east.' 
A  precisely  parallel  usage  is  the  modern  Abenaki  term  Nibenaki, 
which  means  both  '  land  of  the  south  '  and  '  man  from  the  south.' " 
It  would  seem,  however,  that  to  be  in  harmony  with  the  genius  of 
the  language,  '^Wohnbajiaki,  'man  from  the  east,'  should  really  be 
pronounced  Wohnbajiaki-i,"  the  word,  when  employed  as  gentilic, 
actually  containing  the  syllable  (gentilic)  —  i,  contracted  in  the 
last  syllable.  While  this  paper  is  primarily  linguistic,  it  contains 
items  of  great  interest  to  the  folk-lorist.  The  older  name  of  St. 
Francis,  Que.,  where  these  Indians  (some  three  hundred  in  number) 
chiefly  reside,  is  Arsikantekw,  "  river  where  no  human  beings  are  " 
(referring,  perhaps,  to  the  extermination  of  the  former  French  inhab- 
itants by  the  Iroquois)  ;  the  modern  form  of  the  word,  however,  is 
Alsigontekw,  "  river  where  shells  abound,"  a  clear  instance  of  folk- 
etymology,  —  arsi,  "  empty,"  being  made  a/si  and  that  confused  with 
ais,  "  shell."  The  Abenaki  word  for  "queen,"  kirijames-iskwa  (where 
2j^w«  means  "  woman  "),  and  the  word  for  "  king,"  kinjames,  take  us 
back  to  "  King  James,  the  first  king  with  whom  the  Abenakis  had 
prolonged  relations."  At  the  end  of  the  article  is  a  short  anecdote 
concerning  a  wizard  in  Abenaki,  Penobscot,  and  Passamaquoddy, 
with  English  translation.  —  Lendp^.  In  the  "  American  Journal  of 
Philology  "  (vol.  xxi.  pp.  295-302),  Professor  Prince  publishes  some 
"  Notes  on  the  Modern  Minsi-Delaware  Dialect."     The  author  gives 


302  yournal  of  American  Fo Ik-Lore. 

five  sentences,  a  brief  letter,  and  the  Lord's  Prayer  in  Modern 
Minsi,  with  grammatical  and  interpretative  notes  ;  also  the  Lord's 
Prayer  in  the  Old  Delaware,  Abenaki,  and  Passamaquoddy. — Pas- 
samaqjioddy.  Professor  Prince's  "  Notes  on  Passamaquoddy  Liter- 
ature," published  in  the  "  Annals  of  the  New  York  Academy  of 
Science"  (vol.  xiii.  1901,  pp.  381-386),  treat  of  the  recreations  of 
the  Passamaquoddy  and  Penobscot  Indians,  and  of  Witchcraft  among 
the  former.  Story-telling,  we  learn,  like  other  recreations,  "was 
never  allowed  except  during  the  winter  months,  when  the  deep 
snows  made  sport  and  war  impossible."  As  an  example  of  narra- 
tion, the  English  text  of  a  story  of  constancy  in  a  Wabanaki  girl  is 
given.  In  the  game  of  "  barter  by  clowns,"  the  point  of  the  joke 
lay  in  the  "  witty  songs  sung  by  the  nolniihigon  (clown)  in  praise  of 
his  wares,  which  nearly  always  induced  the  listening  company  in  the 
second  wigwam  (in  the  first  a  similar  party  was  assembled)  to  pay 
for  the  articles  offered  with  another  of  much  greater  value  (a  canoe, 
e.  g.,  for  a  wooden  spoon)."  Other  games  are  ball,  lacrosse  (in  use 
as  an  inter-tribal  game),  and  "  pull  hair  ball,"  a  game  in  which  his 
opponents  try  to  make  the  man  who  endeavors  to  carry  the  ball  to 
goal  drop  it,  by  pulling  his  long  hair.  Professor  Prince  gives  the 
Passamaquoddy  text  and  English  translation  of  a  "  witch-song  in  six 
sense-stanzas,"  illustrating  their  belief  in  the  power  of  magic  over 
nature.  In  this  song  there  are  appealed  to  the  following  :  Chebe- 
laquc,  or  spirit  of  the  night  air,  "  a  supernatural  monster,  consisting 
solely  of  heads  and  legs,  without  a  body.  It  is  always  seen  sitting 
in  the  crotch  of  a  tree  ; "  tvnc/iozusm,  "  the  storm-bird  which  sits  in 
the  north  and  makes  the  gales  by  the  movement  of  its  wings  ;  " 
liimpcguin^  "the  water-spirit;"  atzvjisknigess,  or  wood-spirit,  "an 
invisible  being  who  roams  the  forest  armed  with  a  stone  hatchet, 
with  which  he  occasionally  fells  trees  with  a  single  blow.  The  Indi- 
ans accounted  in  this  way  for  the  sudden  fall  of  an  apparently  strong 
tree ; "  appodumketi,  like  the  lumpeguin  (a  dweller  under  water), 
"  had  long  red  hair,  and  was  the  favorite  bugaboo  used  by  Indian 
mothers  to  frighten  their  children  away  from  the  water." 

Athapascan.  " Atnasy  In  the  "American  Antiquarian"  (vol. 
xxiii.  pp.  307-312)  for  September-October,  1901,  Rev.  A.  G.  Morice 
discusses  the  question,  "Who  are  the  Atnasf  and  criticises  the 
paper  of  H.  Newell  Wardle  on  the  same  topic  in  a  previous  number. 
The  conclusion  reached  is  that  there  is  no  Dene  Atna  tribe,  for 
"  they  are  to  the  Dcn6  of  America  what  the  Etruscans  were  to  the 
Romans  (Exteri),  what  the  Gentiles  in  general  were  to  the  Israelites, 
and  the  Philistines  in  particular  to  the  Septuagint  (Allophuloi),  — in 
a  word,  what  foreigners  are  to  the  English-speaking  peoples  of  to- 
day." 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  303 

EsKiMOAN.  A  note  in  the  "  American  Anthropologist "  (vol.  iii. 
n.  s.  p.  391)  for  April-June,  1901,  by  Professor  O.  T.  Mason,  on 
"  Eskimo  and  Samoan  '  Killers,'  "  notes  the  resemblance  between 
the  whale-bone  "  killer"  for  wolves  of  the  Eskimo  and  the  bamboo 
"killer"  for  sharks  in  use  among  the  Samoans.  The  chief  point  in 
each  is  the  coil-release  after  the  contrivance  (hidden  in  bait)  has 
been  swallowed  by  the  animal  to  be  killed.  —  In  "  Globus "  (vol. 
Ixxix.  1901,  pp.  8,  9)  Eduard  Krause  discusses  the  question,  "Die 
Schraube,  eine  Eskimo-Erfindung .'' "  From  observation  of  the 
shaft-insertions  of  arrows  in  various  parts  of  Eskimo-land,  the  author 
concludes  that  the  Eskimo  have  themselves  invented  the  screw.  — 
At  pages  125-127  of  the  same  journal.  Dr.  Karl  von  den  Steinen 
replies  to  Krause  in  an  article,  with  nine  text  illustrations,  "  Die 
Schraube,  keine  Eskimo-Erfindung."  The  opinion  here  expressed 
is  that  the  Eskimo  "screws"  are  only  "occasional,  sporadic  uses  of 
a  technique  of  European  origin."  —  In  a  subsequent  issue  (p.  285) 
G.  von  Buchwald  has  a  note,  "  Zur  Frage  nach  dem  Alter  der 
Schraube,"  in  which  reference  is  made  to  Greek  names  and  to  pre- 
historic European  specimens  of  the  screw  twist.  —  In  the  same 
Journal  (pp.  44,  45)  Dr.  P.  Ehrenreich,  with  the  title,  "  Religioser 
Glaube  der  Centraleskimos,"  rcsjinics  the  article  of  Dr.  Franz  Boas 
in  vol.  Ivii.  of  "The  Popular  Science  Monthly." 

Iroquoian.  The  paper  of  Mr.  David  Boyle,  "On  the  Paganism 
of  the  Civilized  Iroquois  of  Ontario,"  in  the  "Trans,  Anthrop.  Inst. 
(Lond.),"  vol.  XXX.  1900,  pp.  263-273,  relates  to  a  condition  of  things 
discussed  at  much  greater  length  in  Mr.  Boyle's  "Archaeological 
Report "  for  1898,  reviewed  in  some  detail  in  a  previous  volume  of 
the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore.  This  condition  the  author 
rightly  terms  "  an  extremely  interesting  and  instructive  one  to  the 
anthropologist,  one  which  in  many  respects  is  unique  in  the  history 
of  the  world." 

KiTUNAHAN.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  iii.  n.  s. 
pp.  248-256)  for  April-June,  1901,  Alexander  F.  Chamberlain  has 
an  article  on  "  Kootenay  Group-Drawings,"  describing,  with  four 
full-page  reproductions,  drawings  by  Kootenay  Indians  of  a  gam- 
bling-game, a  war-dance,  an  ordinary  dance,  and  a  buffalo-hunt. 
These  drawings  are  of  interest  as  coming  from  a  people  not  known 
to  have  left  many  art  remains.  The  drawings  discussed  are  such  as 
contain  several  figures, — group  pictures,  not  the  ordinary  one- 
figure  picture. 

Uto-Aztecan,  Mexican.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist" 
(vol.  iii.  n.  s.  pp.  227-238)  for  April-June,  1901,  Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall 
discusses  "  Chalchihuitl  in  Ancient  Mexico."  The  article  is  illus- 
trated with  four  maps,  and  endeavors  to  identify  the  modern  repre- 


304  yournal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

sentatives  of  the  various  towns  associated  in  Montezuma's  "  Tribute 
Roll "  with  the  tributes  of  chalchihuitl.  The  importance  of  this 
stone  in  ancient  Mexico  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  the  word  for 
"  lapidary,"  cJialcJiiuh  ixiniatqui,  signifies  literally  "  he  who  works  in 
cJialchiJuiitiy  Another  interesting  fact  is  that  Sahagun  mentions 
"  the  wearing  of  labrets  and  earrings  of  false  chalcliilmitl  by  ordi- 
nary people  among  the  Otomis,  a  Mexican  tribe."  No  fewer  than 
thirteen  names  are  cited  which  incorporate  the  word  chalcJiihuitl 
itself,  indicating  the  presence  of  the  stone  or  some  reference  to  it. 
A  surprisingly  large  number  of  ancient  Mexican  local  names  have 
remained  unaltered  to  the  present  day.  —  In  "Globus"  (vol.  Ixxix. 
1901,  pp.  261-264)  Dr.  K.  T.  Preuss  writes  briefly  of  "  Die  Schick- 
salsbiicher  der  alten  Mexikaner,"  treating  in  particular  of  the  tonala- 
viatl  of  the  Aubin  collection.  At  pages  85-91  of  the  same  periodical 
the  same  author  writes  about  "  Mexikanische  Thonfiguren  "  in  an 
article  illustrated  with  fifty-nine  text  figures.  The  clay  figures  in 
question  are  of  the  earth  goddesses  (Xochiquetzal,  etc.) ;  the  maize 
and  fruit  goddesses  (Chicomecouatl,  etc.) ;  Mexican  women  ;  the  war 
and  fruit  god,  Xipe  ;  the  god  of  play,  Macuilxochitl  ;  the  god,  Tez- 
catlipoca,  as  patron  of  the  dance,  etc.  In  the  opinion  of  the  author, 
these  clay  figures  seem  to  indicate  that  "  those  deities  were  nearest 
to  the  ancient  Mexican  which  served  his  practical  prosperity  and 
earthly  desires.  Hence,  the  earth  deities  were  closer  than  the  great 
celestial  deities."  —  Professor  John  Campbell's  paper  on  "  Mexican 
Colonies  from  the  Canary  Islands  traced  by  Language,"  in  the 
"Trans,  and  Proc.  Roy.  Soc,  Canada,"  for  1900  (vol.  vi.  sec.  ii. 
pp.  205-265),  with  its  appended  comparative  vocabularies  of  Peru- 
vian and  Celtic,  Peruvian  and  Basque,  Berber  and  Celtic,  Yuman, 
Pujunan,  and  Kulanapan  and  Peruvian,  Berber  and  Welsh,  Adaize 
and  Celtic,  etc.,  and  its  elaborate  "  interpretation  "  of  Canary  Island 
inscriptions,  again  proves  the  tireless  industry  and  ingenuity  of  the 
author,  no  less  than  his  defiance  of  the  achievements  of  scientific 
linguistics.  That  "  Peru  was  colonized  by  the  Berber  stock  in  con- 
junction with  an  Iberic  people,"  and  that  Telde  ("the  national  title 
of  the  Iberians  of  the  Canary  Islands  ")  is  identical  with  the  name 
of  the  Toltecs  of  ancient  Mexico,  can  only  be  proved  in  the  fashion 
in  which  Professor  Campbell  does  it.  After  the  conquest  of  the 
Berbers,  Goths,  and  Celt-Iberians  in  Spain,  according  to  the  author, 
"  the  people  of  the  Canaries  crossed  the  Atlantic,"  and,  sailing  past 
Florida,  landed  on  the  Mexican  coast,  while  "there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  Peruvians  consisted  chiefly  of  the  fugitive  Toltecs 
and  Olmecs  from  Tollan  and  Potochan,  after  the  destruction  of  the 
Toltec  empire  in  1072  a.  d.  The  identification  of  Inca  and  Jingo 
is  an  interesting  achievement.     In  the  section,  pp.  248-265,  Professor 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  305 

Campbell  comes  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Adaize  of  Louisiana 
"  represented  a  remnant  of  the  Celtic  colony."  To  his  mind  "the 
Welsh-Indian  is  no  myth,"  and  there  is  a  "  possibility  of  raising  him 
both  in  North  and  in  South  America  to  a  higher  state  of  Celtic  cul- 
ture than  at  present  he  has  attained."  —  In  the  "  Ethnologisches 
Notizblatt "  (vol.  iii.  pt.  i.  1901,  pp.  135-139),  Dr.  E.  Seler  writes  of 
"  Ein  anderes  Ouauhxicalli."  The  quatihxicdlli,  or  bowl  for  holding 
sacrificial  blood,  here  described  (with  five  text  figures)  is  in  the 
Becker  collection  in  Vienna  (K.-K.  Naturh.  Mus.).  Dr.  Seler  com- 
pares it  with  a  similar  bowl  in  the  Berlin  Museum  fur  Volkerkunde, 
which  has  a  wreath  of  hearts  not  present  on  the  Vienna  specimen. 
The  eagle  feathers  on  both  refer  to  the  technical  name  of  these 
utensils,  —  quatihxicalli,  "  eagle  bowl."  Other  ornaments  are  the 
earth-toad  and  the  sun.  —  JMoki.  In  the  "  American  Anthropolo- 
gist "  (vol.  iii.  n.  s.  pp.  211-226)  for  April-June,  1901,  Dr.  J.  Walter 
Fewkes  writes  of  "  The  Owakiilti  Altar  at  Sichomovi  Pueblo."  The 
Owakiilti  ceremony,  celebrated  only  occasionally  at  this  pueblo,  is 
"in  some  respects  the  most  suggestive  of  all  Tusayan  religious  per- 
formances." The  wii}ii,  or  ancient  sacred  objects,  of  which  the  altar 
is  composed  are :  tipoiiis  (badges  of  the  religious  fraternity) ;  effigies 
(idols) ;  medicine-bowl  and  surrounding  objects  ;  wooden  slats,  etc., 
on  which  are  painted  symbols  of  various  sorts.  The  Owakiilti,  like 
all  other  Hopi  or  Moki  festivals,  has  two  presentations  per  year,  — 
one  (elaborate)  in  October;  the  other  six  months  after,  an  abbrevi- 
ated form.  In  the  making  of  the  Owakiilti  "  medicine  "  butterfly 
symbols  are  prominent  (with  butterflies  comes  summer)  ;  and  whis- 
tling occurs  also  "  as  a  means  of  bringing  summer  birds."  On  page 
216  is  given  a  list  of  the  names  of  the  butterflies  corresponding  to 
the  six  world-quarters,  from  which  it  appears  that  north,  west,  south, 
east,  above,  and  below  are  represented  respectively  by  yellow,  blue, 
red,  white,  black,  and  variegated  butterflies.  The  public  dance  in 
connection  with  the  festival  "  is  performed  by  many  women  bearing 
basket-trays  in  their  hands,  and  consists  of  a  series  of  posturings  of 
the  body  in  raising  and  depressing  the  baskets  in  rhythm  with  their 
songs."  The  wivii  of  the  Owakiilti  altar  are  now  owned  by  the 
Pakab,  or  "  Reed,"  Bull,  or  "  Butterfly,"  and  Kokop,  or  "  Firewood," 
clans.  The  Owakiilti  "  is  celebrated  at  Sichomovi  and  not  at  Walpi, 
the  most  populous  pueblo  on  the  East  mesa,  because  most  of  the 
members  of  the  Bull  clans  live  in  that  village."  According  to  Dr. 
Fewkes,  "  the  festival  was  introduced  into  the  present  Hopi  pueblos 
by  descendants  of  those  who  survived  the  destruction  of  Awatobi." 
—  As  Publication  55  (Anthropological  Series,  vol.  iii.  No.  i)  appears 
"The  Oraibi  Soyal  Qo^xoxaowy"  (Chicago,  March  i,  p.  59),  by  G.  A. 
Dorsey  and  H.  R.  Voth,  well  illustrated  with  thirty-seven  plates  and 
VOL,  XIV.  — NO.  55.         21 


3o6  JoMrnal  of  American  Folk-Lore. 

explanations.  The  data  here  given  are  based  chiefly  on  observation 
by  both  authors  of  the  ceremony  in  1897,  with  references  to  other 
observations  by  them  between  1893  and  1899.  Participants,  time 
and  duration  of  ceremony,  preliminary  ceremony,  Soyal  proper  (in 
detail),  and  the  four  days  after  the  ceremony  are  discussed.  The 
Oraibi  Soyal  celebration  "  is  in  charge  of  the  Shoshyaltu  (the  Soyal 
fraternity),  the  largest  religious  organization  in  that  and  probably  in 
any  other  Hopi  village."  During  the  last  few  years,  however,  the 
fraternity  has  been  split  into  "  Liberals"  and  "Conservatives"  —  a 
dispute  remarkably  like  some  of  those  occurring  in  civilized  com- 
munities not  of  Indian  stock.  The  details  of  this  dispute,  covering 
all  aspects  of  native  life,  are  very  interesting.  As  a  result  of  these 
factional  quarrels,  "  the  regular  extended  Wowochim  (initiation  into 
manhood)  celebration,  one  of  the  most  important  of  the  Hopi  cere- 
monial calendar,  during  which  initiations  into  the  Woivocliivi,  Kzoan, 
Tao,  and  Ahl  fraternities  take  place,  has  not  been  held  for  many 
years."  The  Soyal\2J~X^  nine  days,  and  "the  men  are  required  to 
practice  the  strictest  continence,  not  only  during  the  nine  cere- 
monial but  also  during  the  four  post-festival  days.  If  any  one  fails  to 
comply  with  this  rule,  and  he  is  found  out,  one  of  his  clan  sisters 
prepares  for  him  a  dish  of  Sakwawotaka  (blue  wotaka),  made  of  blue 
corn  meal,  and  seasoned  with  salt.  The  man  is  compelled  to  pro- 
claim his  own  shame  by  carrying  the  tray  in  the  procession."  This 
excellent  detailed  study  of  the  Oraibi  winter  solstice  ceremony 
should  be  read  with  Dr.  Fewkes's  account  of  the  celebrations  at 
Walpi  and  Hano.  The  illustrations  of  this  paper  are  very  illumi- 
nating.—  Utc.  In  "Globus"  (vol.  Ixxix.  1901,  pp.  216,  217)  C.  A. 
Purpus  writes  briefly  of  "  Felsmalereien  und  Indianergraber  in  Tu- 
lare County  (Kalifornien)."  On  the  "painted  rocks"  here  referred 
to  the  preponderating  pictographs  are  wheel-like  circles  ;  others  are 
elliptical  rings  with  a  snake-like  stroke  winding  through  them,  rude 
forms  of  fish,  deer-antlers,  hearts,  etc.  Figures  of  human  beings, 
mammals,  birds,  are  strikingly  absent. 

Yakonan.  Alsea.  In  the  "American  Anthropologist"  (vol.  iii. 
n.  s.  pp.  239-247)  for  April-June,  1901,  Dr.  Livingston  Farrand 
publishes  "  Notes  on  the  Alsea  Indians  of  Oregon,"  concerned 
chiefly  with  folk-lore,  —  general  beliefs,  social  organization,  marriage, 
shamanism,  traditions.  Among  the  beliefs  of  these  Indians  of  a 
general  sort  are  :  Flat  earth  (floating  in  water),  sky-country  (like 
earth),  underworld  (peopled  by  the  shades  of  the  "bad"),  abode  of 
"  good  "  (somewhere  on  earth).  These  beliefs  are  probably  of  native 
origin,  and  not  due  to  missionary  influence.  Surface-burial  (in 
small  huts,  canoes,  etc.)  was  practised,  and  in  explanation  of  the 
custom  of  placing  all  sorts  of  things  with  the  corpse  it  was  said  that 


Record  of  American  Folk-Lore.  '^o'j 

"the  bodies  were  animated  and  moved  about  at  night  if  they  so 
willed,  so  easy  exit  from  the  graves  was  afforded,  and  the  things 
deposited  were  for  their  use  under  such  circumstances."  Among  the 
Alsea  "the  ordinary  northwest  coast  system  of  social  orders,"  viz., 
"  nobility,  common  people,  and  slaves  prevailed."  The  "  nobility," 
especially,  preferred  exogamy  (marriage  was  by  purchase).  Nick- 
names and  puberty-names  were  in  use.  There  is  also  noted  "  a 
marked  tendency  to  local  segregation  of  groups  related  by  blood  in 
every  village."  The  shamanism  of  the  Alsea  "  did  not  differ  essen- 
ti